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%(Frd?n the pre-histonc times upto the modern ) , 

vs ■ By 



Milagres College, Kallianpur 
\y\ South Kanara 

Karnataka State, India 

Published bj : 
Tiic author 

©All rights resened by the author. 


(Vyfe^WA Cc, No..JLaa.6. a.6. sus..£e.-£;. 

^4-%'ltCALLNO . k? 

First Impression : 1975 

Foreign Edition: 100 Dollars 


I am extremely glad to write this Foreword to this 
scholarly publication Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 
by Dr. P. Gururaja Bhatt. Dr. Bhatt has brought to light 
new material on the art 3 architecture and archaeology of 
the coastal region about which very little was known to 
the specialists and' the intelligent common reader. He 
has attempted to reconstruct the historical perspective of 
the region and shed significant light on the socio-religious 
and economic and cultural life of the Tuluva people. 
Dr. Gururaja Bhatt deserves to be congratulated on his 
fairly comprehensive treatment of the subject based on 
original sources. What is of special significance is the 
attempt made by the author in showing the relationship 
of Tuluva culture with the principal centres of Indian 
Arts and Culture. 

The book in question sets a model for region-wise 
studies and will be of immense help in understanding the 
total personality of India. 


9 - 1-1975 

M. N. Deshpande 
Director General 
Archaeological Survey of India. 


To a superficial observer it may appear as though India 
is a land mass occupied by diverse social, religious and linguistic 
groups putting on a mantle of political unity. But a careful 
study of its present-day institutions reveals that they are built 
on the solid foundation of a rich and ancient culture evolved 
over a period of atleast five thousand years. Different shades 
of Indian culture represented by different linguistic groups, 
big or small, are often mistaken for heterogeneous cultures. It 
is only a careful study in depth of the religious and social insti- 
tutions by scholars devoted to historical research that can bring 
to surface the underlying unity and richness of India’s culture. 
Dr. P. Gururaja Bhatt has undertaken such a study of Tuluva 
country and the results of this study are embodied in this book. 

For sheer volume of new material in the form of sculptures, 
inscriptions, manuscripts, coins etc. which he has brought to 
light as a result of his field work for fifteen years he deserves 
our congratulations. But what is more important is his careful 
study of the art and architecture of Tuluva-nadu and inter- 
pretation of the present-day cults and cult-images and religious 
and social institutions of that part of India in the light of the 
new archaeological evidence collected and studied by him. 

This book based on original field work and objective study 
of the new archaeological material discovered by Prof Bhatt 
is a substantial contribution to the study of Indian history in 
general and West Coast in particular. 


23 - 1 - 1975 . 

S. R. Rao 

Superintending Archaeologist 


It was by accident that I took to the historical search of the district 
of South Kanara, popularly known as Tulu-nadu.* In 1959 I chanced 
to go through the history of the district, entitled Dakshina Kannada Jillefa 
Pracliina Itihasa written by the late §ii M. Ganapati Rao Algal 1 . I found 
it a fairly comprehensive survey of the history and culture of the district, 
but many facts presented in it required substantiation and authenticity. 
Yet, I found in it a coherence and a continuity that struck me with amaze- 
ment. For the first time, the historical wealth of the district cast a spell 
on me through this literature. A few months later, I happened to read 
the voluminous work of Dr. B. A. Saletore - History of Tuluva, a classic 2 . 
While Dr. Saletore had access to rich epigraphic material which is the 
very basis of historical writing, he mixed up history and legend in such 
a manner that much of the historical value of the V olume seemed to have 
been lost. Both these works whetted my interest in knowing the real 
history of the people and their cultural traits. The Gazetteer of South 
Kanara - South Kanara Manual, published in 1894 could hardly satisfy 

* The district of South Kanara forms the southern of the two districts of the Karnataka 
State which are known as South Kanara and North Kanara. The name Kanara 
(which was formerly spelt as Canara) is derived horn Kannada , the name of the regional 
language of the State. It appeal's that the Portuguese who, on arrival in this part of 
India, found the common linguistic medium of the people to be Kannada and accord- 
ingly called the area Canara, the letter d being not much in use in Portuguese. This 
name applied to the whole coastal belt of Karnataka and was continued to be used as 
such by the British. When tills Canara coast was divided into two parts in .1860, this 
southern area was called South Kanara and the pat t lying to the north of it was termed 
North Kanara. In Kannada, they are known as Dakshina Kannada JilU and Uttara 
Kannada f ilk respectively ( Gazetteer of India - Karnataka State , South Kanara District, 1973.) 

1 This book was published in 1923. It was the product of the extensive tour con- 
ducted by the 1 author unaided and with personal financial involvement, actuated 
by a deep sense of historical research. This was the first reliable work on the history 

. of the district of South Kanara whose influence has been so profound that the 
author is even now ofted quoted. 

2 Published in 1936, this work is still regarded as an authority on the history of the 
Tulu people. 


Studies in Tulua History and Culture 

my carvings. I was convinced that the history and culture of a people 
with an unbroken continuity and rich originality and variety could 
scarcely suffer from such paucity of information as most people thought. 
And therefore, I started getting intensely conscious of the rich heritage 
of this region. With this consciousness, even my meagre knowledge of 
men and matters, religion and art beckoned to me to intensify my interest 
in digging up the past of the district. The articles of Sri M. Govinda 
Pai and my conversations with him assured me that my labour shall 
not be in vain in this direction 5 . 

Popular stories such as the legend of Bhutaja-Pandya and the exploits 
of Parasurama and his subsequent reclamation of land came to be subject 
to critical examination. The local legends called the Sthala-Puranas 
began to lose their hold on my mind 3 4 . The realization that the various 
monuments in the district needed a scientific study came closely on the 
heels. It was in the Imperial Gazetteer of India that I chanced to read 
that South Kanara had no monuments worth mentioning excepting a 
few medeival structures from Mudabidure 5 . But it was easy for me to 
understand that such a note could seldom represent truth, because the 
woith of a monument cannot be assessed by the size nor by the exuberance 
of style nor by beauty of form and skill, but the theological back-ground 
and the impingement caused to formulate the basis for the physical 
expression of the inner essence. 

Dr. M. Sheshadri, my beloved Professor and Guide, was rather 
sceptical about the substantiality of the theme I had suggested for research 
under him. But, I tried to convince him that the rich heritage of this 
tract of land was a very adequate theme - any historical branch of its 
past -for horizontal and vertical investigation. Towards the close of 
my formal research, he seemed to complain, out of love and sympathy 
for me, that the subject I had chosen was too much for a Ph.D. Thesis - 
A Political and Cultural History of Tulu-nadufrom the earliest times upto A. D. 1600. 

3 The depth reached by Sri Pat in his various articles on various aspects of Tuluva 
history and culture has left a permanent mark on my mind. He enthused me a 
great deal to take up this theme for investigation, cautioning me, simultaneously, 
that die problems involved m it would be numerous. 

4 ,°n t ' 1C Sthala-Puranas seemed to have been wit ten between A. D. 1700 and 
A.D. 1900 Some of them are just fifty years old. Their historical value is highly 
questionable Yet, it is stimulating to make a detailed study of these Sthala-Puranas 
and sift the facts from fiction 

Almost all the monuments from Mudabidure are Jaina shrines and they form 
a class by themselves deserving separate study. 



In the beginning, I thought I should coniine myself to the political 
history of this land alone but before long, I felt that any real research 
on the culture of a people the core of which has to be discovered in their 
religion and philosophy, was bound to incorporate this area of investigation, 
the avoidance of which would be missing c the trees for wood 5 . Study 
of religion inevitably meant the survey and examination of the monuments 
of the area. This branch of research caught me like a contagion and 
irrespective of the financial involvement, I got irresistibly drawn toward 
this project with the result that my Ph.D. Thesis which ought to have 
been finalized by 1965 took two additional years for completion. The 
acquisition of my Doctorate Degree left me in a state of scholastic confusion 
and dissatisfaction and I had reasons to believe that I was only at the 
threshold of the real knowledge of the diverse and multifaced culture 
of the Tulu people. To satisfy my cravings to present an introduction 
to the archaeological wealth of the district, I published in 1 968-’ 69 a part 
of my post-Doctoral work, entitled Antiquities of South Kanara. Perhaps? 
tills was the first work ever published, presenting a bird’s eye view of the 
monuments of the area reflecting the varied phases of its religion. 

The present Volume, Studies in Tuluva History and Culture , is written 
with a view to acquainting the students and scholars of history with the 
regional history and culture of Tulu-nadu, the tract of land on the West 
Coast of peninsular India comprising the modern district of South Kanara 
and the coastal belt of North Kanara historically famed as the land of 
the Tuluvas. The work seeks to characterise, as comprehensively and 
distinctively as possible, the varied factors that have contributed to the 
growth and development of this region. The bewildering variety and 
amazing richness of cultural distinctions, both singular and synchronistic, 
have been so over-whelming that an over-all picture of this culture based 
on political, socio-economic and religious and philosophical foundations 
has found in this Volume a delineation with a marked emphasis on the 
continuing character of this composite culture. A sincere attempt has 
been made to examine scientifically the features of ‘art and architecture 5 
widely spread in this region. Many facts of Tuluva history and culture 
have gone into the formation of this literature. Yet, the submission 
that this Volume cannot profess to represent all phases of Tuluva culture 
in all its aspects may be considered real. The deeper we dive into the 
'■ mines of acts, the greater and the more amazing is their complexity and 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

The Problem 

The traditional account of the culture of Tulu-nadu is legendary, 
and is mystical also. Sri Parasurama is believed to have stood somewhere 
on the Sahyadri Hills, thrown his battle-axe against Varuna (the sea-god), 
demanding of him to go farther West. In submission to his demand 
the waters of the Arabian Sea receded and the strip of land on the West 
Coast of India came to be created and assumed the nomenclature Parasn- 
rdma-srishti or Paras'urama-kshcti a . Accounts are conflicting regarding 
the area covered by Parasurama - kshetra. (It is said to extend from 
GSkarna to Cape-Comerin or from IConkan to Cape-Comerin or from 
Gujarat to Cape-Comerin). Anyway, the fact that the low-lying Western 
Coastal strip, particularly from Gokarna in the north to Cape-Comerin 
in the south, was submerged under sea-water millennia ago and that 
as centuries rolled by, this region became fit for human habitation and 
as the result, settlements were founded in successive instalments, may 
.be accepted as of considerable historical credence. We do not know 
when this region came to be colonized. A reliable account can only 
be had through archaeological excavations 6 . Recent discoveries of 
megalithic sites in the district of South Kanara have enabled us to lift 
the veil of oblivion to confirm the existence of the iron age culture. And 
thcrefoic, now the history of Tulu-nadu need not begin with legend; 
instead it can beckon to us with its iron culture whose story, go far as 
tangible evidence has authenticated, may briefly by related 7 . 

Megalithic sites 

1. Puttfiru [Plates 381(a), 381(b) and 381(c)] — The site in this 
locality was accidentally bi ought to light while sinking the foundation 
trench of a bhajana-mandira for the deity, Visvakarma, by the local gold- 
smiths for whom the land was given as a measure of rehabilitation. It 
is situated on the flat summit of a laterite hill, called Bir-male just beside 
the Puttur-Panaje road. Dr. A. Sundara was infoi med about the chance 
discovery of the burials by Dr. K. Sliivarama Karantlia, one of the most 

6 It is very unfortunate that no work of tins kind has taken place hitherto with the 
result that both the pie-history and the early history of this region are bound to 
be the figment of imagination until archaeological excavation clears the horiron. 
Barakuru, Basaruru and Udyavara are the three important places foi such ex- 

7 } . thankful to Dr. A. Sundara, Reader, Karnataka University, Dharwar for 
his kind help m enlightening me in respect of this subject. 



noted Kannada novelists and art-critiques who brought to him a few 
pieces of pottery also. The pottery were characteristically megalithic. 
He, therefore, examined the site on the 2nd of September, 1970: 

The foundation trench is rectangular on plan of about 6 x 5 m. 
In the trenches of the west, north and east two separate urn burials each 
and one in the central area, at an average depth of 60 to 70 cm. were 
found. Unfortunately, all the urns are thoroughly crushed to pieces? 
found in four separate heaps on the three sides of the trenches. 

Two of the urns were said to be empty when found, while each of the 
rest contained vases, very tiny pottery vessels, pieces of bones: iron objects 
and earth upto the brim. Besides, in one of the small vessels of the burial 

urn in the northern trench near the north-east corner, were found two - 
ornaments of gold and of bronze-plated iron. None of the urns had 

any covering at the top. 

From the examination of the heaps of the pottery, it was found that 
the urns were very coarse; thick in section; of re'd ware ; large, a little 
more than 1 m. high and of wide mouth, globular body and very narrow 
truncated bottom. The edges of the rims are decorated with rows of 
finger depressions and tire neck, with an oblique chain design with ends 
turned backwards. Thus they are closely similar in fabric, type, size 
and decoration to that of the excavated urn burial at Porkalam. Another 
vessel is medium-sized and of red-ware with flaring, thick rim, carinated 
neck and globular body. The other vessels are a black-and-red big 
bowl, a black ware bell-shaped lid and tiny to look, black-and-red ware, 
hemispherical bowls and a coarse red-ware three-legged vase. 

The two iron objects recovered by Dr. Sundara are: a chisel with a 
hollow shaft serving as socket and a piece of a sickle blade, both highly 
corroded. A small trident also was said to have been found in one of 
the burials. 

The gold ornament is probably an eight-lobed star pendent of very 
thin leaf: (one at the left bottom corner), roughly 1/4 mm. thick, weighing 
1/2 gram. The other is probably a ring with an external central bevelling; 
of iron with bronze plating weighing 1.850 gm. 

A few pieces of charcoal and partly burnt wood also were found near 
one of the urn-burials. 


2. Bada-Kajekai u Plates V («)] : The site was discovered by me. It 
is a laterite area with granite outcrops nearby; hilly with valleys here 
and there and covered with forest. 


Studies in Ttiluva History and Culture 

The megaliths, locally called Pandamra-kallu are situated in the 
southern part of the locality and the eastern out-skirts on a laterite plateau 
with a deep valley on the chamber tombs standing from above the ground 
or partly buried. All are dilapidated with their contents irrevocably 
plundered. The chamber is formed with four orthostats of thick, rough 
stone slabs with a prodigious cap-stone on the top. The plan is neither 
clockwise nor contra-clockwise. The adjacent orthostat in one of the 
orthostats may be a port-hole usually slightly above the surface level. 
The port-hole is in some instances approached by a short passage. The 
chamber on the exterior sides may have vertical slabs covering it. It is 
also in a few cases enclosed in a stone circle. 

The port-holes are oriented to different directions: north, west, 
north-west, north-north-west, east-north-east. The chamber internally 
measures from 1 .60 x 1 .50 m. to 2. 70x2 m. and from 1.00 to 1.10 m. 
high; the port-hole, from 45 to 50 cm. in diametre and the passage from 
90 cm. to 1.30 m. long and from 1 .00 m. to 70 cm. wide. 

The cap-stone is from 3.50 m.l. x2.30 m. b. x30 cm. thick to 4. 10m. 1. 
x 2 . 05 m.b. x 26 m. thick. 

One of the chambers about 3.40 m. long (east- west) and 2.40 m.b. 
(north-south) is internally divided across in the middle with an orthostat. 
The orthostats on the west and north of the eastern compartment are 
missing. The extant orthostats do not contain any port-hole. The 
chamber has one cap-stone measuring 3 .80 m.l. x2 .70 m.b. and 28 cm. 
thick covering together both the compartments. It is enclosed in a circle 
of about 7 m. in diametre. The circle appears to have a passage in the 
western area on the inside along the east-west axis of the chamber. 

Besides port-holed chambers, the other class of megaliths about is 
bench-like in form. It has two vertical slabs supporting a cap-stone. 
There are about ten megaliths of this class. If they are only remnants 
of original chambers with or -without port-hole is difficult to know from 
the present state of their existence. 

Pottery: In one of the cuttings of the cart-track near a port-holed 
chamber was found the lower half of a pot with round bottom cut vertically 
across, without any surface lithic appendage. It was extracted in pieces 
and was found to contain a crished black-and-red ware bowl only. The 
other types are more akin to those of the passage chamber tombs, parti- 



cularly, of North Karnataka. Whether this represents a separate type, 
apparently a pit-burial (or circle ?) is not indicated by its present state. 

3. Muda-Nidamburu [Plate 381 (<f)] : Here in the rear compound 
of Sri K. L. Rao’s (a Field Officer, Life Insurance Corporation of India) 
house when the labourers were excavating the latcrite rock bricks, they 
chanced to find on the 20th of June, 1972 an already existing rock-cut 
cave chamber at about 1.80 m. depth. A year later on hearing the 
news of the discovery of the cave, I with my students, examined the cave, 
collected a few potsherds from the inside and displayed them in my College 
Museum. During Dr. A. Sundara’s explorations in May, 1974, in this 
region, I showed him the pottery for ascertaining their probable chronology 
and cultural complex. He suspected them to be megalithic and therefore, 
wanted to examine the find-spot actually. He re-examined the cave 
and found it to be definitely megalithic rock-cut burial chamber and could 
collect a few more potsherds there-from. 

The burial chamber is circular on plan 3.75m. in diametre and 
hemispherical in elevation about 2.00m. high at the centre. At the 
central top is a circular opening facing the sky, about 60 cm. in diametre 
and 90 cm. deep from the present ground level. The opening was covered 
with a thick, rough slab of granite. The floor and the walls of the chamber 
are quite plain. 

I was told a similar cave was found some time ago elsewhere in that 
area near a school. Such caves were also found in another locality known 
as Perampalli about 4 or 5 km. from this locality. Quite recently another 
similar cave was discovered at Santuru, Udipi taluk, South Kanara. 
Two or three potsherds of the collected pieces, are of megalithic 
black-and-red ware. 

The discovery of this type of megalithic burial is important. For, so 
far burials of this type are reported only from the laterite plains, of Malabar, 
part of Kerala and are taken to be peculiar to that region. The present 
discovery indicates the northward extent of this type along the West- 
Goast in the South Kanara area also. And tins type is for the first time 
noticed in Karnataka, in particular. 

4. Vaddarase; Situated about 1 km. away from the Udupi-Coondapur 
(West-Coast) road, in this locality is an ancient Siva temple. Within 
the compound is an early inscription of 7th -8th G.A.D. Also to its 


Studies in Tuluna History and Culture 

south-west about 1/2 km. away are the remains of ancient fortification, 
perhaps, of early medieval period. During Dr. Sundara’s explarations in 
May, 1974 he noticed in the eastern and northern areas out-side the 
temple, pottery, in large quantities, of medieval period. 

Behind the western compound of the temple is a long trench about 
10-12 feet long, 1 m. wide and deep, dug out. In the soil from the trench 
are found sparsely small pieces of pot-sherds of black-and-red w 7 are here 
and there, some being worn out. However, the soil does not indicate 
signs of regular ancient habitation such as floor-levels, ash streaks, rublish 
pits etc. Besides, the northern compound wall runs over a prodigious 
granite slab of uneven thickness, rough and undressed, as if it w'ere a 
capstone of a megalithic burial. Further, of late he w'as informed in 1974 
by Dr. Sivarama Karantha, that local labourers had found in their digging 
a group of potter}' consisting a burial pot and four other pots of varied 
thickness. These remains indicate that the area is probably a megalithic 
burial site. 

5. Beluru [Plate V (a)]: In the area locafly known as Chamtadi 
near the Government Senior Primary School, on either side of the Hunasi- 
makki-Beluru P.W.D. road is a megalithic site that had a few 7 port-holed 
chambers of the type found in Bada-Kajekaru. I noticed it in August, 
1973. Dr. Sundara examined the site in May, 1974. 

The naturally undulated site moderately forested is about 5 km. 
interior from the Arabian Sea and near the bank of a river Siriyara. Now 
one or two orthostats, each of four chambers found here and there, are 
extant. The biggest of the extant orthostats, near the road, has a port-hole 
roughly 50 cm. in diametre about 2.25 m. broad and 1 .40 m. high from 
the ground level and of thickness varying from 15 to 25 cm. 

In the course of our examination, w r e noticed that in the excavated 
drains on the sides of the road, were megalithic potter} 7 pieces of red-w 7 are 
and black-and-red ware in considerable quantities, probably of the pot- 
burials disturbed owing to the digging of the drains. Vases and basins 
of rcd-w 7 are, edges of dishes, bowls, medium-sized vases of black-and-red 
ware, are some of the types in the pottery. These are found near the 
orthostat with port-hole. 

A detailed survey of the Tulu country may yield us a wealth of such 
prc-historic remains as definite proof of iron age culture. 

; A'AA cA ^review^-{^n ; ::0^yt-'xi -yd ? .<,"■■ "■ "-• ;■■ ; xi 

■ \ . Scholars? of -Ancient Indian History may recall to their memory.: 

reference to S atiy aputr a in the Asokain edicts . This territory is , referred 
to as lying outside the Asokan empire along with the other three territories, 
Chdla, Pandya and Tambfaparni. Varied are the opinions expressed 
by scholars in regard to the identification of Satiyaputra. 8 And now, 
!;i|ts ;iSentificatio&%i^/Tuiu-n§.<c(u ^ seems.. to be favoured with a greater 
measure of acceptance than formerly, although, the problem is not yet 
free from doubt. Granting that Satiyaputra was none other than Tulu- 
\ hadu, it may be surmised that as far back as the third century B.C., 
this land witnessed the. rise of its own culture, contributed by its socio- 
political and religious streams. This surmise gains greater ground when 
the identification of Olokhoira, come across in Greek, literature of the 
second century A.D., has been accepted as indisputable. 9 Olokhoira, 
the land of the Alupas, was a definite political entity in circa second century 
A.D. And this-' historical truth presupposes -the development of a 
; culture with its native strains anterior to the acquisition of this nomen- 
clature Olokhoira - Alvakheda. \ 

vyy. Tradition also relates the story of MayuraSarman, the Kadamba 
king, who is said to have brought Brahmins from Ahichchatra in North 
//India and settled them in the different parts of Tulu-nadu 10 . While we 
do not have any reliable historical evidence in substantiation of this tradi- 
tion, we are prone to surmise that the advent ofBrahminism and Brahmini-- 
> cal culture may be traced to the beginnings of the political rise of the 
A Kadambas at Banavasi. It may not be a vain conjecture to . suppose - 
that Tulu-naclu was brought under the control of the Kadambas who 
- • had their capital at Banavasi in the district of North. ICanara, which is 
: A contiguous to the South Kanara district. (A critical note on the advent 
A of Brahminism in Tulu-nadu is' given under the chapter Society .and 
; : People)'. :.. The,, introduction of Brahmiiiical culture into Tulu-nadu , 
; should be regarded as a very, significant stride in the cultural growth of 
’>• this region, because it marked at once a stage in cultural synthesis and 1 
/. •' transformation. The earlier non- Vedic cultural • . .pattern was brought 
under, the Vedic influence and the i Vedic system of worship incorporated 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

into it many elements alien to it. This kind of synthesis and transformation 
is strikingly seen in temple worship and bhutaradhana whose account is 
given elsewhere. The blend of both is simply fascinating and amazing. 

The problem relating to the Tuluva territory and the Tulu language 
is still mysterious. An attempt has been made in this treatise to trace 
the origin of the term Tufa and the transformation it evolved. It amounts 
to reasoning that the term Tuluva should represent a community, a tribal 
type, which through the passage of time either lost is independent entity 
and got extinct or fused into the larger social frame-work. Further investi- 
gation into this formidable problem is vitally necessary. Until then, 
we have to be satisfied with an hypothesis only. 

There has been much speculation on the Tulu language and the Tufa 
script. The Tulu language has been considered one of the five Dravidian 
languages (the other four being Kannada, Tamil, Malayalam and Telugu) 11 . 
Yet, it is not known how far back it was spoken, where it was spoken and 
by whom it was spoken. The earliest literary evidence of Tulu words 
occurring in literature is in Ratnakaravarni’s Bharatesavaibhava, which 
belongs to the 16th C.A.D.^ That it is a spoken language without a 
script of its own is almost indisputable. And that the area where this 
language is spoken is confined wholly to the south of the river Kallianpura 
in the Udupi taluk is a factor that eludes reasonable explanation. The total 
absence of the use of the Tulu language to the north of the river Kallian- 
pura despite the historical fact that Barakuru, Basaruru, Haduvalli 
and Gerusoppc were the centres of Tulu-nadu for several centuries has 
yet been one of the major unsolved problems of the history of this tract 
of land. The only plausible explanation would be that the original 
Tulu community was forced to confine itself to the south and that from 
the earliest phase of political administration, Kannada was employed 
as the medium. This phenomenon may have been one of the reasons 
why the Tulu language did not come to possess a script of its own. The 
so-called Tulu script is only a variation of the gran! ha script or of Malayalam. 
A few centuries ago, the Tulu Brahmins used to hail over to Kerala for 
the study of the scriptures, particularly for getting versed in the temple 

Tulu spoken in the Udupi, Mangaluru, Putturu, Kasargod, Karkala and Sulya 
® rahl P mi f' at and non-Brahmmical Tulu. Tulu-libi -Paper read by 
,2 Gopalakrishna Bhatt at the Seminar organized by the Tulu-hBtam 1974. 

‘ I"? (WW* encha portandendu 

? ; s pokeit;dialecti : It has rich literature deposited in memory only through folk-lore. This 

language has rarely been employed as documentary and literary, medium. Barring a very few .epigraphs in this 
language, making use of this script, we have. hardly any written literature in this, language- ’rendered in this script 
Which happens, to. be. a variation of the Malayalam script. •; - . .,v.‘ '\\f‘ 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

Agama-sastras. Since writing on the palmyra leaves in the Hagan characters 
v, as found to be difficult, and inconvenient, they adopted a variation 
of the grantha or Malayalam script which served their purpose very well. 
Since the Tulu Brahmins resorted to the sacred writing in this manner, 
the script has come to be popularly called the Tulu script. Anyway, it 
is indisputable that the half-a-dozen variations found spoken in the 
Tulu language in the different parts of the district have to be studied 
scientifically and their characteristics brought to light. 

In the Prapanchahrtdaja, a Sanskrit work, ascribable to circa 7th or 8th 
C,A.D.'% the seven territories of the West Coast are mentioned - Kupaka 
Kerala, Mushaka, Aluva, Pasu, Kohkana and Parakonkana. It is 
interesting to find in these geographical divisions, the absence of 
Tuluva and the mention of the word Aluva (Alupa - Aluva) 14 . The 
problem relating to this is discussed threadbare in this Volume. 

The main line of rulers of this region belonged to an ancient dynasty, 
called the Alupas, whose origin and antiquity are yet to be established 
with certainty. But if the Greek Olokhoira is none other than Alvakheda 
the country of the Alupas, w'e may ascribe their beginnings at least to the 
early centuries of the Christian era. It is indeed unique that the Alupas 
held power townrd the close of the 14th C.A.D. a record, perhaps, of 
rare distinction in the history of India. Of course, this dynasty accepted 
the suzerainty of their Karnataka overlords, beginning from the Kadambas 
of Banavasi upto the total annexation of this territory to the Vijayanagara 
empire. But. this subordination seemed to have been nominal and for 
all intents and purposes, the Alupas were independent. It is stimulating 
to learn that not a single inscription was discovered in this region making 
mention of the overlordship either of the Chalukyas of Badami or the 
Rashtrakutas of Manyakheta, or the Chalukyas of Kalyani. The first 
record is dated 1313 A.D. which speaks of Vira-Balla]a III, the Hoysala 
king who had taken Chikkayi-Tayi as his senior queen. Chikkayi-Tayi 
was, perhaps, of the Alupa extraction. This political solidarity had 
much to do with the cultural creations of this region. While of late, consi- 
derably rich material has been available to acquaint ourselves with the 

^epanchahndaya (Trivendrum Sanskrit Series No. 45). 

Could this mean. Pasu [P asid.a) was identical with Tuluva? If the derivation of the 
"Ply Tj.'fti from Turn were accepted, Pasu may he regarded as the Sanskrit form 
ot 1 uni It deserves to be noted that most of temple worship until very recently 
was m the hands of the Haviha Brahmins up to Barahuru. 

political career of tliis ancient ruling. . fam ,to be regretted that 

Mo -tVn+.‘ 'err/sof : . Ka ^lV'7' ATY1 T\1 fell A/*l • tfi ■I/’iS AT*'?. 1 '- 

excavated, may. reveal to us. rich source, material for the reconstruction, 
of the early history of the Alupas. It is quite possible that tangible 
violence of contact with the Mediterranean world may be discovered as 
result of this, digging 15 . • V A V„ .• • 5 W;"; 



Another striking phenomenon noticeable in the history and culture' ;.: 
of Tulu-nadu has been the historical existence of a host of minor ruling , 
families spread all over this region. A fairly reliable, account of the > 
dynastic rule of these families is given under the chapter tiiz Feudatory 
States of Tulu-nddu. The origins of these families have been embedded : : 
in obscurity and only surmise has, hitherto, been expressed.; • To know 'A 
their origins and historical antiquity is a great task to disentangle the'.., 1 
problems of which should be the challenge of the future researchers. 

. The authentic historical material available to us clears the horizon in 
so far as their political activities were concerned from circa 1 3th - 14th 
centuries A. D. upto the advent of the British in the beginning of the ,19th 
century 16 . Some of the families seemed to have had an earlier record, 
as for example, the Tolahas of Suralu, the Ajilas of Ptijalike and the rulers y 
of Nagire 17 . The collection and collation of the source-material for a 
connected historical account of each one of these families is a ; stupendous i : f 
task. Willie partial satisfaction may be had in this connection, it has to 
be confessed that much remains to be done. It is hardly possible to have ‘ /;/ 
a parallel instance elsewhere of a : particular compact territorial region 
‘ . being cut up and parcelled out into so marly semi-independent principalities ; : • 
(feudalities) exercising their real political control for several centuries. 
The exercise of virtual/ sovereign control over T ulu -nadu started from the 
. founding of the . Vijayahagara empire which gained immensely from the y 
possession of this region both from the stand-point of internal security' f •; 

Another site for excavation is the huge mound called Afl/r-A’o/r in Baraknru. Recent 

/ i‘UA^fek' .T\vf\TfArl'. ol /'vet - PfYri ' Villi'; - 1 f 

royal families arc-still ny vogue a: 

The existing palace of the Tolahafamily is said to be tlic tim'd one, while the earlier 
two in two different" places had fallen into complete ruins. Assigning 300 -'years 

,, » - T- ' , A. ' 7_ ’■ ' “ .J / tv n If+h <1 -Al ,or>f' , o 1 (-1 «A''' ■« r»*- T-s r\ — .A ' l, — — « * 

xvi Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

and foreign trade 18 . It looks as though these chieftaincies were given 
a free role to play as long as they did not turn hostile to the sovereign 
rule and paid their homage in submission. From the point of view of 
administration, the Vijayanagara power (1336 A.D. -1600 A.D.) 
witnessed a tremendous change. The economic control was complete 
and society got stratified into exclusive communities. Communities 
from the other parts of the empire migrated to this region and settled 
here permanently. Political order had a record unexcelled in any other 
period of its history. Local and municipal administration took deep 
roots. It was a period of economic prosperity, social harmony and political 
consolidation. It also saw a tremendous religious development based 
on tradition and convention 19 . The period that followed the decline 
of the Vijayanagara rule does not seem to have augured well for the 
continued prosperity of this region. This was the period of the Nayakas 
of Keladi (Ikkeri) 20 . They transformed the Tulu country into one province 
(as against the two provinces - Barakuru and Mahgaluru - under the 
Vijayanagara supremacy), seriously attempted to reduce the local chieftain- 
cies to nullity, raised forts at strategic places over the region for defence, 
and stationed garrisons for political safety. The unwise policy of the 
total reduction of the time-honoured principalities naturally created 
a spate of hostilities to contend against which the Nayakas had to set 
their forces in continuing operation. The administration in general 
became debiliated and demoralized. Jainism that recorded the Golden 
Age during the Vijayanagara period declined steeply. From this state 
the Tulu country passed into the hands of the Sultans of Mysore for a 
brief period from whom the British assumed full control over tins territory 
from 1801 A.D. 

The Nineteenth Century 21 

The nineteenth century was a period of resettlement and affirmation 
for the people of the South Kanara district. The old administration 

18 The earliest Vijayanagara epigraph in Tulu-nadu dates A.D 1345 and it comes 
from Barakuru. 

19 It was during this period that a repatteming of revenue divisions took place and 
new place-names were given. 

A detailed study of Tuluva under the Nayakas of Keladi is being made by Sri 
2l ™f a . nt i la Madhava, Lecturer, Vijaya College, Mulki, South Kanara. 
me intormation under this sub-head is culled from the South Kanara Manual. 


'•v'xvii < 

of Mysore under Tippii .Siiltari was wiped out ancl the: new one under 
the British [the : Comp any rule) c:ame to be instituted. In fact, the period 
ranging between the . fall of the Nayakas of Ikkeri (Kejadi) and of the 
Mysore Sultans was one of the. great - confusion and social and economic 
disorder. Property was unsafe and certainty of possession was a matter 

of seizure. 

• . Revenue Resettlement ; .‘V’y.- 

'••y. . In 1819//thfe British introduced a new system which endured for the 
\ kwhole century. ; .. It was known as the' : tharao settlement of 181 9. “The, 
•. y Original basis of tins was a one-sitcthshaie of the gross produce of a roughly 
'■"Si estimated area of cultivation, the measure of which wa? kno ra as bijavari 
;. i; - being that which could be sown by a . given quantity of seeds and the 
' proportion of produce to seed, 12:1 as givenin the sastras. Besides, the 
. • one-sixth of . a ' further share was taken for Brahihins and the gods and 
i. additions were made to the assessment and extra cesses added from time 
Cy ' to time in accordance with the necessities” . The tharao rates were divided 
fh^ihtb bhaiiland kambharti, the latter subdivided into vdyide, Board sipharas 
■. and . ianiki. :- - ; ■_ \ ‘ • y • 

yfoy A There were two kinds of possessions (landed properties): one was 
Y^lifniili-warg- and the other geni. The muli-warg entitled the . possessors to 
T'. -Total proprietory rights over the property. The geni system was of two 
kinds - jnuU-gcni which entitled the cultivator to possess the land perma- 
V:..y nently subject to the payment of rent as stipulated in the contract ; while 
y-0-chala-geni entitled the cultivator to cultivate and pay the rent subject 
: ; y to increase from time to time. The possessor of the warg was known 
v as. kudlaleddr. At the time of the assumption of administration by. the 
; ^ i Biitish in. 1801, all the property description was. said to be in the Dimnaii- 1 
; from the name of the year 1801. It was prepared by the village 
f y: officers ;• for each warg containing the information in .respect of byavafi-: 

; VyTassessment- due and rent produce hnWali. Unfortunately these entries 
avere grossly inaccurate. The tharao system, introduced by the British 
y yp was phased on the sdrasati-chitta. y »/•,•'/ y : v y ; y'-'y./ ■ V 

, y r t v T '- The . assessment on wargs was based, on the nature of the land which y 
T was four fold, in character majalu, . betiii, and bagayafu and their 
yyVassessment; rates were 6:4:2:12 in the case; of the first class lands and the V 
4:3: 1:8 in the case of the second class lands respectively. 

xviii Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

Lands used to be mortgaged which could be permanent mortgage 
and terminal mortgage for a particular period. 

Midway between the mul-geni and chala-glni, there was vayide-geni 
or lease system for a specified period. 

Waste lands and kumaki lands would be enjoyed according to a 
particular tradition. 

Agricultural and Trading Conditions 

South Kanara has been essentially an agricultural district with 75% 
of the population depending for their livelihood on cultivation. Brahmins, 
Bunts, Jains and Christians were the chief land owners. Amongst these, 
the Bunts were par excellent in cultivation. Havik Brahmins were good 
at raising arecanut plantations. Invariably the tenants with their tena- 
ments would live near the land and attend to agriculture. On the whole, 
40 acres of land would be considered as a fairly large land-holding and 
five acres a small one. “Tenures and natural circumstances being generally 
industrious, a large number of the ryots were in easy and prosperous 
circumstances and comfort probably more widely diffused than in most 
other parts of South India”. Cultivation was mostly carried on in the 
villages specially adapted for rice crops. 

The principal division of lands was into rice and garden lands. In 
the first class lands ( bayalu ) three crops were raised, namely, karti ( venelu ), 
suggi and kolake. The name kolake gadde was used in respect of the 
first class bayalu land since kolake crop was the last to be raised. The majalu 
land would yield the first two crops and the bettu only one crop that is 
the karti. The bagayalu was the garden land adapted for the formation 
of coconut and arecanut plantations. It is interesting to note that one 
acre of bayalu land would fetch from Rs. 100 to 250, majalu land from 
Rs. 25 to 100 and bettu from 20 to 25. A little higher rates would be 
offered dependent upon situations. Average rents for these three classes 
of lands were as follows Rs. 16 to Rs. 26 per acre for the bayalu land 
Rs. 8 to Rs. 16 per acre for the majalu land and Rs. 2 to Rs. 8 per acre 
for the bettu land. Garden rents were considerably high, some times as 
high as Rs. 40 per acre. 

Cultivation used to be carried on with the help of bullocks and buffaloes 
which were of medium size. It may be said that there was specialization 
in rice cultivation and it was manufactured in two varieties, beltige and 


kiickalu. Karti arid ; ko lake crops, were made into mascati, the best variety 
of preparation. As many- as 20 varieties of rice were grown the best 
known of them being jira-sdU^ ganda-sale and mente-sdle. ' Sugar-cane 
cultivation lent itself into four varieties, namely, rasaddii-kabbu, dasa-kabbu, 

Yfkdri-kabbu and bidirii-kabbu.: Around .the hilly regions kunidri cultivation 
A was popular. , . f • • • • ■' y;.-;' 

Rice and other grains were measured in muras ( vnudi ) and its denomi- 
nations. such as kalasige , seru (seer) balla, pavu or sidde. Standard muras 
f were of two kinds dodda mude (big mura) and sauna mude (small mura). 

.The former measured 42 sent and the latter 39 seru . Three kalasige 
formed one mura and fourteen seers measured one kalasige. Four pavu 
(sidde) formed one sent. In some places the mura consisted of 56, 50, 
48, 45, 40 and 35 seers. 

Wages were normally paid in kind, a man being paid from one to 
two seers per day and a woman from 3/4 to 1 seer per day and children 
much less. The climate of South Kanara has not been conducive for the 
best breed of live stock. A special kind of breed used to be raised by the 
; rich agricultural families. There were kambalada-konagalu (buffaloes 
used in kambala race). As many as 22 kinds of agricultural implements' 
- Were in use. Natural green manure and burnt soil (sudumamu) were 
. the popular manures. Irrigation facilities were provided through bunds 
(katta) being raised across streams and picotap {yeta). 

The labouring class was constituted by kuliydlugalu (hired labourers) 

, muladdlu (hereditary serfs or servants) and mulada-holeyaru (bound by debts). 
The work of transplanting seedlings was. chiefly undertaken by women: 
■f ■ "Vf. The following were the chief agriculture products:. Rice, coconuts, 
V.. arecanuts, horse-gram, black-gram, green-gram, ragi, gingily,- , pepper, 
cardamom, chillies, sugarcane, tobacco, betel-leaf, castor, termcric : 
cotton, hemp, coffee, plantations and ginger. Grams were chiefly; raised 
on majalu lands. . ' ' A/ ..• 

AjwA; It is most surprising that one seer of rice; was available for one anna 
v . or one anna and a quarter. ' f : v - A' 'A:. A d / vf A;AAy5f AA; 
yAfA: Weights were measured in seen pavu, ratalu i and maund (piano). ( 
A:. Liquid measures were kudte y kuiti. bile and (miaund). h :AAyA;A;/ A 
A A vf rlhe most ;important articles for trade were coffee, rice and paddy, , 
w: arecanuty bricks and tiles, sandal-\vood oils, cardamons, saltrfish, hides 
:l and horns, and "tobacco. The district imported , the following important 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

articles, cotton, piece-goods, twist and yarn, kerosine oil, salt, copper 
and oils, agricultural implements, sugar and tobacco. 

Money economy was in use mostly in trade and in day by life barter 
was still in active practice. Goods were exchanged according to needs. 
For a quarter of an anna, condiments enough for a man’s requirements 
of the day could be had. Rupee had its denomination in 8 anna, 4 anna 
(chakra), two anna (chavala), one anna, haif-anna, half-anna, duddu (4 pies): 
tara (2 pies) and pie coins. 

Social Conditions 

A cross-section of the society in the 19th century would show the 
following layers of communities known as castes each of which had its 
own social and religious customs and manners. Although the caste rigours 
were beginning to break, still they laid prescriptions and codes of behaviour. 


The most important of them were Sivalli, Kota, Kotesvara, Havyaka, 
Kandavara and Sthanika Brahmins. The other Brahmins who may 
be said to be later immigrants in the district were the Gauda-Sarasvata, 
Sarasvata, Desastha, Karadi, Chitpavan and Sakalapuri Brahmins. 

Other Communities 

Bunts (Nadavas), Mogeras (Fishermen), Billavas, Devadigas, Moyilis 
and Sappaligas, Akkasaligas, Madivalas (Washermen), Saliyas (Weavers), 
Gudigaras, Barbers (Kshaurikas), Kote-Serigaras, Bakudas, Koragas, 
Nalkes, Pambadas, Kudubis, Paravas and a number of other sects and 

The Jain as formed an influential class although numerically dwind- 
ling. The Mohammadans and Christians also were occupying position 
of considerable importance, the former as traders and the latter as prosper- 
ous agriculturists and gardnersR 

72 A study of the advent of Christianity in Tulu-nadu, the influence that it has exercised 
on die natives of this land - socio-economic and religious in character - and its 
contribution to culture are fascinating subjects of abiding academic interest, 
demanding scholar’s close attention. We do not know of any authentic proof of 
the early spread of Christianity in Tulu-nadu. Itis surmised by somescholars that 
there was marked influence of Christianity on the Madhva philosophy. If this is 
true, we may infer that Christianity had spread in this region much earlier than the 
advent of Madhvaism. But before any definite conclusion is drawn in this con- 
nection much research with concrete evidence has to be conducted. Again, should 
we accept that the place-names Tonse and Petri are derived from St. Thomas and 

' -'K ' w ^ V ’^7 ■ Preview^- y '■■ yy'7 W y . yy7 ; W; ; V ^ xxi 

; . .i Marriage was strictly confined to caste limits and inter-castc marriages 
were tabooed. But social relationship was free from air-tight compart- 
ment. was a surprisingly great deal of harmony and coopera- 
tion among these groups. ... - .. 7 y-y 

; ; : /The Brahmins and the Jainas had their different gotras arid almost 
all the rest had their balls each ball representing a. lineage. One of the 
most conspicuous social systems of South Kanara was the aliya-santana 
system of inheritance (the matriarchal-system). The non-Brahminical 
Hindu section of the society with a few exceptions followed the • aliya- 
santana system. There were fomt&cii-kattus and sixteen kattales, connected 
with those who observed the system 23 , 1 ' Vri 

' . In matters of religion the entire Hindu community no doubt paid 
homage to the Puranic gods, but the vast majority had very great faith 
in the mysterious force of daivas. These daivas ware numerous and they, 
virtually bewitched the faith of the common folk. They were invoked 
. chiefly through annual celebrations known as the kolas or nemos or ay anas,: 
Temples had their own annual festivals conducted' in all jubiliatiori 24 . 

Agricultural festivals such as the kambalas (baffalo-race) 25 , and cock- : 
fights were also organised from time to time. Three- meals a day, (i.e. ; ; 

St. Peter respectively, then we shall have reasonable arguments in favour of the 
beginnings of Christianity in Tuluva at least as far back as the times of Sri Madhva- 
C:. charya. The striking influences of this religion over Tuluva after the capture of 
Goa by the Portuguese is fairly well-known. . It may be said that the first churches 
. were built in Kallianpur and Mangalore. ... -j-rir. 

,v ! / Roman Catholics (Sur-names) : Abreo, Alfenso, Alva, Alvares, Albuquerque, Andrade, 

' Aranha, Barnes, Baretto, Beptista, Britto, Braganza , Bothello, Barboza, Cardoza, Carvalho 
. Castelino, Colaco, Concessao, Corda, Coelho, Cornelia, Corea, Crasta, Culinha, D! Souza, :: 
;; D* Almeida,. Silva, Dante , D'Mello, D'Sa, Dias, D’ Cur, ha, D'Cosla, D'Cruz, D'Lima, 

: Farias, Fernandes, Furtado, Ferrao, Gracias, Goveas, Gonsalves , Gomes^ Lasr ado, < Lewis, 
Lobo, Mascarenhas, Machado, Mathias, Martis, Mendonca, Menezes, Miranda, Moraesy. 

• ; ' 'Monis, Monteiro, Mudartha, Nazareth, Noronha, Oliveira, Pais, Palrao, Paula, Passanha, 

wvWf Pereira, Picardo, Pinto, Peres, Quadras, Rasquinha, Rebello, Rego, Rodrigues yRosdiiqyii 
, W - Scqueira, Saldanha, Sanctis, Serrao, Sudres, Tellis, Tauro, Voider, Vasj Vaz. Likewise. 
of Islam. As these deserve separate study, they have, not been included , in-. this ,. 

: : : . treatise. .. ■ , •• y. ; . ’ -V ;'y Wy7y<p : 5 

23 Satyamitra Bangera ^Aiiya-santanadadcqttudagutlu(^paasiix:l)yy'^yy : ^dN:-:d{jV : - 
; ; 24 A recording of the. rites and rituals associated with these annual celebrations spread 

'Vy.-yy all over the Tulu country is not only, interesting but also enlightening from the 
. • ! ■ stand-point of cultural study.. While ,a general- pattern is observed, each temple V 
'diVi'dC .1 seems to have some of its own local variation. 7 : ; ; ;y;7’y.y:y-.y v^ri-v-yy . .yy y y 
. 25 This festival which is primarily agricultural in character is given a religious touch. ; 

kambala is connected with fertility cult. Anyway, it looks as though it is character- 
istic of this region. yyyW'' v' 7- ; ' 'yWWyyy^y 'y \ 

xxii Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

congy, mid-day and night meals) were normal. Water with jaggery, 
butter-milk, ragi soup, jaggery and milk were the drinks. Tender coco- 
nuts were offered to gods. Kadubu, dosai , paramanna , atirasa and panch-kajjaya 
■were the usual special items 26 . KoU-rotli was very much enjoyed by the 

South Kanara has had two peculiar types of naga dance, called 
the Naga-mandala and Dakke-bali. They are still in vogue. There 
were as many as a dozen Yakshagana troupes artistically entertaining and 
educating people 27 . 

An important place of daivas was known as diode or Brahmasthana. 
Gatadis where K5ti and Channaya, two deified heroes are still worshipped, 
were numerous. Brahmins would offer their usual Vedic prayers and the 
homage to temples while the non-Brahmins would propitiate their daivas. 
The Nalkes, the Paravas and the Pambadas used to impersonate the daivas 
at the time of devil-dance. 

There were numerous Jaina temples known as bastis where the 
Jainas offered their prayers 28 . 

The Christians and Muslims were permanently settled and their 
relationship with tire rest of the larger community was very often cordial. 
Conversion into Christianity and Islam would take place without coersion. 
Mutual respect for the religious practices amongst almost all religionists 
was a matter of appreciation. Introduction of a general system of public 
instruction slowly resulted in the departure from traditional vocations 
and caste conventions. 

Three languages were in vogue-Tulu, Kannada and Konkani. 
Sanskrit and English were the language of the elite. Tulu was confined 
to the territory to the South of the river Kallianpura. To the north of 
this river Kannada was the mother tongue. The Christians, Sarasvatas, 
and Gauda-Sarasvatas spoke mainly Konkani. Marati and Hindustani 
were sparingly used 29 . 

26 Epigraphs are numerous making mention of these being offered to deities on parti- 
cular days and for which grants were given. 

17 Each troupe is called a mela and the most reputed are: the Dharmasthaja, Saukuru, 
fvlandarti, Marana-katte, AmriteSvarl me las which arc grouped into the Teiiku 
and Badagu-tiflus (the southern and northern types). 

The history of Jainism -its_ growth and development -in Tulu-nadu with its 
marked contribution to architecture and sculptural art is yet to be written. - 
For alinguist, a rich field of study is available - study of the Tulu language, Coonda- 
pur Kannada, Konkani as spoken by the Sarasvatas, Gauda-Sarasvatas and the 
wtirisuans and Marati spoken by others. 

YyW- W 'MIWW'W fW WWAv^''' VWK ; . 



The culture of. a people is essentially religion, and metaphysics. A- 
proper understanding of this is only possible through a keen insight into 
the religious, and spiritual concepts, forms of. worship - both domestic 
and : ntiblic 'Celebrations, of rites and rituals, characteristic, features of 

of ; 

religious institutions, principles involved in sacred edifices (temples and 
shrines), their physical forms, sculptures and the sanctity ingrained in 
them, literature produced with basic concepts, . practices followed and 
disposition cultivated. While each one. of these has its 'own - significance^ 
in, cultural growth, it is the synthetic and cumulative effect of all of -these 
factors on community life that produces culture and causes its development 
and evolution. ’ An original attempt Has been made to perceive the Tujuva 
culture with the application of this norm of investigation and .survey. 
And the result has been remarkable. The Tulu country is a living.'- 
exam ple of the splendid amalgamation of the old and the new, the primitive 
beliefs and the sublimest thoughts, the simplest forms of worship and the 
most elaborate manner of ritualism, a simple object adorned as divine 
and a divinity worshipped in the ‘House of God’ erected strictly according : 
to silpa-sastra, and icons miniature in- size but iesplendant in theology?; 
and statues awe-inspiring all times and a permanent testimony to .the 
imagination, skill and identification of the sculptor (slhafiaify^ffih. is ; /i 
survey has been an ardous task, but it has yielded rich dividends.. Many 
of the shrines tell us the lurid tale of dilapidation and neglect. There: is 
seen, simultaneously, tremendous ignorance on the part of the. people ■; 
as well as the elite in respect of the identification of the worshipped 
v.and their antiquity. Dating the temples in the Tulu country is a challang- 

inicr o/M-wlrurief - 1-ipmncp flip - PYfprnfll frtrnV.Af 

ing problem to the archaeologist, because the external form of . a- temple ;V 
structure is likely to mislead anybody, even an expert. There are several:; 
instances of temple renovation several times, '.while the sculpture of -the .;'; 
principal deity has stood unchanged the test of . time. Hence, there § 
could be a thousand year old image, in a shrine that appears : modern W 
Therefore, unless a very close, unbiassed and archaeologically scientific : 
observation of these monuments is ’ made \yith patience, one is apt . to go 

. tAifAn rr'i -n # T 4- Zn' /v ‘ • fi A /i ■ n f Vrr> n v'1 r » '' 




Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

sublime The structural vulnerability subjected many a shrine to the 
devastations of fire which fact is even recorded in epigraphs Under 
royal patronage, shrines and edifices became more substantial and assumed 
greater measure of grandeur. Instead of mud-walls and thatched roofs, 
hard granite or laterite bricks came to be profusely used in construction. 
Two interesting features in this connection may specially be noticed. 
In some of the early structures, we discover delicacy of carvings on laterite 
bricks, indeed a testimony of architect’s skill and sculptor’s art. Secondly, 
heavy slabs of stone had been used in roofing, and this system is reckoned 
as a marvel. It is supposed to be the stone counterpart of the wooden 
structure. There has been another practice of covering the roof with 
copper sheets which dates back to the 14th C.A.D. as recorded in epi- 

Four kinds of stones were used in carving images - hard granite, 
close-grained schist, red soap-stone and rudralsha-sila. Hard granite 
and rudralsha-sila were of popular use. Undoubtedly, this material is 
very hard for shaping The close-grained schist and red soap-stone 
must have been imported from above the Ghats and a few early sculptures 
have been fashioned out of these types of stones. Images carved out 
of these two kinds of stone would take high polish and enable intricate 
carving. Abundance of wood seemed to have fostered wood carving, 
resulting in varied forms of r\ ooden figures of various size ranging between 
a foot and twenty feet in height Devil shrines ( bhuta-sthdnas ) have mostly 
wooden sculptures in them. These sculptures are more known for their 
curious features and strange combinations than for intricate and ornate 
carving. It appears to have been almost the practice to sculpture the 
lesser divinities m wood and in some of the renov ed aristocratic families 
all the departed in succession used to be represented in the form of wooden 

Stucco seemed to have been a convenient medium for divine repre- 
sentation. And a number of celebrated sculptures of all-Karnataka 
importance assignable to the Chalukyan or Rashtrakuta period are to 
be reckoned as a great treasure of archaeological wealth. 

Bronzes are innumerable in the Tulu country. Unfortunately their 
art value hasn’t yet been appreciated. Temples, mathas and homes 
have hoards of these bronze images varied in size, multiple in form and 
do. erse in style. It deserves to be noted that though small in size, some 

u ' ' 4 1 4 44 ;; Preview, 

XXV ; 

;; of; the /bronzes- / are , a^cribabl.e ytb /ye^harly/peiib^ 
over the whole of Tulu-nadu are found to be /in-estimable storehouses 
of bronzes and the amazing variety in them is a permanent testimony 
. to the religious disposition of the people of the land. It is to be regretted 
too that most of them arc rid of proper care; their careful preservation 
may be deemed great national wealth. One redeeinihg feature is that 
they are found, in-tact since they receive daily worship. : A .scientific 
study of these bronzes is most fascinating and has yet to be done with 
emphasis on the character of divine representation, iconographic merit, / 
stylistic beauty and chronological classification. An humble beginning 4 
has been made in tins area of study in this Volume. 4 /: 4 -Apy 

Selection and 


It may not be out of place to dwell upon the nature of selection of 
sculptures illustrated in this work and their stylistic features; Perhaps, 
this is the first time that these sculptures are being closely examined from 
the stand-point of their iconographic and stylistic merits and accordingly 
dated. In all humility, it has to be confessed that the dating of these 
sculptures is approximate (excepting the dates of such images as have 
definite records) and there is room for improvement. Much care has been/ ' 
bestowed in fixing chronology. The difficulties in examining and photo-/; 
graphing them have been many. These sculptures are not availably;; 
for anybody’s observation and study at a given point of time. Almost 
. all of them are installed or kept inside the sanctum sanctorum and under 
very difficult and limited circumstances, they have been exposed for ; 
photography and for such observation as demanded by and suited to-/.; 
iconographic study (This kind of study is very essential for dating). Apart : 
from the limited chances of admittance into the photograpliing / 

the hind portion of the images in many instances has been fraught , with , 
.//great difficulties owing to lack of proper distance. The survey has revealed ; 

.that these, sculptures could -suggest to us their approximate dates and that/ 
> / while, they in general do conform to the general pattern of seffipturing / 
/ assignable to broad chronological periods such as the Pallava, Chdlap/ 

- Chalukyan, Hoysala, Vijayanagara and the . Palayagar periods, they / 
/ also depict characteristic local variations and st)de. : Tliis has been a 
^ er T arduous /task; reqiiiripg iefem assidiiit^i; />It;hc&;h 
// ; and exhilerating too to find that these sculptures be-speak of characteristics ; 


that have never before been imagined. A number of them bear the 
early Pallava features and also depict the Western Chalukyan style. The 
Ghola influence has also been found considerable. The Lokesvara image 
from the Kadre Mahjunatlia temple, Mangalore which may be accepted 
as the best bronze in India is a striking example of the influence of the 
Chola art. 'While Chalukyan bronzes are reported to be very few in 
Karnataka, half-a-dozen of them have distinctively been found in the 
area. The Vijayanagara period witnessed the consummation of metal 
casting. Art degeneration is clearly seen in the sculptures of the Palayagar 
period. The scientific study of these sculptures seems to have thrown 
a flood of light on the cultural influence of the other parts of South India, 
especially those regions that raised great empires on this tract of land 
which, though geographically was isolated and formed itself into an enclave, 
refused to be culturally segregated with the result that this cultural con- 
fluence is markedly discernible. The impact of Karnataka culture is 
unmistakably seen in all works of art. This is owing to the historical 
truth that Tulu-nadu had been an integral part of Karnataka from the 
rise of the Kadambas in the 4th G.A.D. to the advent of the British in 
the 19th. The Chalukyan, Hoysala and Vijayanagara styles have had 
their indelible mark on the sculptural art of this region. Further study 
in this sphere will take us to realms of real enlightenment. 

A word, again, about the selection of sculptures illustrated in this 
Volume may not be out of place. Most of the monuments and places of 
historical and religious importance have been visited and a careful obser- 
vation of die sculptures has been made, followed by a comparative analysis 
of types and styles. The size of the sculptures hasn’t been die criterion. 

Some of the images are only 5 cm. in height, but it is their age, variety 
and form and style that have accredited them for selection. To get the 
acquaintance of this basic material has been a truly stupendous task, 
the product of almost house to house and village to village tour. Assign- 
ment of a particular icon to a chronological period is based on the form 

of the image, the nature of the head-gear, alafikara, garment, udara-bandha, 
kati-sutra , facial expression, shoulder-tesscls, siraschakra, prabhavali , hasla- 
mudras, position of the attributes and pedestal. Close scrutiny of the wear 
and tear is also an important factor for consideration. While ascribing 
dates to the monuments, the approximate period to which the original 
structure could belong has been taken into account. (The present 



structure is not accepted as the basis for dating) .7; Experience has shown 
’-that a number of temples have recently-carved images which may be 
discovered belli by the structural form of the temples and the presence 
of l the m6fe 7 ancient iitsava-miirtis in tile slirine. ; Mutilated images, are 
/found to have been deposited in temple , tanks and their salvaging from 
ptbe tanks has been greatly helpful for fixing the date of construction of 
the, original shrine. ;: Hence, although many of the sculptures; may appear : 
to the common eye to be ordinary and rid. of artistic beauty, their inclusion 
• . is justified on the basis of differentiation in. types and styles that reflect 
7 the age and skill, whether praiseworthy or . common-place. . : . 7- -7 •" .. 

7; Research is a struggle to know the unknown, or the little known or 
• :7 the hitherto wronlgy known. Many things we take for granted, but 
7 . when the ‘why of them’ is questioned, we are unable to answer. When 
; we closely observe the forms of temple worship, it is unmistakably suggested 
:f7to 7 Us that mahy are the areas where our knowledge is either inadequate 
- or wc are ignorant. A few instances may be cited here. We do not 

PVVyet know why the first of the temple annual festivals takes place at the 
tyshrine oty Chaiidramaiillsvara, Udupi. The origin of the Rafiga-puja 
: (the most popular form of worship) is not yet known. It is yet a puzzle 
why Durga, Sankara-Narayana, Ganesa, Bhairava or as a matter of fact 

. any divinity could be worshipped in the form of linga. Deities in various 
yitemplesare being offered peculiar oblations the beginnings of which 
^Vi£tfe'’kardlyiknc)\trn. The Anegudde Ganapati is fond of kadubti; the Udyavaia 
f ^GnnesaTs . pleased! with kajjaya ; the ode-samaradliana is well-known , at the 7 
•7: Durga temple, Kunjarn; at Pernaiikila, Ganesa is propitiated through 
; 7 he.MadhuruGanesais a lover of mudappa-seve ; two plantains 7 

7-'7arc kept on the hands of the deity of Krishna at Kumbale Krishna temple 7 
7 and a lamp is waved after abhishekam; worship of a bunch of gold ..coins ! 
7 and a 5 cm. high Ganesa icon should precede the maha-piija at the Yclluru 
7 .yityanatha temple; y ^ figures are the special offerings in 

•' / die Suraya temple, Belthangady ; ,7 Chendu is the particular form of religious! 

: 7 play at the timet of the car festival at the Polali Rajarajesvari temple; 
7;y beating of drums in large numbers and fire-brand play are the. special 
: .7’, ; features at the purgaparamesvafi temple, Bappanadu ; getting possessed! 

:. y of »SYm by women throughout a particular night on a particular day happens 
to be the sacred observance at the Vlrabhadra temple, Hiriyadka and also Kavatahu; the 48 days’ a;distmction at the BelinaiihwG 

xxviii Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

Durga temple; Manjunatha of Dharmasthala is the celebrated deity 
foi keeping assurance (Manjunatha main bida , Srinivasa kasu bidd) ; the deity 
is never touched by hand at the Balakudru matha; the deity in the Vishnu- 
murti temple, Innanje (Undaru) has to be offered a dish prepared out of 
mango; the dates covering the period of annual celebration in the Polali 
Rajarajesvarl temple have to be announced through a function where the 
daina plays an important role; it is not the practice to erect dhvajastambhas 
in front of some of the temples; some of the shrines do not observe the 
function of hoisting the flag ( dhvaja ) at the commencement of the annual 
celebrations; the temple of Kadesvalya does not admit of the visvarupa 
darsana of the main deity; in some of the temples, the last phase of the 
waving of the lamp only ( mangaldrati ) is open for observation; the sixteen 
Malya-mathas belonging to the Gauda-Sarasvata community have two 
tulasi vruidavanas ; plantains are the special offering to the Anantadeva of 
Peraduru; Marnakatte in the Coondapur taluk is renowned for the 
Makara-Sankrdnh festival when sevanlige flowers are offered in fabulous 
numbers tender cocoanuts are not offered to any guests in the premises of 
the Y elluru Visvanatha tempe for they are the dearest to the Lord; Sone-arali 
is chiefly confined between Brahmavara and Coondapur of South Kanara 
and thousands of such practices are in vogue. It is high time these should 
be codified and their history traced. 

The whole of the Tulu country is interspersed with religious 
centres called the Mathas where various deities have been worshipped. 
These centres were, in historical times, places of worship, education, public 
enlightenment and nuclei of spiritual experience. The writing of an 
history of these Mathas exploring their origin, growth and development 
and understanding the various phases of religious orientation and philo- 
sophical background along with a detailed monographic study (for which 
these Mathas a are rich reservoir) is most fascinating and has yet to be done 
for a clear perception of the inner essence of the culture of the people. 
The two Mathas propagating the Bhagavata-sampraddya, one at Balakudru 
m the Udupi taluk and the other at Edanlr in the Kasargod taluk (now 
m Kerala) in the north and south of the district respectively, are again 
a refreshing source for original study. The contributions of the eight 
Mathas at Udupi expounding the Tatva-vaia are yet to be given a cohering 

.• Ayri :;\:A V y ~ V A -A-ri i-.B: kxix 

Afy v 'AMuich is spoken of th? ^/ew/arS^a/ia of : Tulu-nadu (the so-called 
; ; devil-worship). . But very littie is done in going to the 'roots and in syste- 
matically and scientifically . codifying the literature (Jjad-danas) relating 

a- l-Sp ... j xi_„ •'k'aiili.' • i..' 'y. 


y.Much has to be known, of the manner of painting the face of the ‘devil- 
•y dancer 5 , the variations in' drapery and the art objects and the ornaments 
< , used and the practices observed. This is a subject of vital interest from 
. •' tlic point of view of culture and it is no exaggeration that what has hitherto 
y . been . done in tliis field of understanding is unbelievably little. Doing 
| tills is a life-time job. ; v;". ;■ ••• • •* " -J 

bv Naga-mandala rind its , Variation Qakke-bali is a religious practice of 

unique distinction in ; the Tulu country. .. Its- origin is still am ystery. 
: rWe are ignorant why the dance associated with this is confined only to 
ri : ri:he,d^ origin also is lost in obscurity. It is reasonable 

t -" •■'l xi. i 1 i .fi*i i : i* _• 

. The ndga-bandha drawn at the time of the Naga-mandala may be reckoned 
i t as; superb art. We do not know why Naga is fond of arecanot flower. 
A Has the .Naga-mandala dance any affinity with the. Yakshagdna dance ? 
r :. Thanks to Dr. K, S. Karantha whose contribution to the understanding 
fl'bf'j Yakshagdna arid the art embodied in it is a major research of this century 31 ’. 

; ; ' The conduct of Naga-mandala ritual is more confined to the four 
taluks of the district, namely, Udupi, Karkala, Mangalore and Putturu,, 
although its message is carried effectively to other parts as well. It looks 
. as though its origin is Udupi. It is performed in propitiation of the 
vi.Naga-serpcnt - and it is both religious and artistically, entertaining. A -Let 
riJ ; mebrieflynarrate its conduct. • ”• -v • ;■,••• . W'if riyy.yyy 

A design of the serpent is laid out on the selected area out of pancha-, 
v .. yarna r (black, white, - red, green and yellow) powders. .. The hood of the 
A : serp ent is : spread at the top of the circular form of the serpent’s desigiiri 
;;t This . design is -laid with form of knots. If it is full there 

\vill; bc.; 1.6 knots to the serpent design, if f of the it is 12 knots- ; 

if it is half mandala'yiX. is 8 knots, and quarter 4 knots. , This design 

r; nrofusely decorated with flowers and oil-lamps* especifily. with areca " 

xxx Studies in lultiva History and Culture 

(a) (b) 

(a) Diagram of \ Naga-mandala with four 

(b) Diagram of f Napa-mandatawith eight - 
knots. ' 

(c) 175 years old relief of Naga-bandhn ' 
(perhaps Naga-mandata) on the ceiling of 
a : temple at Gokarna, , ■ 




flowers which are considered as very sacred for the Naga, There are 
two kinds of dancers - one is the Naga-patri (one who gets possessed of the 
spirit of the Naga, and the other the Vaidya ) The latter number not less 
than three, while the former is single. When all the preparation is 
over, with musical play, the Vaidyas dressed in the form of Naga-kannikas 
appear before the mandala followed by the Ndga-patri. The Vaidya dancers 
hold a small drum called the dakke (damaruka). They are assisted by 
two others who are dressed in the ordinary way but play music with 
cymbals and drum beatings. All these circle round the serpent design 
for about two or three hours with variations in the display of dance, vigour, 
chantings, musical play and the like. At the end puja is performed and 
prasddam , distributed. Very often there happens to be oracular con- 
sultations. An important and costly part of tills ritual is the feeding of 
all the guests who visit the mandala performance, irrespective of caste or 
creed. A lesser form of this ritual is known as the Dakke-bali which is 
conducted in certain of the temples on days of annual celebrations of the 
temples. The difference is only one of dimension. On the sacred day 
of Subrahmanya Shashthi, its performance is regarded as the most sanctifying. 
The Naga-mandala is an oblation offered to the Naga to absolve of the 
Naga-Sapa , to be relieved of leprosy, and for the prosperity of progeny 
and to beget children. Indeed, this is a unique ritual. 

Numerous and varied are the customs and observances and rites 
and rituals still in vogue amongst the different communities and to trace 
their origin and to classify them into occupational, agricultural and reli- 
gious groups is a most fascinating area of original investigation. A detailed 
study of the various communities of this region is vitally necessary before 
we should try to understand their customs and mamiers. Only a few 
aspects of social structure have been dealt with here. Immigration of 
people into this geographically isolated region and the difficulty involved 
in contacts outside were responsible for the remarkable homogeneity 
in the cultural pattern marked by considerable differences in each group. 
Tulu-nadu, historically, may be said to be a place of refuge for wandering 
people from across the mountains. Sometimes in original form, some 
of them were very meaningful and intimately connected with life- with 
the passage of time they seem to have preserved only in the external form, 
the vitality being lost. A study of this again is a painstaking and perser- 
vering task of survey and record. 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

Toponomy may be regarded as a fairly significant branch of cultural 
study. A scientific' study of the place-names is both stimulating and the 
instructive from the stand-point of diversified cultural creations of commu- 
nities of people. The nature of topography, economic situation, trading 
acthitics, social settlement, community reflections, religious disposition 
of the people of a particular country and a host of other allied aspects 
tend to be rescaled through place-names when properly studied. 
Barring a few stray articles, no systematic work relating to this vital aspect 
of Tuluva culture has been done. And tliis field provides a bewitching 
opportunity' for a fruitful survey and investigation. 

Tuluva Culture 

A fundamental question is: What are the distinctive features of Tuluva 
culture ? The answer to this question could at best be a confession that 
tills is yet to be inferred and vve have to be satisfied with a question mark. 
It has fairly been made clear that the Tulu people must have belonged 
to a particular tribal or racial type and that tliis type is virtually' extinct 
today. The socio-economic and the politico-religious characteristics 
of tliis tribe are not known. The only known heritage is the nomenclature 
Tulu-Tuluva-T uh-nadu . It is even difficult to say in finality whether 
the present Tulu language was spoken by' this original Tulu tribe or com- 
munity. In die course of this treatise, a sincere attempt has been made 
h> examine and analyse the polity’, sociology', economy' and religion and 
cultural creations that emerged on this land with its geographical unity'* 
based on reliable records and authenticity', a persual of which may' suggest 
to the students and scholars that there are many aspects vvhich are found 
common with those of the other parts of Karnataka. The reasons for 
this phenomenon are not far to seek. The main reason is the overlordsliip 
of the Karnataka empire-builders from the early centuries of the Christian 
era upto the modem. Historically', Tulu-nadu had its own geographical 
isolation 51 . As already explained this isolation may be said to have 

51 To understand the geographical isolation of South Kanara, v,e should study the 
lav of the Western Ghats which run north to south for 1000 miles from the Maha- 
rashtra State to the extreme south of India, m a parallel formation to the sea coast 
The coastal strip of land between the mountain ranges and the sea vanes in width, 
but in South Kanara it never extends for more than 50 miles The mountain 
range approaches the extreme north of the South Kanara district within 5 miles 
ot the sea; the mam line of tins range soon swerves abruptly eastward round the 

!L VaUe} - 5011111 ° r , t ^ e ,Y ai £ y r ‘ ?tS Ae Prominent peak of Kcdachadn 441 1 feet, 
and thtn a precipitous clift-bhe barrier with an average elevation of over 200 feet. 



transformed this region into a place of refuge for wandering tribes and 
peoples from across the mountains. This immigration may have been 
caused owing to willing migratory character, religious persecution or 
persuasion and political settlement. In any case, the phenomenon of 
building up a community of different ethnic sub-divisions, eadi retaining 
some of its cultural differences, but with a measure of homogeneity in the 
general pattern of living and thinking over the tract of land as a whole 
may be noticed. This homogeneity has to be attributed to difficulties 
in communication with the outside world and to a large measure of self- 
containedness. It is against this back-ground that the culture of Tulu- 
nadu has to be examined and appraised. This culture is an amazing 
blend of the Vedic and Dravidian practices in which each strain is vital. 
In tills synthesis, it is hard to say which aspect may be isolated and labelled 
Tuluva exclusively. Yet, if a daring venture in this direction is possible 
a few suggestions may be made : 

1. Bhuia-nriyta (so-called devil-dance) in the form it is still in vogue. 

2. Nagn-mandala and Jfakke-bali in propitiation of the serpent. 

3. Yafahagana dance and tdla-maddale in the form as yet in practice. 

4. The fourteen kattus and the sixteen hat tales observed by tire com- 
munities belonging to the aliya-santana system of inheritance. 

5. The Tulu language with half-a-dozen variations and its rich 
vocabulary (Perhaps, the Tulu language spoken by a limited 
number in comparison with the vast majority in South India 
may be one of the reasons for a feeling of separation among the 
Tulu people) An account of the above has been given in the 
text of the treatise. 

6. Vaisnava-sidd/idiifa or Tatva-vada of Sri Madlivacharya. 

From this point the Ghats run south-east to the Kudremukh, the highest peak in the 
district, 6215 feet above sea level. From this, they sweep east and south, round 
the Belthangady and Sulya taluks to join the broken ranges of the Coorg and Malabar 
hills in the southern boundary of the districts. “West of the Ghats, a broken 
laterite plateau slopes gradually towards the sea. The general aspect of the district 
has been well described as a flatness uniform but infinitely diversified.” (p. 37. 
Imperial Gazetteer of India , Madras II, Provincial Series 1908). The area is a sea 
bed with rich soil washed down by streams. The annual rainfall is high, averaging 
about 150 inches per annum. Humidity is also high at 75% to 80%. Nearly 
one-fourth of the area is under forests and one half hilly and rocky land. The 
area under cultivation is less than one fifth of the total. Rice is the major crop 
grown over 960 sq. miles in three crops a year. Details of cultivation follow no 
Written rules but only age-old traditions. Most of the farming activities are linked 
to religious festivals. 


Studies in Tuhiva History and Culture 

■*r^ftwpT ^flr tR HTswwrnm^ i 

TOTWf : 31RR SfaTT vfTRfir 5T I 

5rrrft mf^JTT srnpRr sr&rfirfr 5f>m ywttnr n 

Sri Madiacharya ( Ananda-Tirtha ) 

Image at tlie entrance into the sanctum sanctorum of Sri Krishna Temple, Udupi 
vnth chmmudrd and abhayamudra 

The car street of- Udupi may be called the. hub of Ttilu-naduc The importance 1 
of this area is two-fold. It is here that the ancient Rajatdpitha is located giving the'namc - v.i, 
Rajatapi (Kapur a to Udupi. The Anante^vara temple is one of the major monuments of • ’ 

Karnataka. The , Chandramauli^vara temple is at a lower elevation in front of die,: ! 
Ahante^vara temple. The lifiga in this; temple is made of spalifcd; ■ . Secondly,, the -earliest ihh-- 
, j Krishna shrine of South India is, perhaps, located, here. It is the practice here that first 
* : p the; devotees . should visi t the GhandramaulKvara temple, then the AnantcsVara temple h : 

- ; and afterwards; the Krish na temple. . The eigh t iriathas in dbandva are located here. 

■3.raq psiusoj sib vapuvnp xn svtpmti qqgrs sqx ‘Slduisq Buqsixjj; sqq spiBAvisyu put? 
3fduiaq BJtiASSiinmy sqq irsip ‘sjduisi u;ieAsiinBmB.iptreij0 sip psiA p]noqs sssqoAsp sip 
^sjp imp sjsij soiptjjd sqj si qj -s.xsq psjuso| ‘sd'eq.isd { si Bipttj qinog jo suuqs Buqsu'i 
issijjcs sxp ‘Xjpuosog -vyijvcfs jo spuux si sjduisq sup hi vSui] sqx 's|dmsi BiBAjsqxmry 

3t li J° IttOJJ lit XIOp'BASJS X3MOJ V. IB SI SjdlUSl BlBASt jnBlU'BJpU'BqQ StJX ’Bq^BlUB}! 

jo sursxunuoxii jofeiu sip jo suo si sjduisq B.iBAjsiiiBuy sqx '[dripri oq vxmjvxjlyjv]vfv}j 
suibii sqi SuiatS psiBSoj si vif}i(fvivfv}j inspire sxp }Btp sisq si ij -pioj-OMl si ■bs.ib sup jo 
ssireuoduit sqx ’npBU-njnx jo qnq sip psqus sq Xbui idnpft jo issaqs .res sqx 





A Confession * 

Studies in Tulnva History and Culture is both an experiment and exposi- 
tion. For the first time, perhaps, a fairly systematic and intensive and 
extensive survey of a particular region has been undertaken to obtain 
and present a coherent account of its history and culture. The present 
Volume comprises fourteen chapters. And it has a physical bulk of its 
own which is purposeful. Political history, religion and art and architect- 
tecture and sculpture have received the first attention. Although the 
area covered is small against the Indian back ground, the cultural wealth 
of the region under survey is so immense that it may be reckoned as 
recapitulating the entire cultural evolution of the country. The cons- 
picuous feature of this Volume may be found in the profuse illustrations 
which constitute half of the work. This profusion is deliberate. Selection 
of pictures has been based on religious, typological, iconographic and 
sylistic peculiarities and features. Temples that have been illustrated 
take their place from the stand-point of antiquity, structural significance 
and location. Temple architecture is a very tangible and articulate 
expression of the cultural aspirations of a people. More than a dozen 
ground-plans of temples have been included for understanding the evolu- 
tion of temple architecture. Three maps and three town-plans and a 
a member of line drawings have been added to enrich illustrations. 
Jainism is discussed under a separate chapter. As far as possible, chrono- 
logical discrepancies have been avoided. 

Fifteen years of hard work, painstaking exploration, tiring investi- 
gation and crippling physical strain have combined to produce this Volume 
to reflect the inner essence of a people who, though numerically small, 
have been culturally great. A sympathetic appreciation of this work 
will be a great encouragement for furtherance of knowledge and a rich J 
reward for ‘worship of work’. 

KalHanpur : 13 — 2 — 1975 ^ f 


* In the arrangement of pictures, sometimes the sequence of chronological order has broken. 
This is owing to a number of difficulties, almost insurmountable, in obtaining them ' 
in time. As far as possible popular and epigraphical spellings of names have been 
retained. In the use of the diacritical marks, a few errors have set in and likewise 
< in marks of punctuation. The author beseeches pardon for these and a number of 
other incidental mistakes and assures that they will be set right in the next edition. 
Since no basic study of Christianity and Islam has hitherto been done this Volume 
has been unable to encompass an account of them. ' 

:;,v 'Strpured sup in ootrEp vuvSvysyvj,:- 
J o u o j j soS.S ns .nnvj r? oq . oj . sttroos piiqqjv ’Xqjoues sjt oq pps osje ^hq jdijamtreur oq? jo" 
;>Diu>S;>p oip ooucip-.D Xp.:o '.ou- A<~iTjx j’iwqtami ui A\qj b sSujiu|Bd qbng. • q - y 3 ip£j 
r?^?3' or ojq'cqi.iosi? ‘ip'nSmjg yatipid ipt?AT>Sutj{j qtp tiiojj syupimip atp uo -Suntnx’q i ■ ;■ 








; y 





■ . •nsocl aouup 

Suijpntpua pun sncuoSiA tit .ippBJtuqo vuvSm/s: pj, 
: ■ n/Cueuriqqy 

' - ■ '• ' 

Jilly . ••■ 

dW - 14 

mm; ■ ■ 

«P; ' . : 

■•■%"'. V'v- ■: 

y‘ 'Sy 

. ■ ■ ■ 'sy? 



Preview^ f ™x 


Takshagana character in vigorous and enthralling 
dance pose. . 

pf the manuscript but "also add to its sanctity, \ There seems to; be a faint suggestion of ; • 
Yakskagaria dance in this painting. 

v-..;: . -i- 'V ;' v ,-'vX % - > : 1 "> ’ - • 'Sppupsd sppm ootrep 

jd,: upps3S§hs:4tn'ej g ;sq , or- 'suisas 3>I3t l.L •A^ijp'u^s oij ppG osju }nq pduosntreur oip jip 
youi’Sop otp gpuGtjtta Apio .iou .aoijx \raquintt m a\3J g SxjupuiGd ipng • Cl' V'0: l jl/!,I 
r)'j.iv> oi 0jqGqTJ3SG' ‘ipi3SuGq ‘apdjGfi ipGAG§uGg aqj iuojj s-^jp^^y^ Atn uo Siiqiirep 

•3SOC1 33ttGp 

SuqpMqiua puG snoJoSiA ut jaiOEjeqp vuvSpijsqpj; 




0 mm m 



fed? V 

%, - . 




. Xi. 


.-. ttiama i. r 


■ :• '*- W- ■■•':•■ 

,;*/•• VA " ' " • ■ • 


• ■ &3 * ’•■ 

•II .. 


• •. 

sawn -. ■ 



; Abhimanyu ■ 

.’■ Takshagatm character in vigorous and enthralling 

f"v;’;v. r .9 ’. dance pose.' » 

xxxv iii 

Studies in Tuhwa History and Culture 


X' r JXVl&Wr;:-: ■xyy 



. •* *1 - 

Eiffel felf • 



\-q /.<?*, 


v ; '> v ■••.'. Abhimanyu 

Yakshagana character in vigorous and enthralling 

■;vv..v.- . dance pose. 1 . . ■ '■ 

,.; XXXIX 


Studies in Tukva History and culture 

Bhuta-nril)'a (Devil-dance) 
Amunli Annappa— daiva 

This is the typical devil-dance or the Tuluvas. Gaggra is worn on the ankles The 
lower garment is of tender cocoanut features cut into small tapes. The swoid and the 
mam are the usual attributes. Ani is tied to the upper part of the devil-dancer. It 
is well ornamented. Bracelets, . head-band, ear-ornaments are prominently shown. 
Head, of the, daiva in metallic representation is at the top of the ani. The dancer is in 













, , , CHAPTER THREE ' ' ; 


'N.V CHAPTER POUR . f j'.'.— V 


' *7 



A'/:/.' •; : ‘ 'V' .!.•;/ chapter • six . 7; ;;'X{/ ; /X/X;'Xv 


'?• X A ''k ’T A '' ; chapter seven'-- X :V' .• 


-XyX/X;’- X/ //v/c / chapter eight .'X : ' • 

Bahgavaiji —the Chauias of Pultige and Mutfabidure 
XT-X; Tolahas of Suralu tlic Bhairnrasa-Ocleyas of Karkala 







. L 


,XX/;/: : ,/5 
A: : ;v : -<18 . 

■;S: ' .42 



Studies in Tultiva History and Culture 

Ajilas of Punjaliya-rajya — the Savantas of Mulki (Simanturu) 
- the Rulers of Kumbale - the Honneya-Kambalis of 
Hosangadi - the Nagire Chiefs - the Rulers of Sahgltapura 
(Haduvalh) - Domba-Heggade of Vittala - Other Minor 


ADMINISTRATION : Administrative Divisions of Tulu-nadu - 
the Machinery of Administration - Local Administration - 
Village Administration - Municipal Administration - Political 
Compacts - Administration of Law and Justice — Military 


ECONOMIC LIFE : Agriculture - Weights and Measutes - 
Load Weights - Coinage - Taxation - Trade and Industry — 
Sea-borne Trade. 


SOCIETY AND PEOPLE : The Billavas - the Mogeras - the 
Nadavas - the Nayars of Tulu-nadu - Brahminism in 
Tulu-nadu - Bath and Tuluva Society - the Nalkes, the 
Paravas and the Pambadas - the Male-kudiyas - Surnames 
and Titles - the Aliya-santana System. 


RELIGION : Worship of Gancsa - Worship of Siva - KotEvaia 
and the Kajamukha Influence. - Mahalingadeva and Vira- 
saiva Influence - the Worship of Panchalihgesvara - Manju- 
natha and the Natha-Pantha Influence - Sakti Worship - 
the Vaishrtava Cult - die cult of Parasurama - the Surya 
Cult - the Cult of Sankara-Narayana - Aiijaneya Figures — 
Subrahmanya Cult and Naga Worship — the Worship of 
Isasta — Brahma and Brahmastbana — Devil Worship ( Dayiva - 
gain; Dayiva-puje ) - The wooden sculptuies of Mekkeka).tu — 
the wooden sculptures of Bailuru - Names of Divinities 
worshipped in Tulu-nadu according to the chronological 
order - Buddhism in Tulu-nadu - Vedanta with special 
reference to Madhva’s philosophy. — Devil representations — 
a list of principal bhQtai furnished by the late Rev. A. Manner 
with additions - Role of Temples in Tulu-nadu - Temples 
and Government - Evolution of South Indian Temple Archi- 




• % ' 


1 ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE : Need for the study of 
architecture in Tulu-na^u - Hindu architecture and scul- 
pture — the apsidai, square, rectangular and chcular types - 
Lake temples - Cave temples - Hill temples - Shore temples - 
Architectural details of the temple. 403 


JAINISM IN TULU-NADU ; Jainism in South Kanara -Jainism 
in practice ~ Jainism in Nagire, Bhatakaja and Sangltapura 
(North Kanara) - List of basiis and their location - Jaina 
architecture and iconography - Jaina basiis -Jaina sculptures 
— Tirthaiikaras - Yakshas and Yakshinis - Jaina Tombs - 

Manaslambhas. 4-26 





GLOSSARY ... xxvii 


ERRATA xxxiii 


This diagram draw a. .ha performance of ^ ^Tt^'ITZI Z' oZr 
of 28 hues ,ap,»g2f"«‘.'»™jM'“ « ■ _ ^ 

J^ZThZZ ‘IXr^da,,; Pasha' add Brahm, 


| KamAtnlal » 


2 Pur— * ,hina 


5 \ UvCdfva— «thin» 

5 Lraka -<thine 

Diagram drawn at Sraddhaprayoga. 


GANfigA : 

Plates: 1 to 64; 346(a); 361(a); 373; 380(d). 

Poses in Ganes'a representation pp. 274 & 275. 

Types in proboscis pp. 276 & 277. 


Siva and His various forms 

Plates: 65 to 77; 81 to 92; 93(a), ( 6 ) and (c); 94; 95(a) and (d); 96; 331(6); 

K Siva-lingas : 

Plates: 97 to 109; 358(6); 361(6); 298A(6). 

Types in Brahma-sutra p. 283 
Virabhadra : 

Plates: 78, 79, 93(d), 95(6) and (c), 298A (d) and 308A (d). 


Plates: 80 and 87(a), 33^(6), 300 to 303, 304(a). 

Natha-Puntka : Lokesvara: Plates 300 & 301. 

Maiijusri: Plate 302(a). 

Yogis: Plates 302(6), 303 and 304(a). 

£AKTA : 

Mahishamardini : 

Plates: 113 to 120, 121(a), 123(a), 123(a), 124(a), 124(c), 125(a), 125(6), 126(a), 
127(a) and (6), 128(a), 134, 135(a) and (6), 136(a) and (6), 159(a), 165(6), 

1 175(a), 293A(c), 386(6) and 307A(d). 

MahishasUramardini : 

■ Plates: 121(6), 122, 123(6), 124(6), 125(c), 126(a) and (c), 127(c), 128(6), 129 to 
133, 135(c), 136(c), 146(6), 168(6), 169(d), 170(a), 174(d). 

Sapta-matrikas : 

Plates: 138, 139, 141 to 145. 

Durga and Her various forms: 

Plates: 110, 111, 112, 137, 146(a) and (c), 147 to 153, 154(a) and (6), 159(6), 
160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165(a) and (c), 166, 167, 168(a) and (c), 169(a) and 
(c), 170(6) and (c), 171, 172, 173, 174, 175(6), (c) and (d), 176, 297A(6) 

. 199A(6), 338(6) and (c), 339, 340, 346(c), 387(d), 402(a) and 308A(c). 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

Sarasvali ( Sarada ) : 

Plates: 155 to 158, 168(d). 169(6), 293A(d). 402(6) -worshipped as Kajikamba 
Durga in the hhgaform: 

Plates: 111(6), 112, 172(6), 161(6), 162, 163(a) and (6), 166(6), 299A(a), 338(c) 


Simhavahim Durga - Plates 110(a), 149(a), 165(c), 338(6). 

SxTkhavahim Jayadurga- Plates 160(a), 166(a), 174(a). 

Ripumari Durga - Plate 165(a). 

Durga as Narayani or PatrAnatii— Plates 164(a) and (6), 148(6) and (c), 172(c). 
Simhavahini Varahi Durga - Plate 111(a). 

Parvalt — Plates 149(c), 150(c), 153(a), 161(c), 167(6), 168(a). 

Gatri -Plates 152(c), 147(6), 339(6). 

Gajagami- Plate 146(c). 

Lakshmi - Plates 149(6), 160(6), 167(a), 169(a) and 175(c), 402(a) - attributes 
are lost, hence identification is not certain. 

Gajalakshmi - Plate 1 73 (c) . 

Sri and Bhu - Plates 150(6), 147(a). 

Ilajarajesvari - Plates 138 and 150(a). 

KahkambS - Plates 151, 171(a), 161(a), 159(6). 

TriiUlini - Plates 137(6), 173(6) : Perhaps, this happens to be the only Triiulini 
temple in Karnataka. Here the mBlaslhana deity is represented in the 
form of Insula carved out of stone. 

Mukambika - Plates 112 and 152(6). 

Kdlyayinl - Plate 152(1). 

Chandesvan - Plate 152(2). 

Annapurna — Plates 154(a) and (6), 339(c). 


Jandrdana: Plates 177 to 191, 241 to 243, 244(6) and (c), 245 to 254, 255(a) and 
(6), 256(a) and (6), 298A(a), 401(a) and (6), 305A(a) and 307A(a), 

Kesava : Plates 192, 193, 194(c) and (d), 195(6), 259(c), 260(a). 

Sridhara: Plates 195(a), 271(a). 

Govinda: Plates 200(d), 266(c), 359(a). 

VSsttdftra: Plates 195(c), 267(c). 

Mdihava: Platts 244(a). This is printed fiom the wrong side of the negative. 

Nardyana: Plates 262(a) and 265(a). 

tGshnu: Plates 194(a), 201(6), 264(6), 267(6). 

Lakshmi-Mrdyana: Plates 195(d), 196, 197, 198, 260(6) and (c), 261, 263(a) 
and (6), 264(c). 

Garuda-Vahuna : Plates 265(c) and 266(a). 296(c) -wrongly printed as grikara- 

Anantasdyi: Plates 262(6), 263(e), 264(a). 

-lllustratiomd < i 7;'d>U; •• ;:V ; ’^xLyii 

Yoga-Narayana : Plates 266(6) , 372 (d), 385 (a), arid 384(6) : 'v7\T ; - > 

Srinivasa (Venkatramana)': , Plates 201(a), 203(6), 256(c), 267(a), 268(6). 27l(6) 

, •' ‘ 272 (a) and (d). . "k . ' . •' "'a 7 ";,.;’; - 1 A ; ■? ; 

Narasimha: Plates 210 to 219,’ and 380(6); Here the deity is adored in the form 
tiger. • ' ,• '■ . ri, 

Krishna : Plates 220 to 238, 239(a), 255(a) and (6), 401(d), 374(6), (a) and (d) 
375(a) and (6) and 307A(6). . -V ; , I" , 

Rama: Plates 270, 269, 268(a), 203(d), 204(e), (6) and (a), 206(6) and 377(a). 
269(6) -wrongly printed as. belonging to Nayampalli, This group is 
woi shipped in the Raghavendi’a Ma//za, Udupi. 307A(e). 

Para-Vasudcva: Plates 207 to 209, 258(a) and (6), 259(6)7 ’ 

ViRala: Plates 272(a), 203(a) and (a), 384(a) - Bhandarikeri MafKa, Barakuru 
Adimurti : Plates 272(6) and 359(a). 

Srikaramurti : Plate 205(a). 

Hayagriva : Plates 205(b) and (d). . ' 

Bhu-Varaha: Plates 205(a) and 377(6). 

Parasurdma: Plates 376(b), (a) and (d), 202 and 308A(a) arid (6). „ 7 

Anjaneya: Plates 239(A), 293 to 295, 296(a), 304A(a), 386(a) and 441 (a); 

Garuda: Plate 305(6). .. .. ' . \ ' ) 7 V' .y 

Madhvacharya : Plate 240 and page xxxiv. . •' - : ■ V 

SAURA: Aditya: Plates 285, to 289. 289(a) is a rare icon of Adilya surrounded by, the 
Ashtagrahas. 297(a) is also a rare bronze. ' • ' YYry:' 

SUBRAHMAHYA: Plates 273 to 279, 296(6), 289A to 292A, 293A(6) and 293A(a), 
295A, 296A (d) and 296A(e), 303A(a) arid 401(a). ,y : -_ » 

SAHKARA NARAYAJ)TA : Plates 280 to 284, 293A(a), 294A, 296A(a), 296A(6)d‘ 
296A(a) and 297A(a). ■ , , ' ' ,.A A 

SASTA : Plates 290, 291, 309(6). ' 7 :;A 

-BRAHMA: Plates 292, 372(a). - . '• ' Udvy-y- 

BUDDHISTIC : Plates 298, 299 and 304(6). 298(a) - Buddha as an aaelar of Vishnu. ; 
NAGA : Plates 305(a), 291A(a), 315(a), 315(d) arid 316. 7 ■ VU/ A ."- 1 

BI-IOTARADHANA : Plates 300A, 301A, 302A, 303A(a), (b), (a) and (d), 323 to 328, : 
- 382(6), 383(a) and (6), 387(a) and, (6).,'.; : 


Dvarapalakas : Plates 306 to ,308-and.3,09.\y.«V U.;5; •( :.(■/ ■ , .... 

■: . Vahanas: Plates 310 to 314, 315(a), 329(6), 369(b) and 360(6). 

Apsidal temples': Plates 329(a) and (a) , 330, 331 (a) : and (a) , 343(d),: 37 : l (a) 'arid (b)y- : 
, .. ' ' 389, 390, 391, 392 and 394(a). " (d d 7'd '•) 7" UyTCyy J 

:■ •> . ; Circular temples : . Plates 332, 333 (6), (a) and .(d), : >370 (a) and 

A ' , . Rectangular and square temples :,\P\^& 333(a)' i 33Ay:33ty336 3 ;33B(d)( : 34i'(6)’f;(a)';andr: 
' (d) , 342(a) and (6) , 443(a) , (b) and - (cj, : 344 (a) and (a), 349(a) and V (a), 

fi 358(6) and (a),. 361(a), . 369(a), 370(6), 374(a), 375(a)7and : (d),:' 376(a), . 

>d„ : .. ; : 7 385(a), 386(a), 393(a), 394(a) and (6)7398(a) and 399(a). 7 ■;A7U:7:v. 2 

.Lviii Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

Lake temples: Plates 342(f), 346 (d), 363(a), 369(c) and 393(c). 

Ancient temples with thatched roofs : Plates 348, 350, 351(a), 370(c) and 393(f). 
Wooden screens c Plate 386(c). 

Hill temples: Plates 329(a), 342(a), 345(f), 379 (d) and 370(d). 

Ca.e temples: Plates 347, 395(f), 399A (c) and 399 AW). 

Temples With uimana on the garbha-gnha: Plates 345, 352, 357(d), 359(d), 360(a), 
395(a), 396(a) and 397. 

Shore temples: Plates 356, 357. 371(f) and (c). 

Pradhana-balipifha: Plates 321 and 356(a). 

Balustrades (ratlings): Plates 319, 320(a), 357(c), 367 & 368 & 372(a) page 417. 
Circular structures of the Natha-Pantha : Plate 285(a). 

Tirtha-diara : Plates 320(f) and (c). 

Wooden chariots. Plates 317(f), and 318(f). 

Lamp-pillar : Plate 317(a). 

Pillars: Plates 304A(c), 354, 355(a), 360(c) and 427(a). 

Inscribed sampula: Plate 306A 
HERO-STONES : Plates 362, 359(f), and 294A(o). 


Relief panels: Plates 337(c), 365(d), 366(c), 377(f), 388(a) and 400 
Takshagana : Pages xxxviii & xxxix. 

Kampala: Plates 384(a) Kandil ceremony: 383(c) 

Dakke-bah: Plate 388(d) Feeding of monkeys: Plate 322(a), 

Pachada: Plate 388(c). 

Relief panel of human sacrifice: Plate 388(f). 

Offering of votive figures: Plate 382(a). 

Ranga-puja: Plate 297 A(c). Naga-mandala: Page xxx and page xxxv. 
GROUND-PLANS OF TEMPLES : Plate 402(c), 403 to 408. 


MAPS : Plates I to III. 

INSCRIPTIONS : Plates VI to XII XIII and page 452. 



TOWN-PLANS: Barakuru p. 172, Mudabidure p 177, Mangaluru p 178 
ICONOGRAPHY AND ICONOMETRY : Appendix pp. i to xvi. 


Tirlhankaras in the kdyotsarga pose 

Plates: 409, 411, 412, 415(c), 416, 417, 418, 420, 422(a), 424(f), 425(c), 427(f), 
431(a), (f) and (c), 430(f), 432(f), 435(f), 439, 440(a), 442(c), 443(a), 
446(a) and (f), 447(c) and 448 
Tirlhaiikaras m the paryankdsana pose: 

Plates: 410(a), 413, 414, 423, 424(a), 432(c), 435(a) and (c), 438(a), 445(a), 
(f) and (d). 

Paimaval Plates 418(c), 419(a), 429 and 4 id. 



'Sarasvali: Plates 415(a), 419(6) and (c). 

Jvalamalini: Plates 410(6) and 421 (a). 

Shyama- Taksha : Plate 410(c). 

Brahma: Plates 422(6), 437(a) and (c), 438(6) and (d). 

Sarvdnya-Taksha : Plate 437(6) and 447(6) (Bronze). 

Bahubali: Plates 415(6) (Bronze); 421(6), 422(a) (Bronze); 431(c) (Bronze) 
443 (d). 

Basadis: Plates 426, 431'(rf), 434 and 445(c). 

Pillars: Plates 427(a). 

Ground-plans: Plates 436 and 441(a) and page 444. 

Manastambhas: Plates 424(c), 441(6), 332(6). 

Tombs: Plate 425(6) and (c). 

Sahasrakuta : Plate 432 (a) . 

Nandisvara : Plate 443 (c) . 


Acharya P K 



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Moraes, G. M. . Kadamba Kula { Bombay, 1931) 

Nanjuridiah ' Castes and Tribes of Mysore 

'' Naihar, Muhammad Huayan S. - Arab Geographer's Knowledge of Southern India .. ;) • 

(Madras University, Islamic Series, No. 6) , : 

. (Part I), Chapters I to IX (Edited by Dr. R. Shama 
Sastry -published by the University of Mysorey Oriental. 
Library Publications Kannada Series, No. ‘14 •(1924) '/)> 

..... . ' • . ' -'.'.’(Kannada);. 

(Part II) , . Chapters X to XIV (Edited by Dr, R. Shama 
Sastry, Published by the University of Mysore, ; .Oriental 
Library Publications Kannada SmfeSi.--Np.r- Jt 6y“ ; l'926) .)%'■*»' ; 
■ ) y , . .■ . .• f \ < : )•••,’ A) (Karinhda)'ik 

(Karnataka Publishing House, Boidbayr .1946 ) SpfppfyVfd 
Kaviraja-marga .' ,. ; V v •'"(Karmada)"' 

Hdigap Halve (Published in the Kannada Brother hood; 
•V Journal,. 1941) .■■■■■ pff 

Mulkiyannu Kuritu (Published in’ the High School,) 

■’) Magazine,. Mulki); ) ; ) ) : b) )), U)))y (Kannada) 

Miiru (Published by the Kannada Research 

■?. InstitplfejrUhhrv^^ 

; : : . Ptolemy's. Hippokoura - artide,:- prihlished 'Vixidlndica,-; the ) 
tji'C'i’-': Indian Historical Research Institute, Silver Jubilee Com-; 

t ■; ) 'y yi'Tnemoration .Voh5me; Bomhav:' V95^V. r' - )' : ;-i:' : : ; ^ U; V; 

.! jVayasena Dharmamrita 

f jf ayasena Dharmamrita 

jYfiw Indian Antiquary 
Nripatunga •; )• • .) ; 
) Pai . Govinda ..N/-’. •* 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

Panditacharya Narayana 

Pargiter, F. E. 

Pillai, K. K. 

Puttaswamy, D. 

Sitharamayya, V. and Sivarama Karanth, K. S. - Sri 
Panjeyavara Nenapigagi (Published by the Harsha Mudrana 
Prakasanalaya, Puttur, South Kanara, 1952) (Kannada) 
Venur and It’s Colossus (Published in Antarahga, Udupi, 

Venurina Sila Sasanagalu (Maruthi Press, Karkala, 1928) 


Vijaya Nagarada Tuluva Athava Tuluvaru Variisa (Kannada) 
(13th Karnataka Sahitya Sammelana, Mangalore, 1927) 


Sumadhva-vijaya (Edited by Srinivasa Ehat, Vidwan, 1932) 
Sri Sumadhya Vijayastha Bhdvaprakasila (Sanskrit) 

Ancient Indian - Historical Tradition 
(London - O.U .P. Humphrey Milford, 1922) 

Dakshina Bharatada Itihasa (Prachma Yuga) 

(Published by Pari mala Sahitya, Bangalore, 1957) 


(Trivandrum Sanskrit Series No. 45) (Sanskrit) 

Karakalada Charilre (Kannada) 

„ Miidabidarcya Charilre (Kannada) 

Quarterly Journals of the Mythic Society 

Ramcsh, K. V. A History of South Kanara (1970), Karnataka University, 

Dharwar; Tulti-nadina Itihasa (1969). 

, Chenna Bhairadevi Amina (Article published in 

Bhavyaoaui, May, 1963) (Kannada) 

, Vijayanagarada Kalada Tulu-nadu (Reprint) (Kannada) 

» The Tulu Language: A Historical Survey (Reprinted from the 

Karnataka Number of the Quarterly Journal of the 
Mythic Society, Bangalore-2) 

India’s Legacy — The World’s Heritage 
(Published by B.M.B. Depot, Mangalore, 1948) 

A Treatise on Aliya-santana Law and Usage 
(Printed at the ICodialbail Press, Mangalore, 1898) 

Rao, Laxminarayana Nelamangala 

and Panchamukhi R. S. Kamajakada Arasu Manclanagalu (Kannada) 

Elements of Hindu Iconography 

Bharatesa-Vaibhava (Published by Vivckabhyudaya Karya- 
laya, Birabhavana, Mangalore, 3, 1961) (Kannada) 
Ancient Karnataka - History of Tuluva (Poona Oriental 
Agency, 1936) 

Social and Political Life in the Vijayanagara Empire - Vols. 1 & 
II (Madras: B. G. Paul & Co., Publishers, 12, Francis 
Street, 1934) 

Ranganatha Poonja P. R. 
Rao, Krishna Gangolly 

Rao, Gopinatha T. A. 

Salctore, B. A. 





Sastri, K. A. N. 
Venlcatranianayya, N. 

Sastri Krishna M. 

Sastri Lokanatha, V. 

Sastri, Srikanta S. 
Sathyamithra Banger a 

Seshadri, M. 

Sewell, R. 


Sharma, Srinivasa K., 
Bhat Sediyapu Krishna, 
Narayan, P. K., and 
Rai Kaiyyar Kinhanna 

Siddapparadhya, T. G. 
Silva, S. 

Seenappa Hegde 

Sharma Krishnamurti B 

Singh, Mohan 
Sircar, D. C. 

Sivaramamurti, G. 


Srinivasan, P. R. 

Sukla, Dwijendranath 


Sthanikas and Their Historial Importance 

(Published by the Saraswati Printing Works, Mangalore) 



Development of Religion in South India (1965) 

Further Sources of Vijayanagar History , Vols. I & II 
(M.U.H. Series, No. 18, 1946) 

South Indian Images of Gods and Goddesses 
(Madras Government Press, 1916) 

Mudabidreya Chantre (Published by VIravani Vilasa, Jaina 
Siddhanta Bhavan, 1937) (Kannada) 

Bharatiya Samsbili (Mysore University, 1954) (Kannada) 
Aliyasantanada Guttu (Tuluva Sahitya Male, 1930) 

(Language - Tulu. Script - Kannada) 
Mahishasuramardini (Half-Yearly Journal of the Mysore 
University, Section 'A 5 (Art), 1963) 

Lists of the Antiquarian Remains in the Presidency of Madras, 
Vols I & II (Printed by E. Keys at the Government Press, 
Madras, 1882) 

Tenha-nddu (31st Kannada Sahitya Sammelan, Kasaragod, 
South Kanara (1947) (Kannada) 

Shatsthala Siddhanta (Mysore University) (Kannada) 

Mangalore (Kanara Publications, Ahkola, 1956) 

History of Christianity in Kanaia , Vol. I 

Dakshina Kannada Jilleya Charitrc Maftu Bhiitala-Pandya- 

Rayana Aliyakaltu (Sharada Press, Mangalore, 1915) 

" (Kannada) 

. N. Introduction Sri Sumadhva-vijaya, published by 
M. Narayanacharya (1961). 

Goiakhandth and Medieval Hindu Mysticism (1937) 

Studies in the Geography of Ancient and Medieval India (Office 
of the Government Epigraphist for India, Ootacamund) 
South Indian Bionzes (Lalit Kala Academi, (India) .1963) 


Bronzes of South India 

(Bulletin of the Madras Government Museum, 1963) 
Pratima Vijnana (Indian Iconography - Brahmana, Buddha 
and Jaina) (Lucknow Visva Vidyalaya, Lucknow) 

(Sans.x/ t 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

Sundara A Ondu Apurva Saplamatnkeya 1 tgraha Karnataka Bhdrati- 

Samputa 3 Karnataka University, Dharwar. 

Tamil-Lexicon (University of Madras) 

Temples of South India (Publication Division, Ministry of Information & Broad- 

casting, Government of India, I960) 

The Poona Orientalist, Vol. I (1936-’37) 

The Travancore State Manual, Vol. I 

Thurston, E. Castes & Tubes of Southern India, Vol. I oVIII. 

Transactions of the Archaeological Society of South India (Madras 1955— 56) 

Udupi Mahdlmaya (Published and printed by Proprietor, H. Ramayya, 

Bangalore 1898) (Sanskrit) 

Vodeyar, Mummadi 



William Logan 
Williams, Monier & Monier 

Sri Talca-nidhi (Sri Ki ishnadasaV ehkateivara Steam Press, 
Bombay, 1901) (Sanskrit) 

Tirtha Prabandha (Sode Mutt, Udupi) (Sanskrit) 

Historical Sketches of South India (Mysore, 19301 
Malabar, Vol. I (Madras: Printed by R. Hill at the Govt. 
Press, 1887) 

Sanskrit-English Dictionary (O.D-R) 

Qrahnrtrmm and Pnnimsm (Y ourth Rddritm) 


1. Tulu-nadu: 

(The Bhavyacani Publication, 1963) — 

2. Tulu-nadma Ilihasadalli S'thSnikaru 
(Published by the Sthanika Brahmana 
Sangha, Udupi, 1966) - Kannada. 

3. Ambalapadiya Ilihasa: 

(Published by the Janardana-Mahakali 
Temple, Ambalapadi, Udupi, 1967) - 

4 Antiquities of South Kanara: 
(Published by the author himself, 1969) . 

5. Mandarliya Samikshe : 

(Published by the Executive Officer of 
the Durgaparamesvarl Temple, 
Mandarti, 1971) — Kannada. 

6 . Ilihasa : 

(Edited work, 1971) - Kannada. 

7. Dakshina Kannadada Tultaaru Tuluva 
Samshritiyu : 

( IBH Praha! ana, Bangalore, 1972) - 

8. Udupiy a Ilihasa: 

( IBH Prakdsana, Bangalore, 1972) - 

9. Bar alum: 

( IBH Prakasana, Bangalore, 1972) - 

10. Kadre Sri'Maitjunatha Deidlaya: 
(Published by the Manager, Sri Maiiju- 
natha Temple, Kadre, Mangalore, 
1974) - Kannada. 

11. Studies in Tuluia History and Culture. 




V v X ; SELECT ARTICLES Jaina High /.School, vMobdbidri; 1971 

vU- •• "'CfC : ^ -VrlpfsfifV'f '. .'The Historic, Subrdhamanya Temple of. 

A Bird’s-Eye iCew tffTilukidddf A if 

{. *Mifnorfit C uMaahphie. KftllinrmVir . •. " •n-Jr -i- v*'>"n'v ' -/ v ; .e’~r-; 

A Bird’s Eye View ofTulu-nddu:, 

*MUagres, College,, ; Magazine, ... Kaliianpur , 

' i-96k - • , ': . i’y-s 1 

Antiquities of South Kanara: fa yf, 

Milagres College Magazine, Xallianpur, 

, ,1969. ' ‘ :>/••; -; 

A study of the Architecture and Sculpture, of 
Tribhuvana-tilaka-Ghudamain: A : .i 

' cal Research , Manasagangotri, .1969 and 
M. {?. M. College, Magazine, .••'Udupi , 
1969.' • f'ffffjT 

Temples of Udupi •/, y '•";•< . 
Akhila Bharat a Madhva Maha Maiidal 
Souvenir, Udupi, 1969. v ; • 

Antiquity of TJdupi: •'.'.. 

ICadand ale, 1971. CrffC ff 
: A 'Monograph on the Manjundthesvara Temple, 

’l CKadreP-MdhgdloreA;.'f lfC'.ffff:A:ff 

. . hj:.. Stima, iBHaratiya; Samskriti .'^yidyap.Itiiaj-,. : .V^; 

, ,t : Milagres High School Magazine, Kallian - if 

; pur, K 1971;v;'-^ v 

y The Influence ofHoysala Style of Architecture : f: 
on South 'Kdnaraff'iff-f'yfghyf gftffiC 

, ■ , The Hoysala Dynasty,- Ed. Dr. B. Sheikh yf 
■ •’ y Ali, Piasarafiga, University of Mysore, 

/' . ; AB72fp ■■f fi [ tf 

Pajaka-kshelrd-a grealSpirilualiCenlre:f:fi. 

AdamdniParydyam Souvenir, :-Udupij4I9.72;'-t Sf- 
Manipal, 1970. ■ ' ■ ' v ' f 

Maitjtmalha and the Ml, a Panthe Influence. . ' TffAAff,, 

. - „ ., ~ . ... Published in the -Souvenir BrbugBt . out 

in South Kanara: , ?y 1 

_ ~ .■ ;. a it - i -• o -■ in- 'rnrm'prftrvn •"wntn • -thh- A1 1-1 nnia- 5 Pn'ar-* 

Smarane, Jogi Samaja Sudharaka Samaja, 

Mangalore, 1970.: , 

Types in Mahishamdrdini in South Kanara: 

Milagres College Magazine, ,Kallianpurj 
1970.' ■' r-vl -'V^y ; 'l"" ‘ 

Sencsvara Temple, Baindhrti : ‘ . v. -\yf . ; 

' Dr. , P. B. Desai Felicitation : Volume, ; 

Karnataka University, Dliarwar, 1971. 

t-, „ . y a ■ A I-, 7 r -’": • '! '.I-.-; Brahmana ' Souvenir & Manipal- Record.;:'- ; - 

The Economic and Social conditions of BVi-HC 

South Kanara: fff. • V---;- 

Souvenir brought out by. the South yy' Bdrakuruy{BarA:anuru,; BdrdkanydptAcf ~ : f]:y\y 
. ... Kanara Gltib,,iN6'W, Delhi, 1.97 1 %h f-a fjVif’d fhcHistoric city '6fJ5dfakwubffpulu-m 

An Insight. into the Hoysala 

Architecture - v '.- ' , 'If ' - • 7 .. £ ".f f-iff' National Higher Secondary' Schc 

ihapeutical Gdnf<^ence>.Mamp^ 


Journal' xf iihefAIysorei, University : fNew .fy.; 
Series) . Section A-Arts, September,; i r- U v 

' ^ ?.}fC ;f l : i; ■ if'/h . ' y |i* ?/ ff' South Kanara : ...i- • 

AniiquityoffainismihTulu-nddxt: ''yfi'-ff- 
-.Published mAcSilver'fubileeSouveUirf' 

1 "'.Bangalore : .'(-l973);A-- : \ - : 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

The 'Firsts’ in Karnataka: 

Magazine Vol. IX (1972— ’73), The 
South Kanara Students’ Assn, Mysore. 
The Hanjamanas : 

M.G.M. College Magazine, (1966). Udupi. 

A History of the Academy of General 
Education, Manipal: 

Dr. T. M. A. Pai Commomeralion Volume 

Transformation of the stick into churning rod: 
Udupi Law College Magazine (1971), 


Sculptures from Barakuru- Srikanthika, 

Portuguese sculptures from Milagres Church, 
Kalhanpur - Milagres College Magazine, 
(1969), Kallianpur. 

Tulu-nadu: (Illustrated) Bharatiya Vidya 
Bhavana (Magnalore Kendra) 1971. 
Udupi ( Tradition , Antiquity, History and 
Culture) : 

Vivekananda Kendra Patrika-Pilgrimage 
Centres of India (1974). 


Dakshina Kamadadalli Devataradhane : 

Visva Hindu Parishad Smnti Sampufa - 
Udupi (1969). 

Balakuduru Malhada Samkshipla Ilihdsa; 

Prakasa Svatantryahka (1969), Udupi. 
Tulunadina Upasana Paddhatiyalli 
Vaisishlyagalu : 

Prakasa Prajaprabhutvahka (1969); 
Souvenir, South Kanara Students’ 
Association, Mysore, Vol. V (1969). 
Dakshina Kannadada Sitpa Vaisishpya: 

Yugapumsha Rajalotsavahka (1971). 
Dakshina Kannadada Ganesa Bimbagalu: 
Manavika Karnataka, Sampufa 1, 

Sahchike 2, Mysore ViSvavidyanilaya. 

Udupiyalli Vdsudcva Panlha: 

Yugapurusha Dasara V {Ushanka (1972). 

Dakshina Kamadadalli Saradopasane : 

Ullala pfavaratri £ri &drada Sarvajanika 
Utsava Rajaiotsava Smarana Sahchike, 1972- 
& Guru-KripaMandali,Manipura, S.K. 


Alupa Tamra Sasana: 

Mavayuga, Chinnada Habbaia Sariiputa 
(1972), Udupi. 

Pajaka-ICshetra : 

Yugapurusha, Parydyahka (1972), Udupi. 
Dvibahu Ganapati Bimbagalu: 

Sri Ganesotsava Samarambhada Smarana 
Sahchike, Ganguh, South Kanara (1973). 
Devata Bimbagalu: 

Rdyabhari, Svatantryahka 1973). 
Mudabidureya Eradujaina Silpagalu: 
Manavika Karnataka, Sampufa 3, 
sahchike 4 (1973). 

Polaliya Muru Pahchaldhada Bimbagalu: 
Yugapurusha, Dasara-Dipavali Varshika 
Viseshanka (1973). 

Dakshina Kannada Jilley a Aitihasika Hinnele: 
Smarana Sahchike, South Kanata Assn. 
Bangalore (1973). 

Bidureya Devi: 

Rajala Samarambha Smarana Sanchike, 
Samaja Mandira Sabha, Mudabidure 

Polali Rdjarajesvari Dcvalada Vaishishtya: 

Sri Guruvani, Mangalore (1974). 
Basaruru ( Basare-paljana ) : 

Dasamanotsava Smarana Sahchike (1974), 
Ha]e Vidyarthi Sangha, Sarakari 
Praudha Sale, Basruru. 

Sambu-kallu Sri Virabhadra Dcvalaya: 
Samskriti, Souvenii, Udyavara, Udupi, 
South Kanaia (1974). 

Murli Silpa: 

Navayuga, Dipavali Viseshanka (1974). 
Kunjarina Ilihasa: 

Sadhane, Behgdjuru Vi s va V id y .in ila V a , 
Bangaloie (1972). 


Udupiya Saklydl ay again : , 

Souvenir issued by the Putturu Durga- 
devi Temple, Putturu, Udupi (1971). 

Kadicya Pahchalohada Murligalu: 

Smarane, Souvenir, Mangalore (1971). 

Kannadada Meleyalli Mahishamardini : 
Prajamata, Bangalore (26-9-1971). 

Udayapura Matfu Sri Ganapati Devalaya: 
Bhavyavanu Udupi (February, 1971). 

Dakshina Kannadada Devalayagala 
Kirn Parichaya: 

Glimpses of South Kanaia (1971), Udupi. 

Tulunadina Itihasadalli 
Prasidha Sthala Miidabidure : 

Kannada Pi abha (9-6-1971). 

Visishta Murtigalulla 
Mamma Jilleya Devalayagala: 

Issued by Sri Kadandale Krishna Bhat 
on 8-4-1971. 

Karbala Matlu Miidabidmeya 
Aitihasika Hinnele : 

Dibbaila ( Dakshina Kannada Jilla Sahitya 
Sammelanada Viseshahka, 1971). 

Aitihasika Mahatvada 
Kadiyali Sri Mahishamardini: 

Published by the temple Trustee (1971). 

Alupara Kdlada Ghinnada Manya 
(. Pandya-gadyana ) : 

Kannada Pi abha (19-9-1971). 

Bhatakaladalli Piaktana Vikshanc : 
Bhavayvani, Udupi (August, 1971). 

Dakshina Kannadada Servegdi aru : 

Prabuddha Karnataka (December, 1970). 

Dakshina Kannadadalli Sii Krishnaradhanc : 
, Udayavani (22-8-1970). 

Barakurina Panchalingesoara Devalaya : 
Prakashd , Svatantrydhka (1970). 

Sivalliya Samkshipta Itihasa: '■ 

Udupi Taluk Board Special Issue (1969) 


Kukke-Subrahmanya : 

Sri Bdbbu Svami Temple Inauguration 
Souvenir, Putturu, Udupi (1969). 

Tulu Bhdshe Matlu Sahitya : 

Rajatamahotsava Sahchike, Jilla Hindi 
Prachara Samiti, Tumkur (1969). 

Kaikalada Samkshipta Itihasa: 

Bhuvancndra College Magazine (1969). 

Dakshina Kannadada Kelavu Sreshlha 

Prakasa Svatantryotsava Visesha Sahchikcs 
Udupi (1968). 

Somandthcsvara Devalaya: 

Uchil Bovis ’ Hr. Ele. School Golden 
Jubilee Souvenir (1968). 

Malpcyinda Manipalakke : 

M. G. M. College Magazine, 1966. 

Mahgalurina Itihasa : 

Kaladarasana , Kadre, Mangalore 

Kalyanapurada Dakke-bali : 

Sudha, Bangalore (2-5-1971). 

Bidarada Agrahara Anantapadmanabha Matlu 
Kdrkalada Anantapadmanabha : 

Souvenir, N. G. O’s House, Puttur, 
South ICanara (1971). 

Vaishnava Dharmada Kendra Udupi: 
Karmaviia, Hubli (January 16, 1972). - 

Polaliya Sri Rdjatdjesvari Devalaya: 
Kaunavira, Hubli (July 1, 1973). 

Karnatakakke Bhiishanapt dya Karanje : 
Tatrika, Dipavali Sahchike , Bangalore 

Vadabhdndesvara : 

Tatrika, DipaVali Sahchike, Bangalore 

Dakshina Kannada Jilleya 
Kukke-Subrahmanya : 

Sudha, Bangalore (Sept. 24, 1972). 
Vaishnava Maiada Loha Samputa : 1 
1 Prajamata, Bangalore (May 16, 1971) J 


Studies i» Tuluva History and Culture 

Belmannu £ri Durgaparamesvan Dcvalaya: 
Published by the Managing Trustee 

Dakshina Kannadadalli Saktydrddhane : 

Udupi Darsana, Vani Prak^ana (1971). 
Tulunadina Itihasa: 

Sadhanc, Samputa 2, Sanchifa 4, Benga- 
Uun& Bangalore. 

Ed'galu Heluva Tulunada Kate: 

Navayuga, Udupi (16-8-1962). 

Udupi) alii Ganesaradhane : 

Rayabhari Viseshdhka, Udupi (1966). 
Tulunadinalli SLandaradhane : 

Bhavyavani (December, 1966). 

Tulu-nSdu - Turu-nadu: 

Special Issue of the Progressive Techni- 
cal Institute, Udupi (1963). 

Malpeyinda Mahgalurige : 

Navayuga, Svatantrya Saiichike (1967). 

Tulunadina Devalayagala Samkshipta 

Navayuga (February, 1966). 

Kimdapura Talukina Silpa Vaisishlya: 
Published in the Souvenir issued by the 
N. G. O. Associationu, Goandapur(1970) 

Udupiya Devalayagalu: 

Manavika Karnataka, Mysore ( Samputa 3 
Saiichike 2). 

Alupara Kelavu Nanyagalu: 

Manavika Karnataka, Mysore - Samputa 2 
Saiichike 3. 

Dakshina Kannadada Ganapati Sitpa : 
Mahgaluru Ganesotsava Silver Jubilee 
Special, Mangalore (1973). 


: s.i.i. 

'■ ’ '■ ■■■; a b b R E'^TiA^T^ 

— Annua] Report of;Indian Epigraphy 
~ South Indian ;Liscri]>tion Series 
E P- Car . . ==: ^ ,Epigrajfliia|<^^ 

Ep.. hid. . .Epig^apliia ; 'Iixdi6a^v^-Vl:^^ • •}' •• 

'J R f S ■ = Journal of the Royal Asiatic'^ cty 

hl - =•, / Rarnatak Inscriptions ; if f fif:. 

Dynasties of the ;■ 

Kanarese Districts = Bombay Gazetteer Vol.?!, Part 

Itihasa .. — Dakshina Kannada Jilleya Prdchhia Iiihasaffif' 

History of Tuluva = Ancient Rarna^^j'^^ 


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acknowledgement; :,.W •• 

; It has been really very kind of Sri M. N. Dcshpande, Director- 
General of Archaeology, Government of India to have given the Foreword 
. to this Volume.' I assure him that I shall continue to work upon the f 
h . theme in furtherance of knowledge and I am extremely thankful to himy 
for his act of generosity, I owe a debt of gratitude to nSn S. R. Rao,. \ 
ft Superintending Archaeologist, Western Circle, < Aurangabad for 1 the 
-introduction he has. given to this Volume. In the prepaihtion of fhisv.,0 
hi- Volume, I have very greatly benefited by my consultation with "the foBoW-W 
• ing personalities : Dr. G. S . Gai, Chief Epigraphist, Government of India;;’? f 
:d; Mysore; Dr. A. Sundara, Reader, Karii ataka University, Dhar war ; i 
yv Dr. K. V. Rarnesh, Superintendent of Epigraphy, Office of the Chief 
:/ Epigraphist, Government of India, Mysore; M. M. Prabhu, Mangalore;. 

Dr. T. S. Rajagopal, Reader, Milagres College, Kallianpur; M. Jayarama i 
: ' Sharma, Office of the Chief Epigraphist, Mysore; Dr. U. S. Kamath, 

V Department of History, Bangalore University, Bangalore ^iVidwan :: £ri % 
% Venkatrayacharya and Sri Amrita Someshvara. I express my gratitude it 
to all of them, for, their • goodness in giving' me timely ^ tkaggestiohs.- 

y;V. _ My thanks are also due to the Vice-Chancellor of the University of . A 
Mysore, Prof. D. Javare Gowda, who has always been taking keen interest ; ; 

. iDr. A. Sundara ; Dr. A. Srinivasa Ritti;; Dr. U. S. Kamath; MJ.M.t ^ 
Prabhu ;. Principal K. S. Haridas Bhat and Bannanje Goviiidacharya ; 
! . for their kindness in expressing their opinions on the;,contcnt and.treatnientb 
of the subject in this Volume. ‘ f Vf/. i'V r-jyuJyjyy f ^ 

f . It is my duty to thank all the temple priests and managements for 
v; their willing co-operation extended to me in undertaking the survey work.; 
y . Should this Volume serve the purpose fqm is written; I she ’ ’ 

b be thankful., y W t t - V'SA b ; W.ffyxV Vo U 


Studies in Tuhva History and Culture 

My thanks are also due to H. H. Parijnana Svamiji of the Chitrapurn 
Matha, Sirali and Piincipal K. S. Haridas Bhat, Director, Sri M. Govinda 
Pai Research Centre, Mahatma Gandhi Memorial College, Udupi for 
then kindness m permitting me to take photographs of sculptures from 
their museums. I am personally indebted to Sri Irodi Radhalaishna Pai, 
Udupi who has allowed me to make use of Iris personal collection on 
bionzes in this treatise. I should also thank Dr. G. S. Gai, Chief 
Epigraphist, Government of India, Mysore for supplying me three photo- 
graphs of epigraphs for use in this Volume. Like-wise, the Chief Editor 
of the Karnataka Gazetteers and the Anantapura Jimodhara Samiii ’, 
Anantapura have given me a few blocks for use. I am also thankful 
to them. My sometime colleague, Sri Devakumar Jain of the Jain High 
School, Moodbidri, has been of much assistance to me in sui veying the 
Jama monuments there. It is my duty to express my thanks to him. 
I am thankful to the University of Mysore for permitting me to make use 
of the theme of my Ph D. Thesis. My thanks are also due to the vaiious 
aut ioi s o t ic soui ce books I have referred to at different stages, in particular, 
uaratna Murti, whose South Indian Bronzes has been the basis for 
Iconography and Iconometry in this Volume. 

I Have great pleasure in dedicating this Volume to the respectful 
memory of late Sri M. Ganapathi Rao Algal who deservedly Is called 
the father of the history of Tulu-nadu. I thank his sons, Sri Venkat Rao 

Manjeshwara and Sri M. Ramdas for permitting me to dedicate this work 
to their beloved father. 

the 1 ° We a debt ° f gratitudc to M/s. Manipal Power Press for 

e S P t, lntlng ? r f0r thC extra -° rdina ry pains they have taken 
Sarvasri T M ^ n 1 mUSt P artlLularl >' be grateful to the Partners 
ld\h f" a u and T - Sati5h U ' Pai who have inseparably 
v“to^r Tl S and Wkh0ut ^ co-operation the 

SHbZI^ Vr SeCn thC hght ° f the 1 *°uld also thank 
mJ. iZSffi-T [anager ’ fo ; Particular care he has taken in print- 
in' Ramakrishna 1 rf ^ lf 1 d ° n,t express m >' heartfelt tlianks to 

in B P tw , I ^ Wh ° haS dcsigned Uie ^ver page and 

in photography. Mv col Ip-, ^ ^ ^ udio for tbc S reat help given me 

than one. And I extend to CCn helpful t0 me in mor e ways 

1 Cxtend to tbcrn my heartful thanks. 

• J n dedication to die sweet memory of . 
Late Sri M. Ganapati Rao, Aigal ( 188 l—I 944 ) 

the father of 

l the 

• v „ the History, of. South : Kanara ;-, and an 
educationist whose 

se original •. contribution to V 

the;.’ *v\ 

understanding of the history and: .^culture of 
X;.*.' ;;'Tuluvas is imperishable . X 


Studies in Tiiltma History and Culture 

My thanks ai e also due to H. H. Parijnana Svamiji of the Ghitrapura 
Madia , Sirali and Principal K S. Haridas Bhat, Director, Sri M. Govinda 
Pai Research Centre, Mahatma Gandhi Memorial College, Udupi for 
thei r kindness in permitting me to take photographs of sculptures from 
their museums. I am personally indebted to Sri Irodi Radhakrislina Pai, 
Udupi who has allowed me to make use of his personal collection on 
bronzes in this treatise. I should also thank Dr. G. S. Gai, Chief 
Epigi aphist, Go\ ernment of India, Mysore for supplying me three photo- 
graphs of epigraphs for use in this Volume. Like-wise, the Chief Editor 
of the Karnataka Gazetteers and the Anantapura Jimddhdra Samiti, 
Anantapura have given me a few blocks for use. I am also thankful 
to them My sometime colleague, Sri Devakumar Jain of the Jain High 
chool, Moodbidri, has been of much assistance to me in surveying the 
Jama monuments there. It is my duty to express my thanks to him 
am thankful to the University of Mysoie for permitting me to make use 
o he theme of my Ph D. Thesis My thanks are also due to the various 
Sri C V W ' S0U1C *' 00 * have referred to at different stages, in particular, 

ll? ?;’ ara TV ,rt1 ’ ' Vh0SC South Indtan Bron ^ has been the basis for 
Iconography and Iconomeiry in this Volume. 

* haVe f pIeasure ia dedicaring this Volume to the respectful 

deservedly is called 

Manjeslnvara and Sri M. Ram^Tfo ‘ ^ “* SO ” S ’ S ” 

to their beloved father. ^ P6riIUttln S me *» dedicate this work 

the elegant IrZnl fd *?**** * ^ Mani P al W Press for 

in eXTe worU tf* ** W ^ 

Sarvasri T. Mohandas Pai and T^aSwi p 6 . grateful to the Partners 
associated themselvrs , , . * 1 ^ U. Pai who have inseparably 

Volume would not |„„! “ “' J wthout whose co-operation the 

Sri B.Kri, CT mII ' Z' ri' ^ 1 ,h ' 1 *> '*'“ l 

ing- I in print- 

Sri Ramakrishna Devadivnr , 1 express my heartfelt thanks to 

B-P. Baytri wl“ g" J u» d ? Sn, : d ““ ^gc and 

- *- 1 ~ 

in dedication to the';-sv^t:'ihemp^;^f^ : - 
Late Sri M. Ganapad RaoAigal ( 1881 —^ 1944 ) ' 

the father of the. History of South Kanara and an 
*. -eminent; = educationist whose original • contribution 
the understanding : of the history and culture of the 
i; Tuluvas is imperishable ..-.A • aA-A 

“What a learned world demand of us 
in India is to be quite certain of bur 
data, to place the monumental record 
before them exactly, as it now exists 
and to interpret it faithfully 6- literally" 

P. K. Acharyo. 

Plate I 

Plate III 



Plate IV 

Pre-historic Remains in Tuju-nadu 

(b) Circular neck of the megalithic tomb from 
Santuru, Udipi Taluk. South Kanara 

■(d) ■ Remains of a megalithic tomb from Bcluru. 
Coondapur Taluk, South Kanara , 

. Plate V! 

£? : The Vaddarsc Inscription (C. 7th. C. - ' A. D.) ' " 

( I’he earliest epigraph from the district of South Kanaf a) 

The Bclmannu Copper-plate of Aluvarasa (C. 8th C. A. D.) 

This epigraph my be accepted as the earliest of the Kannada copper-plates 
discovered hitherto. 

This copper-plate epigraph is a complete document in the fotm of a hook 
consisting of five plates. Each measui es 17.8 cm. in length and 7.7 cm. in bieadth. 
The rims of the plates are raised to preserve the writing. At the left hand margin 
of each plate is a hole, 1.1 cm. in diameter. The ends of the ring are soldered to 
the bottom of a circular seal which is 3.2 cm. in diameter. In the counter-sunk 
surface of the seal is a figure of a pair of fish, one below the other and both facing 
proper right. The first plate is engraved on both sides. The fifth plate is a blank 
one and is attached to protect the writing on. the second side of the foui th plate. 
The five plates weigh 1205 grms. The writing is in an excellent state of preservation. 

The digest of the grant is as follows: 

Srimat Aluvarasa whose family was said to be protected by Brahma ( Pitamaha ), 
along with Sri Ereyyapparasa, made a grant to Belmanna sabha , free from tax to 
be paid to Sivavalli on the day of solar eclipse. This grant was made in the 
administrative sub-division of Manideva ofKantapura (Kantavara) and the docu- 
ment was prepared in the presence of Chokkapadi Bhatta. The grant was to be 
protected by Boygavarma of Kapu, Nanda of Beja (Bola), Nanda of Kolunura 
(Kodandur), Medini ofSantoru (Santuru) and Urappana who would be the recipi- 
ents of innumerable boons etc. for their work of protection. 

The presiding deity is referred to as Vindhyavasini adored by great saints. The 
epigraph ends in reference to Pandya kulas which would prosper with this grant. 

The Udyavara Inscription ofChitravahana II (C. 9th G A D 
h, S ts the only stone epigraph having the relief of the Alnpa emblem of two fish 

discovered hitherto) - , ' 





(a) Tire Polali Inscription bn the lintel of the cloor at the entrance into the 
Rajarajes var i Temple, Polali (C. 9th C \A. D.)' -vT-I;," 

( Karanada Mandira Vas'udevm Ittan ) :-; 3 i : "- ”"• ■ : * } rf\?' : '":~j) : ’-., 

■(b) ; The Varariga Copper-plate 
(C. 15th G, A. D.j^- 

in Nandinag; 

( c ) : ;,:;T’he- Alupa Inscription of 
bearing the reliels of Brahma, 
Mahesvara (C. 14th G. A/D.) 

v ;;, ( ..; >'^7^ 

■</■ ■ ■_ •* ~ 

tmii \&Bfa 

'tT ||fcLrjk! 

•jjk£V > . A. 

fc 1 • 'V** «?*• <> ' -. . ‘ 


T’ • •'' •*' ■• • - ' 

A* j*** 


w r*<^nr5Pvv 5jf| 

» v *» civ.-*' 

* :.v -SS^Ri 

Plate XIV 

(a) VyaghrKvaia (stucco),-, ■ 
Rajarajesvari Temple, Pojali 

(C. 8 th - 9th C. A. D.) , 

This representation is-very reveal 
ing in the sense, themotif of tige 
being attacked by a hero win 
a dagger, happens to he mud 
anterior to the story. t wove: 
round the derivation of the nam< 
Hoysaja in the I2th G. A. D. wit! 
the result that. we are temptei 
to explain its etymology by othe 
rational means!- 

(b) The Alupa emblem of two fish 
on the ring binding the Bejmannu 
copper-plate (C. 8th C. A. D.) 

Mate XVI 

Alupa coins ( Varaha and hand) 


1 (a) 

la) Obv. Av Two fish under 
canopy flanked by conch & 

b) Rev 3 line Nagan legend 
reading Sri Pandya Dhmn- 
jaya (C 12th CAD) 

2a) Obv Av Two fish stand 
mg under canopy, 
b) Rev 3 line Kannada legend 
reading Sri Pandya Dhanaft 
jaya (C 12th CAD) 

3a) Obv Ar Two fish stand- 
ing imder canopy flanked 
by conch &. goad 
b) Rev Three line Nagan 
legend reading Sri Pandya 
Dhanaiijaya (C 15 CAD) 

3 (a) (b) 

5 (a) (b) 

4a) Hana Obv Av Two fish 
under canopy 

b) Rev. Single Nagan letterin'! ) 
(C 13th CAD) 

5a) Obv Av Two fish stand- 
ing under canopy flanked 
by conch &. goad 
b) Rev Three line Nagan le- 
gend reading Sri Pandya 
Dhanaiijaya (G 1 5 C A D) 



|^^;TIie';l3asic' question in . the history and culture of '• Tulurhadu^’-is'''td. 
determine who the earliest Tuluvas were., how . the Tulu couhh3'' dem^- 
ats 'narhe and in what manner it was evolved. Any attempt at: the, analysis 
of this problematic question involves a researcher in an inevitable set 
ipf compli cated propositions and challenging situations. At the very 
fcmtset, it has to be confessed that in finding any solution- to; ;this : .pidblemy-'' - 
die mfcrence could, at best, be hypothetical and not’ final • dniF a^spljitgi^ 

IPhe [derivation of the term Tuluva 

V ' - Various interpretations have been attempted to explain the etymology 
of the word Tuluva, some of which seem queer and fanciful:- According 
tol the RajdtapUhapura Mahdimyap which is locally supposed to . be vpart 
of0ip'iSKahd(ffirana, the name. of the country Tuliiva is traced to alegendary;l 
ruler, Ramabhoja, who is supposed to have made profuse gifts like; the 
Tuiaddna, Tuldpurusha etc. in order to absolve himself of the sin, he com-;: : l 
miffprlN'i'v: Irillintr a sCrnOnt Tundvfrrtanflv. This - Rurahic : 

listrict of South ICanar a . Since king Ramabhqja : ■ : gave- these gifts Af 

il ; . -V- n '• , • - ; .. . i j i-.. t * —lit 

: story 

•ecqndly, the purely imaginary way, ' that is addled 116^ Weave a 


Tenka-nadu (1947) - M. Govmda Pai - 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

to explain away the origin of the word Tuluva is self-evident. The word 
Taulava is the Sanskritized form of Tuluva , whose connotation has to be 
found elsewhere, for the earliest form as known through the Sarigam 
literature or through the epigraphs is Tulu ( Tulu ) and not Taulava or 

The oiigin of the name Tuluva has been traced to the activities of 
a person called Tuluban Perumal who is said to have had his capital at 
Kotesvai a in the Coondapur taluk of the district of South Kanara. 
This is the account given in the Keralolpatii- according to which Tuluva 
was a part of Kerala before its separation. This contention defies historical 
proof. Since no such person as Tuluban Perumal is met with in the 
entire recorded history of Tuluva and since Tuluva is never known in 
any period of its history to have been a part of Kerala, we had better 
dispense with this account as unhistorical. Tamil records, both epigraphi- 
cal and literary 3 , refer to the Tulus and to their country separately and 
not as part of Chera or Kerala. 

Dr. B. A. Saletore, in his History of Tuluva 4 , opines that the word 
Tuluva may be traced to the Kannada word tulu, meaning ‘to attack,’ 
which appellation seems to have been given to the people by their northern 
neighbours, the Karnataka people. Prima facie, it looks as though this 
derivation is worthy of credence. But on deeper examination, it fails 
to satisfy historical credibility. The Tuluvas never attained an imperial 
stature in any period of their history and they were not a ‘scare and care’ 
for the Karnataka imperial sovereigns. Hence, it is really very difficult 
to agree with Dr. B. A. Saletore that because of the depredating and 
predatory attacks conducted by the Tuluvas, they must have acquired 
that name. 

A fourth untinable view is that which seeks to derive the name Tuluva 
from the weak character of the people. Sturrock 3 writes ‘The name 
Tuluva, in the opinion of some is derived from a Tulu word’ meaning 

Vscmth Kanara Manual Vol I (1894) p 2 
Gazetteer of South Kanara District with Supplement (1938), p 174 
Logans Malabar, pp. 224 & 228 ' 1 

3 AgananUnt — 15 

jt XVI 11 PamiShnangalam Grant of jVandivaraman II, pp. 121 - 123 

Ibid Vol XXII Larger Leiden Plates of Raja-raja I. 

A Saletore - History of Tuluva, Chapter I pp 1-8 
South Kanara Manual, Vol I, p 2. 



essentially 'softness and mildness* depending on the qua fity , of a -• ki nd of : 
fruit and the land that bore such, a character was called, Tuluvh: and • . 
the people who acquired such a quality came; to be known as the Tuluvas/ ;:’;' 
Sturrock in the South Kanara Manual rightly .puts it, ‘The qyordypDirlii^5 : 
meaning mild, is not in common use and though the Tulu people arc v . 
mild and peaceable as a rule, they are hot markedly moire so than/theirc- 
neighbours and there have been times when they gave trouble’. The 
soil; of Tulu-nadu can hardly be accepted as soft and mild, ^Ifor the lateritfe.,> f ' : 
cpyers the. Western Coast continuously and for the most part upto the ' • ; 
very foot of the Ghats. • . '-T: 

>M.' Govinda Pai 6 advances two major propositions. . He ; opines')// 
that the word Tulu may have been derived from the Tamil root tulai 
Which means to row (obviously the boat). There are other two words . ; 
0jM and tuiaiyans ■ which' signify ‘to plunge in water, and- 5 to;piayv.iuhVatfei* ? Jq:: 
respectively. Based on Tamil etymology, Sri Pai surmises that the people : 
of the Tulu country who were mostly fishermen and whose chief business . . 
and activity were on w ? ater, may have been called the : Tiiiiwcti*? 
is the first hypothesis. The second one is the possibility of the ttansformay 
tibn of the word ' Ghiitu into Tulu with the passage of time; ■■ ^he^ecdhdt^ 
proposition suffers from too much of conjecture and it is mirealisticltooi|.;.y: 

view-point . . 

TT/ The* term Tulu may have some integral relationship with i toki ortf; 
■thru ?; '.. which in turn seems to be connected with cattle or cattle-shed. ;; The i 
ancient Tuluvas (Tulu people) ? may have been a class on community; /W 
;of sherpherds. As time passed on. all those wiio: happened t6 inhabit; 
fliis land came to be called the Tuluvas.. It is possible that the chieftaincy;/ 
of the Tolahas of Sural u (near the historic city: pP‘^a^2ik^l.ini^c^^c|C£f 
of South .Kanara) may have had the; 

die Tuluvas (Tolaha is also known as Tor aha or To/rtA< 2 ) s .;>::Tlie antiquity, Cy; 
of, this ruling family is not yet authentically known. ... We have the: first : 
pKereiiceTb 'this family in an inscription from the Panchalifigesvara temple, 

6 Tenka-nadu (1947) M. Govinda Pai - Tulu-nadu-Purvasmriri > p. 19. ' 

^M'Tamtl-laxicon, pp. 2102, & 2 104. t-y TCTT' : l'ASh?fT : S'T A : -/7.y :/. ATMTTAAT'hASh'T r 

8 IC. I. Vol. I, No. 24, " ‘ , ", A; ' 


Studies in Tuluva Histoiy and Cullme 

Barakuru, 9 dated A. D. 1139-40. But they must have established them- 
selves in Suralu much earlier than this date. 

A few other considerations may also draw our attention. A much 
damaged inscription dated A. D. 1203, found at Honnali 10 of the Simoga 
district refers to Tauhva-kula and although circumstances of reference 
and details are not known, the epigraph is important in the sense that 
it leads us to infer that the Taulavas belonged to a particular community 
of people. An inscription from Basaruru, dated A.D.1455 11 * , mentions 
the four temples - Nagaresvara, Tuluvesvara and others which were 
to be supervised by the halaru-settikaras of the two keris of Basaruru. 
Nakhara was a merchant guild. Likewise, the term gavare is used to signify 
a distinct group of trading people. .The temples caused to be erected 
by them -were the Nagaresvara and the Gavaresvara temples. We can, 
as well, infer that the temple erected by the Tuluvas was Tuluvesvara. 
The proper names Tuluva Chandiga Tuluva Senabova 1 -', Tultivi Setti 14 , 
Tuluvakka Heggadati,'' Tuluvdluva,' 6 and Tulayi Amma 17 suggest* the 
origin of this name from a community of people. An analogy may be 
drawn between the two proper names, Tuluva and Aluva. The earliest 
kings of the Alupa dynasty were named Aluvarasar, called after the group 
Aluva or the progenitor Aluva. Similarly, it may be suggested that the 
name Tuluvarasar may have taken its origin from the group Tuluva. 
Later, the term Tuluva came to be used for all those living in the territory 
of Tuluva or Tulu-nadu. The land, therefore, may have taken its name 
from the community of the Tuluvas, just as the name Alvakheda seems , 
to have owed its origin to the Alupas (Aluvas). Only future investigations 
should reveral to us when exactly the early Tuluvas settled on this land 
and what their main features were. Thus, it may be inferred that the 
Tuluvas were an ancient community and in the history of South India 
they figure from the early centuries of the Christian era. The terms 
tolu, tom, turn, tura and (ora — all mean the same, being connected with 
kine. The first Tuluvas were, perhaps, different from the rest of the 
people of Tulu-nadu. With the passage of time, all the inhabitants came 
to be called die Tuluvas. 

9 S. 1. 1. Vol. VII, No. 381. 

10 Efi. Car. Vol. VII, Honnali 108. 

" S. 1. 1. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 457. 

17 & » A. R. No. 547 for 1929-’30. 

14 Ibid. No. 247 for 1931-32. 

15 S'. 1. 1. Vol. IX, Part II, No 424. 

16 Ibid. No. 540. 

17 A. R. No. 110 for 1949-50. 

' .v,v '• chapter .11/’ " 


lU :" Next comes the problem of identifying the Tulu country of the early 
iftimes. In - attempting to locate the original Tulu-nadu based on epi- 
■ graphical evidence, we may have reasons to differ: from the hitherto 
^accepted View-point. First, let us summarise the accounts, given , in the 
^secondary sources for the sake of critical review. V; f}/.'/. 

fhhhf- The compiler of the South Kanara Manual makes : us ; believe ; 
ythat ancient Tuluva was made up of the regions of the district, which 
: had a language of its own -Tulu. 1 Evidently this would mean the 
Territory to the south of the river Kalyanpura in the Udipi taluk upto 
rthe river Payasvani or Chandragiri in the Kasaragod taluk (now belonging 
! tb the Kerala State). “The northern portion including the taluk , of : 
Rundapura and part of Udipi belonged to Haige, where probably owing A 
Tb-eloser connection with the ruling Canarese speaking people above ;/ 
the Ghats, Canarese is spoken by all Hindu castes”. But this description 
pf . the frontiers of ancient Tuluva can hardly be accepted for reasons A 
That ate. going to be discussed presently in this chapter,.; 
fffjhc Manual of Madras Administration 2 simply repeats what is . given :. 
in' 4 and states that Tulu-rajvam extended from GOkarna in the; A 

mation of the land from- the sea, fetched more Brahmins from the morth A 
and. located them in 64 villages or granias amongst which the first, 22, ' 

1,11 i 


Studies in Tnlitia History and Culture 

Tulu-nadu and the next 12 gramas from Kotesvaram upto Kannapuram 
formed southern Tulu-nadu It is further stated that in the four-fold 
division of Malrad (Tulu, Kiipa, Kerala and Mushika), Tulu kingdom 
compnsed the territory extending from Gokarna to Perumpula (the big 
lit ci), 1 e. the Canaras (noith and south) v ery nearly as at present defined, 
Col Wilks, a reputed historian, tells us that from the region of the southern 
promentor)’ of Cape Comerin, on the Western Coast, Malaya! am language 
extends over Trav ancoic and Malabar and as far as Nilesvaram. ‘From 
thence to Sadashegur (Sadashivagad), south of Goa, we find Tooluva 
language and the country of Tooluva’. 30 Epigraphical evidence will 
show how unhistorical it would be to identity the early Tulu-nadu with 
both North and South Kanara districts 

Amongst the foreign travellers, Duarte Barboza, the Portuguese 
traveller m hi' account of Canara refers to the frontiers of Tulu-nadu 
ranging between Honnavara (North Kanara district) in the north to the 
Payasvani (Kasaragod taluk, Kerala) in the south. He further says 
that the people of Mirjan in his days used to identify Ankola with Tuluva 4 . 

Prof. S.K. Aiyangar states that on the West Coast, the earliest available 
literature referred to Tulu-nadu as a distinct political and ethnic entity 
immediately to the north of Kerala or Chera The Tulu country, he 
opines, then took in a part of what is now called North Malabar and 

probably extended northwards to Kanvar point. 5 

There is hardly any doubt that the Tulu country was known as far 
back as the period of the Sangam literature, for we have the mention 
of Tulu-nadu for the first time in this literature. It is not easy to locate 
Tulu-nadu of the Sangam literature as the boundaries are not mentioned 
anywhere The ruler of Tulu-nadu is stated to be Nannan and K G. 
Shesha Iyer writes m his Chera Kingdom of the Sangam Period that the Nannans 
were the kings of the gold-producing country of Konkan, that they were 
Kadamba kings and their country lay near Banavasi (North Kanara 
district) « Th e assertion of K. S. Aiyangar? that Nannan, who is mention- 






Mark Wilks -Historical Sketches of South India, pp 48-49 

Sn,Zl e cLP, Z n~ t p D 78-7 P 9° n ° f ** ^ 

South Kanara Manual, Vol I, p 67 PP y 

'pp 582-583. °' (^' eV ' S enes )~f> K Aivangar - Satijaputras of Asohan Edicts 

The Chera Kingdom of the Sangam Period, pp 11 12 & IQ 
Ind Ant Vol LIV pp 37_qa rr c k ’ 4 

to Indian Culture, p 323 ’ " ^ an S ar Some Contributions of South Indict 

^ ^ t ' : y /t ;- i ?}'. GuW, dvTy 

;§S tioned in "Ahani 1 3': as having been attacked by tlie - Kosars and as having 
lost his slate elephant, ruled over South Kanara and North Kanara in 
.V; the middle of the second century A.DV seems too sweeping and arbitrary. 

Anyway,; facts are not adequate enough* to determine finally .which this 
.'y country of ;Tulu was and where it should be. located, y ; r " v T; 

• A y:. • In . Kannada literature, the name Tulu-nadu' first occurs in the 
( [v Dharmamrita of N ay asen a . 8 This work, perhaps, belongs to A.D.1115. 8 " 
; ; S . Here also we do not get any clue which territory is referred to as Tulu-nadu 
X; by the author. 'The lamentation in a house, consequent on the death 
A; of a person, is compared to what is being done in Tulu-nad u ( Tulu-nada 
%Tsalta-nimieyante palayisuvar)^ None of the sources mentioned above 
helps .us to solve the problem of locating the original Tulu-nadu. On : 

: ;an examination of the various epigraphs, we may be convinced of the 
;|bfa^thdt if -is not possible to equate the early Tuluva or Tulu-nadu with 
>yfthe modern district of South Kanara. Let us turn to: the various epigraphs 
^ thatirefer to Tulu-nadu. 

The first epigraph that mentions Tulu comes from Tamil-had. The 
ty^Tattattalmahgalam grant of Nandivaraman II (731-795 A;D.), the 
; Pallava Ling, states that at the gate of the king, there awaited without 
p/jgettihg) opportunity (to enter), the Vallabhas, the Kalabhras, the Keraias, 

I; :the Pandyas, the Gholas, the Tulus, the Koiikanas and others desirous 
yybf Obtaining admission to serve him. 9 We do not know 1 the exact frontiers 
7N of. the Tulu country . referred to in this giant. But the surmise That fit ' ; 

may have been located in the Honnavara and Bhatakala taluks of the i 
^ .district of North Kanara, is possible. In substantiation,-; the following • 
explanation may be given. : Banavasi and its surrounding regions were 

region as a result of the Pallavas’ weakened position.' War: witli the 7 
^Pallavas of Kanclii was the order of the day' right up to the advent, of the; ; 

Ghalukyas of Badami ? a . Even after ' the establishment of the Chalukyan ) 
if 545 this region continued to be the battle-groimd for..: 


• !9 


.Nayasena .‘f-fihqrniamrifa, Part 17(1924) p; 


76<A.Partl;tp. .il3. Av : -V :>J : ' ■ H-V- - 1 • V , 'VV-m-'- 1 * -v; • • ; j 'O 

XVIII, pp. 121-123;. Tasya Vallabha. KaUbara -Ktralah Taftdyd Chola 


Studies in Tu}uua History and Culture 

political supremacy between the Chalukyas and the Pallavas. That a 
minor branch of the Pallavas of Kanchi must have settled in the Honnavara 
taluk, North Kanara, perhaps, after the decline of the Chalukyas of Badami, 
is evidenced by an inscription, found at Kekkar in the same taluk, 96 stated 
to belong to the 8th century A.D. It states that Anneyarasa was the 
loid of Paivagundapuia, administering (?) Kadatoke as far as Sivaiji 
Among the descriptive epithets of this ruler, Anneyarasa, the adjective 
Simhadhvaja-virajamana, Simha-lanchchhana and ICaikeya-vamsodbhava are 
noteworthy. They arc indicative of the descent of tire ruler from the 
Kaiheva family' and that the crest and ensign of his family' were a lion. 
We aic tempted to connect this family with the Kadambas of Banavasi, 
who, too, were known to have had lion as their family crest; but they 
were not the natives of Paivegundapura. The Pallava chief, Gopaladeva, 
on the other hand, is described as Paivegundapuresvara and Kaikeya-vamsod- 
bhavadhala-pradhana-punisha and had a rampant lion as his family crest 
s °, the chief Anneyarasa apparently belonged to the family of Gopaladeva 
and like the latter, had been connected with the Kaikeyas on his mother’s 
S1 e. It may be possible that the Tulu king, who sought for interview 
with Nandivarma II, may have been one of these rulers, belonging to 
the Kaikcya family. 

The Balmuri inscription 9 * of the Bdgola Hobali, of the Kongalya 
king, Pandiava Maharaya, dated A.D. 1012, icfers to the conquest of 

" . r r t i' S ^ a PP ens *° kc the earliest Kannada inscription that 
mentions Tuluva It says that he seized Tulava and Kohkana, pursued 

' Z. 1 aeya ’ pashcd aside and passed over Chera, Teluga and Rattiga 
an d T S, - Cd the Smal1 Be!vala C0lmtr y (from his master Raja- 
successor^f r a T r ,f r Plates °. f Ra J ara j a I (A.D.985-A.D. 1 01 6) w , the 

include Pand ^'i °tc ’ mcntion the conquests of this monarch which 

Simhalendra Satyasraya. Perhaps, 
campaiem TTl to the same militaiy 

district ^and h' V1S T ldentificd Tu,ava with the South Kanara 
— ! — and^his conclusion has been accepted as final by all those who 

94 ^TL n ^ ombay , p,omnce ' 1 (p 5). 

Kanara (where Udupi is locatcdT^ Cann , ol 1 be identified with givajli of South 

« Lp hd Vo! No 140. 

10 "»*** and Coorg from ^sfnpho'ns^ 

11 “ 140 > William Coelho - Hopsata Varna 

Kanaray (The difficulty - of identifying Tuhiva ; ;ahy of the . mpderr 

A 7 in q i n risK r< O n rn r> c fM.'irlonl w/Hr-ri wo ovo mirw* • Cho or-sirrrnrdic Tiirflvov - / • 

of Bankiyalupendra , 11 found in Barakuru, South ; Kariara; district T ,-A 
correct- reading of this epigraph will give (us the / following i'weh^lfrse^irii 
to record the military achievements of a eomm andeiy (ory ; su bordinatc 
of . Bankiyalupendra . This chief is stated to have had his fame; spread 
(uniformly over all the universe and, feeling confident in the use of his 
(sword, established his own command in Tulu-vishay.a; :arid brought all 
those who ruled over seven male and seven kombu to the feet of liis master 
^Bankiyalupendra, Pursuing the Chola army that had carried its arms, 
reducing the mandalikas and mahdmandalikas (stated to be 120 in number), 
(hie -caused for their surrender to his overlord. He dvershadioW ? ed;the- ; : fehte 

lost because of mutilation. 12 ; ■ . ' ' : v /(" 

: Tliis epigraph is significant from three stand-points,t/Firsb:Bankiyalu- 

pendra was the overlord and he was probably ruling from Barakuru.. 
Secondly, it was the chief, to whom the various epithetsii nicntioned in 
the epigraph, belonged, who undertook the conquests oh behaif of His 
master and who established his authority over Tulu-vishaya and:, not 
'Bankiyalupendra. Thirdly, Tulu-vishaya must have been., conquered 
for the first time and, where it is to be located is most intriguing. Since 
Bankiyalupendra was ruling over Barakuru and other territories, it would 

(be suggested that it could be the area surrounding Gcrusoppe and Bliatta^; 

UVlx. ,"iU. TVT j-U /A t ntn . **i r i r*»v»i r •' tiTifl nr ^ in t •» W-rkWii +- , 

the Western Ghalukyan ruler, dated A.D. 1099 records a gift of land 

' .;(V .9././. Vol. VII, No. 327. The date of Bankiyalupendra nmy bc.piaccd in the’ ir* 

iN "( of the 1 1 tli century A . D. • C .*.«•; ; y \r : (T(T: : v(y.' ' 

V:( 12 This: cbisxatnh is incorrectly translated bv Dr. B. A. Saletore’in his Hislorv of 7 

; lus. namesake ot , Othe lath century A: jj.vr.wjtn , tiiq. resuUithat;;;\he{hasyerred;that^ 
- :7 Bahlayaiupendra 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

for the salvation of Warasing who attained heaven by entering the sacri- 
ficial fire-pit, amidst the admiration of the people at the demise along 
with the consort of his leige-lord, Devaki, the son of Mahasamanta Chikkarasa 
and the commander of the Tulu guards, who were the body-guards of 
the king. I2 “ In the fight of a later inscription, dated A. D. 1398, found 
at Kaikani, Honnavara taluk, North Kanara, we can venture to identify 
the Tuluva -tanlra (Tulu guards), mentioned in the above inscription 
with the Tvln-kalaka (Tulu army) of Gerusoppe rulers, who, as will be 
proved presently, styled themselves as the Tulu kings. 

An epigraph of Kadabal, Sirsi taluk 13 , North Kanara, mentions 
Lafiyadevi as ruling, Mahamandalesvara Tailamadeva and Tuluva (country). 
This epigraph is said to belong to the 12th century A . D . on palaeographical 
grounds. Evidently, Tuluva in this context could be the region near 
Gerusoppe and not the district of South Kanara which was by this time 
known universally as Alvakheda. 

The Hoysala inscriptions''' make profuse references to Tulu-nadu, 
Tulu-desa, Tuluva-bala and Tula king. It is here the problem of identi- 
fication becomes acute and uncertain. This is because, simultaneously, 
frequent references are also made to Alvakheda (and it was always a 6000 
country') which may be taken into account with good reasons as co-extensive 
with the modern district of South Kanara. The lords of Alvakheda 
were the Alupa kings. Dr. B. A. Saletore does not distinguish between 
the Alupas and the Tuluvas and also between Alvakheda and Tulu-nadu. 15 
He identifies one with the other completely. And there seems a great 
deal of confusion. No doubt, Tulu-nadu was subjected almost completely 
by the Hoysala king, Vishnuvardhana, and this subversion was so complete 
that for over three generations very few accounts of military prowess 
of Vishnuvardhana were embodied in ^epigraphs without mention being 
made of the conquest of Tuluva. But the most vexing problem is whether 
the conquest of Tuluva or Tulu-desa meant the conquest of Alvakheda. 
The Hoysala epigraphs separately and particularly mention Alvakheda 

'j? A R No 1 of 1940- 41 (B K 1, p 240} 
n ! \' Vo1, k Part h No 36 of 1939-40. 

15 T,pto! NL 40 58 COm6 ' !> AW/3 '- J “ Cn ^ 0 “)- 

1 . b ' d 1 jy. Nagamangala No 28 
Ibid II, No 53 

15 (M V- BSluru, No 124 etc. 

A. baletore - Hviory of Tuluva - Hoysalas and the Alupas, pp. 268 to 295. 

• 11 ' 

or Alvaraldieda as the -wcstcrii boundary : of tlie . Hoys 

the • ; Yacts^to ; "prove that thisf pouptryb bf ; : ^s^:ifediice(lvi>to • 

tlie boundaries of his kingdom as bounded by Kohkanay Nadah^akheda/^ 
Bayainadu, Talakadu and Savimale. The Ghildkamagalur ' inscription U.: 
of Tribhuvanamalla Vinayaditya Hoysala, dated A.D; , 1103, rneiitions" 
Ins kingdom as bounded by Konkana, Alvakheda, Bayalna^uTralekaclu and : 

S^Vini^lC A ItrnlrbSrlrk Iott +/\ pnn+Vj TT ntal/U r> d •’•o W rl ‘ .f/v.' kni?' 

to -the; ;nortb; ’of b 
In the Mysore Inscriptions , 8 1 

riot corroborate this statement. Tulu king and Jagadeva mentioned 
n this epigraph seemed to be distinct one from the other, k Dry Saletpre’s : 
dew that the Tulu king in this connection was the Alupa ruler, Bhujabala: 
rvavi-Alupendra-deva, does not represent the historieaIdtn.ith; !9 :y The : 
boundaries of Vishnuvardhana’s kingdom in A. IT 11 1 ^ - 
is follows. 20 The lower Ghat of Nangali in the east 
ind Anamale in the south; the Barakanura Ghat n 
he West and Savimale in the north. In A . D . 1 1 36, when he .Was at the k 
enith of his power, his kingdom included the following • provinces ; 2 ty ; 
Talakadu, Kongu, Nahgali, Gaiigavadi, Nolariibayadi; T^tyavadi; iHuligeirie^; 

r> - tt-u t t„ 1 . 

y < 


aat When Vishnuvardhana was ruling Gaiigavadi-96,000, : the Alvakheda. yv 
eople took prisoners in thousand in the cattle .raid; It is stimulatiiig P;; 
> note that the foes, are referred to as the people of Alvakheda, and not 
s Tuluvas. ' - Had . Tulu-nadu been identical - with ; Alvakhedayk the£e 

■V W d A . ’w'. 1 J „ 1 1 ^ J n J p‘‘ r 'i 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

of the suzerain and records that the Pandya, the Cho]a, the Chera and 
the Alvara sank due to the military compaigns of Narasiiiga. Afterwards, 
there is tire separate mention of Tulu-desa, Chakragotta and other coun- 
tries. The inscription of Vinayaditya Hoysala 24 sets the limits of his 
dominion as bounded by Konkana, Alvakheda, Bayalnadu, Talekadu 
and Savimale, and Tulu-desa is mentioned separately in the same epigraph. 
The non-mention of Tulu-desa as the western boundary of the Hoysala 
kingdom and instead Barakanura Ghatta or Alvakheda, gives us the clue 
to infer with good reasons that Tuluva was not the same as Alvakheda, 
although it became a part of Alvakheda, perhaps, after the 1 2th century A.D. 

Let us further proceed in chronological sequence to identify Tuju- 
nadu. The Hosagunda rulers, who ruled over Santalige- 1000 in the 
district of Simoga in the 13th century A.D. assumed the titles as follows: 

1. Kumara Birarasa A.D. 1221 - Tuh-rdya-sthapanacharyaP 

2. The same king in A.D. 1255 is referred to as assuming 
Tulu-raj a-samuddharanam 26 

3. Bammarasa A.D. 1275 — Tulu-ra) a-sthdpandchdrya 17 ■ 

4 Biradevarasa A.D. 1281 - Tulu-raya-slhapanacMrya 2 * 

5. Tammarasa A.D. 1287 - same® 

6. Birarasa Bommarasa A.D. 1294 ~ Tulu-raya-pratishthapanachaiya' 10 

7. Koteya-nayaka A.D. 1296 — Tuhiva-raya-sthdpamchdrya^' 

It becomes evident from the above epigraphs that Tulu-raya or 
Tuluva-raya could not be the Alupa ruler, as no Alupa king had ever 
been referred to as Tulu-raya. The Tulu-rajya mentioned here may 
be identified with the Gerusoppe region, which during this period witnessed 
the rise of a ruling family known as the Nagire rulers, as may be proved 
by the inscriptions of the 1 4th century A.D. u. An inscription of Hoysala 
Vira Ballala III 33 , dated A.D. 1318 — 1319, records the details of a fight 
against Basavadeva of Cliandavara below the Ghats and the destruction 
°f Tuluvas in the battle of the Ghats. The scene of the battle was in the 
Honnavara taluk of North Kanara and not in the district of South Kanara. 
The Tuluvas mentioned here must have been the rulers or the inhabitants 
of Tu]u-desa whose centre was Nagire or Gerusoppe in the Honnavara 
taluk. North Kanara. 



tin?. tXcgamangala, No 2 
d^agar, Nc 
Ibid. Sugar, No 150. 

Ibid Sugar, 134. 

Hid. Xagar, No. 20. 

29 Ibid. VII, ShU.aripur , No. 312. 

30 Ep. Car. VIII, Soraba, No. 502. 

31 M. A. R. 1931, pp 188 to 190 

“- Supra Political History of Feudatory States, 
33 Ep. Car. VII, Homali, No. 117. 

Historical ^Evohtiowqf "' 

yX'/r The earliest epigraph . .that specially; mentions Gerusoppe in the ; 
r: Honnavara taluk , \ North Kanara, as -belonging to Tulu-des'a . is . dated 
:;? A;D. 13 78. 34 And we have ; the regular genealogy of the rulers of Gerurf; 

: soppe (Nagire) from at least the beginning of the 14th century A. D. until 
y the' close of the 16th century A . D. It states that to . the south of Mem lay 
•; .Tulu and Kongu and Haiva-bhupala was the ruler of the Tulu kingdom 
blii Avhich shines the city of Gerusoppe. It is : appropriate -here to hhentioip 
y. tivb other: epigraphs found on hero stones, dated A. D. 1 398, udiich glye ' unmistakable proof of Gerusoppe and Bhattakala region being called • 
^Tulii-rajya in the 14th century A.D. These epigraphs 35 state, that . 
cMahapradhana Mangappa-dannayaka took an offensive on the Tulh ; 
^country, camped at Bidire and having overpowered the., Ghavatas,: issued/ 
yah • order to the men of Mahamandalesvara Haivarasa to vanquish the foesh 
n .and proceeded, perhaps, to Kaikani. In these epigraphs, Bidire could 
^hardly be identified with Mudabidure of the South Kanara : district^ £> 
y nor, Tulu-rajya with either the Barakuru-rajya or the 
;|It could very certainly be the region of Bhattakala and'G&r'usoppe .'Qila^ire)>p 
.1; And Bidire referred to in these epigraphs may be identified with Bidanuru i : 
y of Sagar taluk from where, perhaps, it was convenient to launch the 
JV campaigns against the Tulu kingdom. Tins' Bidire-nadu, also called:^ 

: Venupura, was referred to in one of the epigraphs as a part of theHadu-A 
valli kingdom (in Tulu-dcsa) ruled over by Indagarasa or Salvendra :IId 6a 
.It is not possible to identify the Chavatas mentioned here with inflexible^ ■- 
$ resolve. The Barakuru inscription of the same year , (A . D ; 1 398) states i 
bthat Sankaradeva-Odeya was the governor of Barakuru-rajya and there y, 

- does not appear to be any such political commotion and violence during 
This reign. 37 • . • • * ' ..•••'• ; Ty 

ACT. During the Vijayanagara times, the district of South Kanara seemed p: 
:/to ; have been permanently associated with the name Tulu-mdu or • y; 
■rdjya. . There were two provinces, namely, the Barakuru and Mangaluru- . 
y : rajyas.. And it is very significant to note that the Barakuih-rajya was 

: " 34 M. A. i?. 1928, Ins. Nq. 108, p. 97. 
K. I. Vol. I, Nos. 35 & 36.' 

At -‘Itf *• 3S- Truk-‘'t7 -r 

y-X^-A. R. No. 274 for ; 1931-’32,. TT T 'X/XXX 


Studies m Tuluva History and Culture 

also known as Tulu-rajya and Barakuru-Tulu-rajya. 38 In this altered 
political situation, it was the northern portion of the South Kanara district 
with its capital at Barakuru, that was called Tulu-nadu, although Tulu 
w r as rot spoken there. Very often the Barakuru-Tulu-rajya included 
m it Bhatakala legions also. 

It deseives to be noted that the name Tulu-desa came to represent 
unmistakably the various kingdoms such as Haduvalli (Sahgitapura) 
and Nagire from the 14th century A . D . As already pointed out, Barakuru- 
rajya was also called Tulu-rajya. Sometimes, both Mahgaluru and 
Barakuru-rajyas were referred to as Tulu-rajya, as evidenced during 
the governorship of Ratnappa-Odeya, dated A. D. 1515. 38 

The Karnatak Inscriptions pointedly refer to the Tulu, Haive and 
Nagirc-rajyas.'* 0 It is very difficult to demarcate the boundaries of these 
countries in precision. It may be inferred that the rulers of Nagire and 
Haduvalli called themselves Tulu kings and their territories bore, in 
general, the name Tulu-desa , although in particular each w'as known 
as Haduvalli or Nagire-raya. The point becomes clearer with further 
evidence. The Kaikani epigraph, dated A .D . 1415, states that the Kaikard- 
vishaya w'as a sacred place in Tulu-desa. 41 Another inscription of the 
Haduvalli, Bhatakala, dated A. D. 1423, particularly mentions Haduvalli 
as being the centre of Tulu-desa. 42 An inscription of Hosa-basti ,J 
in Mudabidure, South Kanara district, dated A. D. 1451, states that 
Jinadasa Salva hlalla was ruling from Suvarnapuri (Honnavara in North 
Kanara) over Nagire, Haive and Konkana, Nagire being the vermilion 
of the lady of Taula\a-desa. The same inscription refers to Gerusoppe 
as the capital of Nagire-rajya, part and parcel of the Tuju country'. The 
Mavali epigraph of A.D.1547 44 of the North Kanara district points 
to Gerusoppe as the capital of Tu]u-desa. It states that Saluva Krishna- 
raja-Odeya of the lunar race w'as ruling over Nagire-rajya, Haive, Tulu 
and Konkana-rajyas from his capital at Gerusoppe in the Tu]u country. 
The Sagar inscription dated A.D.1560« locates Taulava-desa as lying 

38 r/v 7 - ^ 5 ° s 309 ’ 3i0 > 34 °. 350. 355 etc , 

fhf-nvd B iiVo U , No 3> A ' R - No - 263 - r or 1931— ’32; 

I bid o08 for 1928—29 

” No. 528 for 1928-*29* 

£ / Vol. 3 I,Ko 63> 1; Ibid ™ in. Part I, Nos. 72 & 79. 

- 44&r V V fi 1 V ° L ‘ m ’ PartI ’ NO 79 ‘ 


to the east of tHe western ocean (the Atahean Sea^'to to describe • 

i', -i n a n *rt'/4 v -‘« i-n /vvi'- Trtll/sYirC’ * V ^Tn ‘‘i f - Ai-iC ia’'t'o niyf 4-1^-W'l 

y if :' The earliest- epigraph discovered in /the Mahgaluru-rajya mentioning , 

.^n *T A A A 1 rs VlTVl OmrO r\-f* fli n Pn tf f o 1 CkiVfk’t.'.v 

K;anara belonged to it is dated A . D . 1 387 46 . It states that Iv^adhavaraya, . 

governor of Goa, made certain grants after purchase of land, to the /temple ^ 
Tof Subrahmanya at Kukke, a part of Kaclaba in Tuju-mandala. <; THc% 

. next epigraph also mentions some grant made to tlie same divinity and :; 

: is dated A . D . 1 38847. Among the 3 7 countries mentioned fas ieohqueredy 
; dining the reign of Harihara II, Tultfva was one and it seemedho comprise^ 

TV urift c»-nrl T<T Sril o : 48 pri''\ 

■ -come 

y tlie several countries of Aryakhanda, Tulu-desa was one to which belonged ; |ii 
Mangaluru-stliala, and Venupura (Mudabidure) fist stated,] 

Pniiicpie town of Tulu-desa 49 . 

• , A+" +T* •TaU 

'pertain observations 

/-f.p - The foregoing discussion will 
; inferences, which, at any rate, are 
-PUp ii);-. It is not historically correct to identify ancient. Tuluvaywith; : f 
. ..any; of the present political divisions either the district, of :South ;Ka.narh: ^ 
;pr. of North Kanara. . v y / • .f- 

fs y;f .(ii) Future research alone could throw .'light on the qu estioil . iyhat ; .y 
.. exactly the extent of Tulu-nadu was during the iSafijpto 
f y f v (iii) f Historical records show that Tulu-nadu upttd ^the :ndvent\ nf ; V 
the Vijayanagara period lay in the . region of the present taluks of Hoima-:.; / 
vara and Bhatkala rather than in the district. of/ South Kanara -properf y 

that the Tulu spe; 


: 48 

lu speaking ’ area; wak the^hetht : 

6 M. A.R. No. 2 for 1 928-’29 (Cdppcr-i?lf tcs V Z 
7 : ; iV/. A. -R. 19.4-3 j South Kan ara No..46. & ; 

8 Ep.Car/V ; Bcluru No. 3, A;0. f 397;::>f 
PS. t /. A r dL VII,. Nos. 196, ; 197 & 202. 


Studies m Tuluva History and Culture 

epigraph dating before the 14th century A. D. is available to establish the 
hypothesis that the region between the river Kalyanapura in tire Udipi 
taluk and the river Chandrrgiri (Perumpula in the Kasaragod taluk) 
could definitely be called Tulu-nadu. 

(\) The name Tulu-desa or Tulu-nadu came to be used to denote 
vaiious tciritories such as the Nagire, Haduvalli, Barakuru and sometimes 
Bin akuru and Mangaluru provinces after the advent of the Vijayanagara 

(vi) The Pattattalmangalam grant of Nandivarman II assignable 
to the third quartet of the 8th century A.D. 50 states that the Tulu king 
was one of those, waiting for an opportunity to seek an interview with the 
overlord. This is, perhaps, the first mention of Tulu in inscriptions. We 
cannot make out who the Tulu king was, nor do wc know to which territory 
he belonged. The Larger Leiden Plates of Rajaraja 51 (A.D.985-A.D.1016), 
speak of the conquests of the countries-Pandya, Tulu, ICerala and also 
Simhalendra and Satyasraya. This epigraph is of the 11th century A.D. 
and here also we have the same difficulty of locating the area, Tuluva 
We do not have strong grounds to argue that the Tulu country was iden- 
tical with the present South Kanara district. 

(vii) A copper-plate inscription from Honnavara 52 North Kanara 
district, (palaeographically assigned to the 6th century A.D.) records 
the grant of a village, Napitapalli, together with a grove ( aratna ) and certain 
varieties of land (called kanasa and pukholi) to the Arya Sangha by the ruler 
during the reign of Ravi-maharaja. This Ravi-maharaja may be identified 
with Ravivarma of the Kadamba dynasty of Banavasi. The reference 
to Clutrascna as — Kella and M aha-Kella in this record is interesting. The 
mention of Ara-ICella and Sevya-Gella as local chieftains in the epigraphs 
of the 9th and 12tli centuries A.D. respectively from the South Kanara disf 
i ict suggests the possibility of Kella having been the family name of minor 
ruling houses in the coastal Kanara territory. This record is said to have 
been issued from Vijayambu-dvipa. An interesting point is that this 
Ambu-dvipa could fairly rightly be identified with the territory comprising 
Gerusoppc, Honnavara etc. For, an epigraph from Sagar in the 15th 

ntnr\ A.D. describes the celebrated city of Gerusoppc, situated on the 

51 7rt f Y° l XVIII, p 121. 5' Ep. Ini Vol. XII n 219 

ror r i9G3-’64 *° N °' 10 of A PP endlx ~ A, from Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy 
55 C P Car Vol VII, Xo 55. 


The Historical Evolution of Tulu-nadu 
1 J > ' 

southern bank of the Ambu river, in the great Tuluva country. Geru- 
soppe was also known as Kshemapura. Therefore, hypothetically, we 
may infer that even as far back as the 6th century A.D., an important 
part of Tuluva was located in the region watered by the Ambu river. 

(viii) In a recent book-let entitled the Histoiy of Tulu-nadu 5 f written 
in Tamil, an attempt is made to sketch the history of Tulu-nadu during 
the Sahgam period. Suffice it to say here that the author lacks seriously 
geographical knowledge and that his identification of Tulu-nadu with 
Konkana-nadu happens to be gross misrepresentation of facts. Dr. K. K. 
Pillai, who had given foreword to this work, also believes that Tulu-nadu 
was a part of Tamilnad during the Sangam period and that the Satiya- 
putra of the Asokan Edicts was none other than Tulu-nadu which was 
co-extensive with the present district of South Kanara. It can only be 
Remarked that ‘before we accept these sweeping statements, a great deal 
of original and fundamental research has to be done based on authentic 
records and archaeological survey. 



The political history of Tulu-nadu from the early centimes of the 
Christian era to the advent of the British may, broadly, be divided into 
four periods. 

(1) The Alupa period 

(2) The Vijayanagara period 

(3) The Keladi period 

(4) The period of Hyder Ali and Tuppu Sultan 

The his ton 1 of a host of minor chieftaincies that held power in partial 
sovereignty merges into these four broad divisions. 

The Alupas and their role in the history of Tulu-nadu 

The Alupas were the most important of the various ruling families 
of Tulu-nadu who seem to have had a record of more than a thousand 
years of political career and they controlled the ‘destiny of Tulu-nadu 
till the close of the 14th C.A.D. There can hardly be any doubt that 
theirs was a family of considerable antiquity. It is almost certain now 
that Alvakheda, the land of the Alupas, was known, to the Greeks as, 
Olokhoira.' The Halmidi inscription* (the earliest of the hitherto known 
Kannada inscriptions) makes references to Alapa-gana and Ala which, 
most probably, relate to the Alupa family. In the recently discovered 
Gudnapur epigraphs, ascribed to the 6th century A.D., the Alupa ruler is 
mentioned as one of the subordinates of Kadamba Ravivarma (C. A.D- 
485— A.D.519) In all probability, the A]upas entrenched themselves in 
powerfrom the early centuries of the Christian era and very often, offering 
their willing submission to the Karnataka overlords, continued in virtual 
political sovereignty over Alvakheda until the establishment of the Vijaya- 
nagara empire . It is difficult to define in finality their territorial juris- 

’ Ya 4^936^1? ° f Ta,ulas ’ p 56 

nhm\hxha pp. 66-67 (Felicitation Volume of Prof. S Snkantha Sastri). 

19 . 

/ to'time. Nevertheless, it may, broadly, be stated tliat tlie district of South 
• K the coastal regions of the North Kanara district upto Gokarna 


/were subject, their capital was shifted from one place to another. f Mahgala- 

f '-' 1 <■ r*Vv / A /T* "I ntvt /-» /4 + /«. h n ^ T-v Xi •»» fi v.^i. ^ m 1 ' T m * ^ O 4~ h : ' 

' /activity. ; ; Then, Barakuru drew their attention and once again, perhaps, 
frdni the 11th to the 13th centuries A. D., Mangalapura became the seat 
//of their regal authority and it continued to occupy their position until 
/the end of their political power, 

fact that they were the feudatories of the Karnataka ..suzerains ■/ 
/Kadambas of Banavasi, the Chalukyas of Badami, the Rashtrakutas , " 
" of Manyakhcta, the Ghalukyas of Kalyana, the Hoysalas of Dvarasamudra 
| "and : the ; Rayas of Vijayanagara) reveals clearly the phenomenon that 
from die early centuries of the Christian era, Tulu-nadu had unbroken . - 
y contact with Karnataka and therefore, the influence of Karnataka .oyer;./. 

M cultural complex and the Western Ghats had been no serious impediments 
f/tof this dienetr ation. ' / • ' ,' 

V//:.'// It is not. wortlrwhilc, at the present juncture, to debate upon the 
" /nature of the origin of the Alupas and what exactly the term ylA/po.connotes./v : ;; 
/ Su ffi.ce ( it to infer that the word-foot dlu means hide’. 6 Perhaps, - the • • 
/Originator of this family must have been named Alupa or Aluva and the entire: / 
i /family came to be called the Alupa dynasty and the: term Alupa (A(uva) . /> 
//came to. be accepted in tradition as the family, cognomen. : Some scholars : : 
/like Dr, B. A. Sale tore and M. Govinda Pai are of the opinion that tin 
/term. d liilrri "■miipf va! q fori • fA Is pelt a : ii cr -Df tli a QprnprifcV.^ti^fd'rrnr^ifirfl't 

• infer 

•A f- • 

Efr: Tnd.\r n \. XXXTT.nri: 318-25. H-vO/O. V //:.>/ 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

in substantiation, to the relief on the inscription-stone from Mangalore, 
dated A. D. 1303, which they seem to surmise is that of a hooded-serpent. 
In fact, the relief on this stone is not of a hooded-serpent, but of Brahma, 
Vishnu and Mahesvara in propitiation of whom grant was given. The 
central relief is of Vishnu depicted as being seated on Sesha. Lack of 
observation has led to this misconception, 7 (PLATE XI c) 


The Halmidi inscription of Kakusthavarman belonging to about 
A.D.450 is taken into account as the earliest of the Kannada epigraphs, 
hitherto, discovered. It is argued that Alapa mentioned in this inscription 
may be identified with the Alupas of the district of South Kanara. Autho- 
rities still dispute whether this identification is acceptable 8 . Should we 
accept this equation of Alapa with /Uupa, we can say that the history of 
the Alupas dates back to the 5th century A.D. on epigraphical grounds. 

In the 7th century A.D., the Alupas were ruling in the district of 
South Kanara. This fact is corroborated by two of the earliest inscriptions 
belonging to die dynasty, both found in the Udipi taluk 7 . We come 
across the name AlvaUieda with its geographical extent 6,000 for the first 
time m the Soraba inscription, dated about A.D. 800, of the Rashtrakuta 
’ ^.J-ndarasa', Another epigraph of the 9 th century A.D. beloneing 
° t 1 . ugun , Bankapura taluk of the Dharwar district, seems to record 
some g ts. o and when Indapayya was governing Banavasi-1 2,000. It 
? e , ntl ° nS . • va ^heda-6,000". It is beyond doubt that Alvakheda 
a is met po ltical division was known by about the 9th century A.D. 

f ,i . ’ ® u ^ ers introduction to the Vikramankadevacharita gives the 

,TT' Vikrima ’ °» b ™s M to Mmsclf. marched 
Then 1 ■ ™ gabhadra on whose bank he rested his army for sometime. 

J hen he became anxious to fight the Gholas and spent sometime in 

Djmuhes of IheKana^scDiltncu' p.To9 P60 ' M ‘ GovInda v ^~Tcnka-nadu pp. Fleet- 
s page 20. * 936, Is ° 16, s Sr,kanta Sastri - Sources of Karnataka History, Vol. I, 

one AtapTty r d5. P 1936 0 p™ d 7« ba r f^ U5 ' , ’ a > da ted circa 450 A.D. mentions 
{lad Anti 19, page 17) refers to nPsiT' 1 1 ™ Mahakiita inscription of MangalCsa 
7 A A a P a Aluva d^astv know whether they belonged 

: O FOOta0tel4 ’W318) . 

" - 1 ' * No. 26or i943JS a ^ NO h 10 

Of BombajhR anidfaka Inscriptions , 


Vanavasa. When he resurhecf -VWs^iharfeh”;':: the trumpets of his arm); 

a ^ lim’rrc rvF. ; A/folo^Vo ■ A /z&'n \ Af* -.Viic, "* '*;'T A t ».o £ 6 i 

South of. Kohkana and north of Kerala Jay the Alupa lungdoiii; • Thi 
territorial:- division of • Alvakhcda-6,000 .continued to f be called; by tha 
irame .till the Hoysala period. . And an inscription of the time of Vishnu 



During the Hoysala times, this country was frequently referred to as-: th< 
Alvakheda and as the western boundary of their doihinionsVM - ‘ rnL 

v;TTThbnxtension of Alvakheda over parts of the North Kanara district 
inclusive of Halve, .may be substantiated by a few epigraphs. The dMsioi 

: JAltr'i/k /i!'- iL-t'C -* ’• j 1- 1.. _ TD^iSI,: ; — iu ~ 

The inscription belonging to the reign of Pandya-Chakravarti arirdyd-basava 
sdnkara Pdndya-gojdjikuh Vira-SOyidevalpendra, dated A.D. 1 348, describe 
the religious establishment in the lands made by one Mahaprabhu N arayana 
saryatithya of Idagundi of the Honnavara taluk.* 7 . The Sirfdi inscriptioi 
of Bhatakala, North Kanara, dated A.D. 1304, speaks of the gift mach 
if ^yPdn^a-Ghdkravarli- arirdya-basava-sankara ViiuAjayidevarasa.™ T Th< 
second!' part of ‘the same inscription dated A.D. 1 334-; records anotlie] 
gift during: the reign of SSyideva, the Alupa ruler. 1 ? Vira-Kul asekhara 
devarasa ruling from Barakuru is stated to have issued the orders in con- 
junction ^vith his ministers, announcing the continuance of the use o 
diis, biddra by the people of Swale.™ Thus, before the advent of the Vijaya- 
nagara rule, the western coastal strip, consisting, of the modern districi 
:'of Soudi Kanara and the coastal regions of North Kanara (espcciall) 
;,Bhatkala and Honnavara taluks) were under the control of : the Alupas 

Ind.-Ani. VoL V, pp. 3 1 7-323. ; V/ : A\; A V 

Ep. Cab Yol. XII, Tiptiu* No. 31. .- A- A- yjA'A-y A Al-AA AATaT AAA 

Ibid. Vol. V. > /• Beluru No. 199, Ibid. Arasikare .No. 55. 

Ibid. Ghcnnarayapatna. Nos. 204-, 205. 220. - Ibid. Vol. VI. Cliikkamdgalui. 

No. 160 ctc.:' v .''; ; ;.. ; ::- c : -.( v.yy.y-y', . A .y : V /A Ay-.;..AA{ Ay::!.' ■ AAAtA-S 

Ibid. Vol. y. Arasikere No. 55. Chermarayapatna No. 220.. ' 

IC. I Vo! . T. ; Nb 43 : nf I940-M-1 Batikianna-arasa is taken to b< 

12 . 
Ai 4 


‘ 36 



to be an Alupa ruler 

& No. 44 of l940- 41.V' 20 /foA No. 47 dfi940-’41.; 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

and Alvakheda-6,000 referred to in epigraphs was this coastal territory. 2 ' 

In the history of any country in the Christian era, it may be difficult 
to find a similar example of a continuous line of dynastic rule extending 
over a period of more than a thousand years as that of the Alupas. It is, in- 
deed, unique. But, it may not be unreasonable to suppose that the Alupas 
held power through the main and collateral branches. The most vexing 
problem with this dynasty is chronology. Any researcher on the history 
of the Alupas in general and of the early Alupas in particular is faced 
with the acute paucity of dated epigraphs with the result that the chrono- 
logical sequence in the writing of the political history of this ruling family 
can, at best, be hypothetical. Future discoveries of new epigraphs, 
dated or datable and with greater clarity, may clear the horizon. Even 
the more abundant epigraphs with fuller details relating to the medieval 
and later Alupas fail to solve the problem of chronology. It has been 
very difficult to fix the reign periods of the various Alupa rulers with 

The following genealogy of the Alupas may be accepted as fairly 
reliable, although there is a large room left for improvement. The 
succession table of the Alupa dynasty drawn by Dr. K. V. Ramesh 22 is an 
original contribution of very high value. He has painstakingly laboured 
to solve many a problem connected with chronology. A few alterations 
have been made in the light of new discoveries with the confession that 
the findings are yet not final. 

C. A. D. 650 - A. D. 675 

G. A. D. 675 - A. D. 710 

G. A. D. 710 -A. D. 720 

C. A. D. 720 - A. D. 725 

AJuvarasa I (Gunasagara) 


Chitravahana I (son) 

Kshirasagara (interim period) 




21 noA S ;o^ U of s!mn4n thcr f lvis i on ? f Alvakheda-6,000 ever comprised western 

r dls ^', 5 33 - ma, ! i0Md H the M.A.R. of 1936 

have taken, place durinp-Th 13 !?- 11 * ° t ^ lva ? c ' le< ? a mto a 6,000 province seemed to 
their possessions in the j ln ? eSj when the ^ I upas were stripped of 

tones. P£>hat region and they were confined to thacoastal terri- 

KA . Ramcsh - History of South Kanara pp. 35 - 149. 

G. A. D. 750 - A. D. 770 
G.;A.X);i 770 ; 2 : A;\D, 795 V;: ; 
G; Av;D. ; 795 >- A. D. 825 ‘ 

G);' A/I). 910 - 
G^A' D. 970 - 
G; A. D^:1000 
G. : A.DVii030 
; C! AAAI) Al 050 
; C1. AvD.;i070 
C; A. E>; ;1090 

CiA. dAi 115 . 
a : A.D; 1156 
AAAP.;i 170 
VvG7'A. p. ;1230/ 
^A.;p':;: ; i25o^ 
;G7A. b^l275 

A. D. 930 
A. D. 970 
A. D. 1000 

- A. D. 1030 

- A. D. 1050 
-A. D. 1070 

- A. D. 1090 

- A. D. 1115 

- 1155 

-A. D. 1220 
-A. D. 1230 

- 1250 A- ’ 

- A; D. 1275 

- A. D. 1292 

- A. 1 X 1300 

Aiupas;jina v ALvakheda: ; \ .■■■; v 

'^.Uday aditya Pnthvlsagara 
X- pdayaditya. Maramma Aliiyarasar 
' : A ".' : rSaka3a-Srimat-A|m ? arasa II X -AA 
; Gliitravahana II - V- - ‘ ■ '4; 

A • ... i , " A. -■ . AA 

Nagadatta Pandya-nayaga ? ; ; i- “ 

'■ 1 . .y-.v-y 

. Viinaladitya ? , • yyy 

Dattamma (Datta-Aliipa) ? 

Aluva Rananjaya ; '■ '• . . • ; 

KundaVarma • . '‘Ar 

Pandy a-Dhanarij ay a 

A ■ - - •_ . 

Chola Occupation . .A*; 

' . *1 . • .A, - ■-"A-aA 

Bankideva I v v yy 

\ , " .. ... ' .AA. AyAA 

Dattaiuvcndra-Srl-Mara . 

A j ' A A A a AAA: 

Pattiyodeya • " y • ; /:/>•* 

Pandya-Pattiyodeya : AAA;: .AK 
(Kumara Jayasingarasa) y • - yyAA 

Bhujabala Kavi-Akipendra : ( vA’AA 

Bommadeva-Alupendra ;; J AA' ;: C-y 

. Vira-Kidasekhara : 

- ' A • ' ' V-.A T’A ■ AaA :A AyABS® 

Pan(Bta-Pandya(Kundana); ; ,:’;yAA 
. Vallabliadeya A; ‘‘‘ A^/AAAA'AAy 

; Vlrapandyadcva JA^AXAAAAAAA 
.. ' Ballamahadevl(wifep^^ \ A Ak A 

04 Studies in Tuhaa History and Culture 

C. A D. 1285 - A. D. 1315 
C. A. D. 1315 - A D. 1335 

C. A. D. 1335 - A. D. 1346 
C A. D. 1346- A. D. 1355 
G. A D. 1355 - AD. 1390 
C A. D. 1390 - A. D. 1400 

Bankideva II (nephew of Virapandya) ? 


Kulasekhara II 


Bankideva III 

Kulasekhara III 

Virapandya II 


Ciiikkayi - Tap (Queen of Vira-Ballala III, A.D.1333 - 1348) 
Kulasekhara (A. D. 1344- 1348) 

The discos cry of a new epigraphy from the Settra-basti, Mudabidure, 
South Kanara throws fresh light on the genealogy of the Alupas and the 
introduces a new r ruler in Bammadeva-Alvendra, who is stated to belong 
to Soma-iamsa and is described as Bliuvana-vikhyala and Pandya-kula-tilaka. 
The absence of the Saha year in this epigraph causes difficulty in deter- 
mining the date. The epigraph is in the foim of an epitaph mentioning 
the death of one Uttama-setti on the Ekadasi day (Wednesday) falling 
on the se\ enth day of Vrishabha-masa of Parthiva sarhvatsara. Parthiva 
occurs in A.D. 1045, A. D. 1105, A. D. 1165, A. D. 1225 and A. D. 1285. 
The 7th tithi on the said Vrishabha month does not correspond to the 
week-day, Wednesday, in any of these years. Only in die years A . D . 1 285 
it corresponds to Thursday (a day later) i.e. May 1, and Tuesday (a day 
earlier) i.e. May 1, respectively. In A. D. 1224, the previous Tarana 
cycic 7 eai , it falls on May 1, Wednesday. The preferable equivalent 
date may be A.D.1224 or A.D.1225. The epigraph is engraved in die 
oysala characters and has an elegant relief characterising Hovsala art. 
alaeographically, the epigraph may be ascribed to the 12th *C A.D. 
' n .* C , h CaSC * c ll datc acc <Ttable will be A.D. 1165. The text of the 
Sdma' V ■ •LrT f ° °T : Svash Sr ' lmalu Bhuvana-vikhydta P mdy alula- tilala 
Z iZivS » raj ] M J uda } .ia PtrMva- 
sZ lZt— nil &«*• Sri samasta- 


;f; ; • political history- of the; alupas 

The first recorded Alupa ruler of Alvakheda, Ganasagara (Ajuyarasa I) 
is stated to be ruling from Banavasi (North Kanara district) 6' vctfthe 
Banavasi-mandala. 1 This inscription is assigned by Mr. Rice, to A . D . 67.5 
andRence the overlord of Karnataka during this period was Vikramaditya I 
tlie Western Chalukyan king. Aluka- maharaja referred to imtthe 
Maruturu grant dated in the year 663 A. D. may be identified with 
Aluyarasa I. It invokes akshaya-phala upon Aluka-maharaja and mentions 
him as having traversed a long way from Mangalapura. 2 Gun asagara’s son 
and successor, Chitravahana, continued to be in possession and governor-; 
slnp of Kadamba-mandala. The Soraba plates of the Ghalukyari 
king, Vinayaditya, dated A.D.692, state 3 that he made, a grant at the 
request of Gunasagara Alupendra’s son, Chitravfiha-m.aharaja, who was 
In possession of the Edevolal district in the Banavasi province. Likewise, 
another copper-plate grant of . the same emperor, dated A . D . 693, mentions 
the subordination of Pallava, Kalabhra, Kerala, Haihaya, Vila, Malava, 
Ghola, and Pandya, along with the hereditary servants - the % Alupa, : 
;Gahga etc. 4 That the Alupas were subordinate to the Western Ghalukyas 
is fully evidenced by an inscription dated A . D . 634-35. fV-Tt. gives the 
information that the Alupas and the Gaiigas of old standing took delight 
in; drinking the nectar of close attendance on the great Pulakesin II, 
Sn+ yasraya. We do not know who the Alupa ruler Was at the . time of 

707jV state 

that this sovereign had gone to Banavasi .to- meet . Chitravahana .whicli : 
' *•%>’ Vol. vi, Koppa 38. '/--f-,. -■;.>’ VO-' 

-w Andra Pradesli Goot. -Archaeological Series. No-6. pp.'ll— 39 andplatesy::V;ii:Vve - 
]lnd.-:ML Vol. XIX. p.- 146 ff; Ep. Car. Vol.. VI II, S6rab&A571 
;;; A r.:7. Vol; II, No. 3 for 1940- 5 4lyp. 9. 

* hid An!. Vol. V, p. 67; Ibid. Vol. VIII. p. 237; Ep. Ltd Vol. VI. p. 10. $ 

26 Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

shows that the latter was still in possession of Banavasi-mandala. There 
is no doubt that this Chitravahana was the same as his namesake mentioned 
in the Soraba plates refeired to above. (Chitravahana of the Soraba plates 
is called Chitravahana I by Dr. Idultzsch in view of another Chitravahana 
(ID found in the later records). 6 7 * 9 Vijayaditya paid a courtesy visit to 
Banavasi from Ids camp at Kisuvolal at the request of Chitravahana 
and made the grant to the Jaina monastery which was caused to e 
constructed by Kumkumadevi at Purigere. Dr. G. S. Gai, Chiet Bpi- 
giaphist for India, while editing the Sliiggaon plates, suggests that Chitra- 
vahana coidd be his brother-in-law. He also points out that it is likely, 
Alupa Chitravahana was an elder relative of the king since he figures 
in the grant of Vinayaditya, dated A . D . 692, referred to above.’ Chitra- 
vahana was responsible for the visit of Vijayaditya to Purigere and for 
the favour of a grant to the Jaina monastery caused to be erected by 

Kumkumadevi. V V— 


Even though the Alupas were subservient to the Western Chalukyas 
ofBadami towards the beginning of the 8th century A. D., there is 
no positive proof of the possession of Alvakheda by Kirttivarman II 
(A.D.743 - A.D.753) as contended by Dr. B. A. Saletore* and 
M. Govinda Pai.’ At any rate the possibility of kinship between the Western 
Chalukyas and the Alupas may not be seriously disputed. The power 
and influence of the Alupas must have been the reason, along with the 
blood-relationship, for their appointment as the governors of Kadamba- 

This contact with the Western Chalukyas of Badami was of momentous 
significance in the history of Alvakheda, because this must have opened up 
channels of communication and cultural exchange between Karnataka 
and Alvakheda. 

Inscriptions of the 8th century A.D. reveal to us that the Alupas 
were enmeshed in serious disturbances in Udayavara (Udayapura), 
Udipi taluk. South Kanara and before political stability could be attained, 

6 £p. Ind , IX, p. 16. 

7 XXXII, pp. 318—25 ; Sliiggaon Plates of Chalukya Vijayaditya, S. 630 - 

Edited ^ r * Cai, Chief Epigrapliist for India, Mysore. 

u* ^ ctorc opines that an inscription of the same ruler is found in Aduru, 
which, too, is not historically true. Aduru referred to by these writers is the one 

9 t° theDharwar district and not to South Kanara. {History of Tuliwa, p.203). 

rri™ * ment *OH5 that there is an inscription at Aduru belonging to the 

reign of Xirtivarman II {Tenka-nddu p. 21). But this is not true. 

'vW W g Political tiistoiy Oj\ the ;A (upas . v : ;-vi ;? - > y WA y:-2' 

' conducted >: ahy - expedition ' agaihstyUd^ 
evidenced by an inscription in- that place, which states that in the distres 
of Ranasagara, Chitravahamvs army invaded Udayapura-’ in which 
Kaltide, son of Vijana-nayga fought and died on behalf of GhitTayahaha; 3 
We hear about Chitravahana’s military encounter with Ranasagara 
the latter entering Udayapura,. determined to capture the city: 33 fThi 
record states that Angupesara Polegan, a scr van t of Y uddh a 
nialla, died in a fight with Ranakesara (i.e. same as Ranasagara), wh( 

.Was ; entering Udyapura in the battle against Dhareglsan. Ahothe: 
epigraph relates to the military operation of Ranasagara and record: 
the death of Jatisura, who fell fighting after piercing the army of Kshlra 
sagara, On behalf of his master, Ranasagara. 32 Ranasagara made t 
giftto N a gamma of Kayra-vamsa who was as brave as Mahcndra fo; 
crushing the army of Paybaya. 33 This could, perhaps, mean the victor} 
of Ranasagara over his enemy, Chitravahana, Kshirasagara, mentionec 
above;, may have been a near relation of Chitravahana. ; .yy-AgWy 

'Next, we come across Svetavahana. Two epigraphs mention aboul 
his invasion of Udayavara and obviously the power of Ranasagara musi 
- have been extirpated, but Svetavahana was not destined to rule for long, 
for he had to contend against his formidable foe, PyithvIsagara.iyW.Pnthyd- 
sagara’s success was complete, and out of chaos, political order and stability 
seemed to have been established. 'It may be said that a period of resto- 
ration and of political reconstruction was ushered i n. The epigraphs 
of Prithvlsagara inform us that considerable political order -must have 
finally been established by him, which led to definite regulations intro- 
duced into the eighteen pattanas of Udayapura ancl Patti-Pombulcha 
(Simoga district) 35 . ' Prithvlsagara assumed they title Uttamd-Pandya 
and although it is not clearly known how he came to assume this cognomen; 
a surmise is possible here. The Shiggaon plates of Chalukya. Vijayaditya, 
elated A. D . 707, referred to earlier, 36 mention Chitravahana as belonging 
to the Pandya lineage. This is reminiscent of the' connection between 
the Pandyas ■ of Madura and the Alupas.;::. paucity 

10 Ep Ind Vol IX p 18 31 A R No 505 for 1928-’29. 

: . 12 A 7. Vol. Vlij-No.. 293. 13 '. Ibid. Vol IX, Part i, No’. 392yaA tfaYa' 

14 Ep. Ind. Vol IX, p. 19. 15 Ibid. pp. 20-21. 36 Opp. Cit. Footnote 7 , 


Studies in Tultwa History and Culture 

of any other authentic source material to get enlightened further, how 
and why Chitravahana called himself of the Pandya lineage. The 
Vclvikhudi Plates of Jatila Parantaka,'? the Pandyan king, belonging 
to about A D.770, also known as Varaguna-maharaja I (A.D.765- 
A.D.815), refei to a battle fought at Mahgalapura in which the Maharathas 
were defeated The Maharathas referred to here were none other than 
the Chaluk) as of Badami and Mahgalapura is, by the consensus of opinion, 
identified with Mangalore of the district of South Kanara. 18 This 
battle of Mahgalapura must have been fought between A.D.700 and 
A.D.730 during the leign of Kochchadaiyan, the grand-father of Jatila 
Parantaha, who was the donor of the Velvikkudi Plates. Evidently, the 
Western Chaluk) an king was Vijayaditya (A. D. 696 —A.D.733/34)' 9 
and the Alupa ruler, w r ho must have assisted Vijayaditya, being his feuda- 
tory and who suffered defeat in the hands of Kochchadaiyan at Mahgala- 
pura, could be Prithvlsagara If this possibility were accepted, we may 
surmise that Prithvlsagara, as the vanquished, may have assumed the 
title - Utlama-Pdndja 

The assumpdon of elaborate titles by Prithvlsagara, the glorious 
Alupendra, who sprang from the race of the moon, the ornament of his 
family, Udajaditja Uttama-Pdndja, the glorious Aluvarasar — seems an 
indisputable sign of the invigorating political advance of the Alupas. 20 
There is no doubt that the early Alupas W'ere lords of Patti-Porhbulcha, a 
place in the Nagar taluk of the Simoga district. The successor of Prithvl- 
sagara, Vijayaditya Maramma Alvarasar, also is stated to have introduced 
trade regulations into Udayavara and Porhbulcha.- 1 This king assumed 
the title — Vijayaditja-Alupendra, Paramesvara-Adhirajardjan, Uttama-Pdhdyan , 
Soma-vamsodbhava — which reveals the clear proof of the unquestioned 
sovereignty established by him. The name Vijayaditya is reminiscent 
of the Alupa s connection with the Chalukyas of Badami. It is possible 
that Chalukya Vijayaditya (A.D.733/34) may have been the grand- 


Mjtixc Soceij, V ° 1 . Xin (Oct 1922 ) PP 448-455 

^ ^ astn : Pandyan Kingdom. 

II* ^ h'dia, PP 162 & 164 The Kotrakudi p lates ofNandivaram 

Wr*m4l P u °, , a gf ant madc the request of the chieftain of Mangala-natfu 
derated hv ,l?e°P ?b i y the i Sam c a ? htangalapura m which the Maharathas were 
mST it k ,T Sad™. (, Journal of Mythic Society, Vol XIV, p 

couldbe e th^r Prirtf - P0SS1 T the chlcf i >F Mangala-nadu mentioned here 
m JCp hid Vol IX P nn Vnwf 3 ° r hlS succcssor Sakala-Snmat-Aluvarasar (II). 

Ep Ind Vol xx', pp 22-24 


6f:Prithvisagara;.-i-T^ ruler introdiiccci by the. newly discovered 

tv/* 't. ' ,£ \V V ; ro-vVWr L V*.‘ V*‘- UW-.f. •'•4 s’- /.v ‘i - • / ‘ ' .*.‘i ' v.'*.. * <*’'-* l *' * . r». '.V A •; "A .\'A ’“■■ V «V-. A;. • ■»’ ; A-V *. s-A 


(PJatc VIJI): .;. 

tliC:vAliipas and was entrusted to Rajaditya, while A]vakheda--6,000' wa 
administered by Chitravahana II, who, on the strength of his name 
!mja^b& \$hspsibi& ftd'ihave belonged to the Alupa family^/ To' judge ifrdh 
tiiesMayalh inscription,? 2 he proved troublesome and; had to bajcoe’rea 
by the force of arms. What exactly was the position of Alvakheda dtirins 

in another epigraph of the 9th century A . D . (in all probability belongim 
to the;' reign of Amoghavarsha - (A . D„ . 8 1 4 - A . D .878).** , It refers t( 
Indapayya,!, as governing Banavasi-1 2,000 and also mentions Alvalcheda 
;6 'QOOppThis epigraph suggests to us that in the 9th century, A.jl.A^yh 
Jkheda was - a , distinct division and that it was not a part of Kadamba ; 
mandalaV-or Banavasi-1 2,000. The subjugation of the AlupasAis > alsc 

; rCl sited - 1 tv rx r'Ar\rw-.v_T-il-a-)-£* rrranf nffhp rhirtf RaiarfitVfi tA . D . 95 I Ptlv xvhosf 

Probably, Alvaldieda suffered an. invasion in the hands of.the Rashtralcut? 
kingjvKrishna III (A . D . 939 - A D . 966). It is clear that the relatioi: 
between the Alupas and the Rashtrakuta suzerain was niarkcd lW hbstilu> 

1 A L.-L' ■ A — * J *• • 1 1 n Urt /4 V\ /iT*h o rxc "tA "v'-l'N O AVA r\ A 1 ! mid »'• f K A 

subjected to a military campaign in the 9th century ;Arp:;;A;iff^ 

ij'r? fV.d-” ^ : 'V ' v'2 A A . . r* . . ” tt a ' Jlf’A A vtT'j-'.-'irTil -:-A ! '.AviAlA'AA-' A*Vi' r eo-- > 

Punnata,?;; Rulasthana-Auhka, Mahishaka, Mekura,p Papdyar i Antara- 
Pandya. It is quite possible that Aulika was none other than Aluka.a* 

A f A'VA 4 * • 'L • ’..A ^ vA 1 . ’ AWA^/NtA 'rrS’-l 4 V' \r-J- • A r A‘r r , r *A « r - ' -:-A ~ AAV ' A 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

The political history of the Alupas from A.D.800 to the middle of 
the 1 0th century A D is shrouded in obscurity. The two names included 
in the genealogy of the Alupas between Chitravahana II and Kundavarma I, 
also do not recenc the unquestioned stamp of historical certainty. 
Our sources for the study of this period of a centui v and a half are virtually 
blank It is rather difficult to explain this phenomenon. But we have 
reasons to belies that during this period, the Alupas must have been 
o\ er powered and impaled into insignificance by the rise of another political 
pover m the district of Simoga, known as the Santaras. 

The Santara kings had their first capital at Patti-Pombulchapura 
he modern Ilumcha of the Nagar taluk of the Simoga district): ihey 

LoS J of na$ ti ,Tl fraCe theh ' 0ri ^ in t0 Jinadattaraya, who was the 
Lord of northern Madhura and of Ugia-vamsa * -Tffi adatta came 

L ns his c^Z 

lion-crest He 000, bavln S S ained the monkey-flag and the 

ranvava 'u It na ™ ^ara and Ugra-varhsa became Santa- 

conquest of 'Wv-Ah-^ T "' ** Jinadatta himself undertook the 
rSstt r ?*** thC CXtCnsi0n of his kingdom below 

to Jmad « td h a) ' VC Cn 3 V ° IUmar > SUbm ™ Alupas 

extendLg ffieir noli rcmarkable —ess in 
belonging to HattiyahgadTstat of A.D. 1388- 
son of Mahapradhana Baichappa DanLaka ^ Vl ™gappa-dannayaka, 
horn his capital at Blrakhru .^rS St ^fLT ^ 

made to the Chandranatha-basadi in early Imes hv T ^ * - 

portion of the inscription reads as follows : Jmadattaraya. A 

HaUiy angadiya bast,) a Chandranatha 
' wami S c purvadalli Jinadatta-raya 
bitta dharmakke barasida silasasana 
bahuUlavada mele agni-badhejdgi 
bahala dharma mareyada karanada 
Abhqyachdryara nirupadinda 
Vimgappa-danayakarti barasida 
Baia sanada vakhaniya kramaventendare 

“ J l\ d Vo > VIII, Int pp 6_ 9 

>angadi, Coondapura taluk, 4 SouS’ KaS. i0n iS !n * e Chandranatha-basu, 

°f A lup/ ls Iffe-;; - 

3 k 

of Tulu-riadu and could, as well, lead us to infer that Jinadatta ;rriay have 
: had his .political sway extended over • the clistri c.t ; of South Kanara (Ajva- 
Idleda^ SceorLdly/we may surmisc that at leastduring the:time ofJinadatta.^.y 
Jainism may have spread to this part of Alvakheda. y Its complete: dis-A;; 
cussioii will ; ; ; follow . under the . chapter; 4 Jainism V in; ; Tulu-nadu’. 
Among other things the inscription states, that the original stone inscription .. 
recording grants made in olden days by Jinadattaraya • to the deity - 
Ghandranatha, having been destroyed in a .fire, thereby resulting in the 
discontinuance of the grants then made, Virugappa-danayaka, at they 
-instance of Abhayacharya, caused the present inscription to be ehgfayedK; 
fahew. ';' The text clearly implies that Jinadatta was in some way connected^ ; 
with ; Alvakheda. However, it has to be accepted that.wC; dO:hot;haye|J 
’;^hy- -further proof of his hold on Alvakheda. - : ; ... ' 

The Padu-Alevuru inscription of the Udipi taluk, South Kanara,? 9 y 
assignable to the 10th century A.D., discovered in the /^raAvim of the 
Bur'ga Paramcsvari temple, states that the grant to the goddess, Devi,' • 
was made during die reign of Santara-dcva : , \ yV: yy. 

6 vasti srl kumbhadalu brihaspa - ■ • 

WyyV- tiyilda virbdhikraiu samba - -Vy 

■ tsarada dhanur-masadalu srimatu ■ yd, 

1 ■ Santara-devara rajyadalu Devi ' y 

$%£ o.pi. deya Dcvige Kokkarni obba ~ . ;; j' ir 

k|$y/,';' v abbe madagida dharmam-appudu 'C.y yyy^yyyyyyyyyf 

Here rye have the indisputable proof of the Santara suzerainty over y 
Alvakheda or at least the inclusion of this area in, the : kingdom of the • • 
Santaras. A herostone near the palace site of the Aliipas. at ; Udayavara, ; ;;; 

;y . ; Svasti sri Sa - 
yy-y niarana-alu Me - 
: y'y. dumdnan i - "■] 
vkk': Ui eridu vildan • y 

^. :A. ft. No. 585 for 1929-30..> f^ 


Studies in Titluva History and Culture 

There is an indication of a fight between the Santaras and the Alupa's ( ? ) 
in this epigraph. 

The next land-mark in the history of the Alupas may be found during 
the reign period of Kundavarma-Alupendra. Only one epigraph of this 
ruler is available and it is unique in that it furnishes us with the information 
that the Natha Pantha must has e flourished at Kadre, Mangalore, South 
Kanara, during his time. A detailed account of this religious sect will 
follow. This iascription is in the granlha script and in the Sanskrit language, 
engraved on the pedestal of the image of Lokcsvara in the Manjunatha 
temple at Kadre, which was installed in A.D.968 by Kundavarma- 
Alupendra. 31 We have to examine this inscription critically in order 
to understand something about the political condition that may have 
prevailed during his times. The following arc the important points 
contained in the inscription that should draw our attention: 

(1) The king Kundax arma-Alupendra belonged to the lunar race 

(2) He is eulogised as a renowned king of the world. 

(3) He appears to have extinguished the sin arising out of drinking 
{sara-pana). Possibly, he may have introduced a sort of 
pi olubition’. 


( 5 ) 

( 6 ) 

Grants (perhaps, land-grants) were made by him to the agraharas 
of Brahmins. 

He conquered the king, who was (or proved) ungrateful (or 
reasonable) and by the use of the arms, he required his kingdom, 
uch a great and benevolent king (profuse praise) undertook 
in A ^ S 011 ° f tHC L ° k “ Vara ima S c in the vihara of Kadarika 

(/) I' m ? ti0ncd aS an ardcnt dcv °tec of Lord Siva 

moon). t0 * ° f Him Wh0SC Crest j^l is the crescent 

_ Tt 1S n0t qUUe dCar from this c Pigraph who the ungrateful king, 

31 HV' oLVII ' No - 19L 

nzes m South India” (p 164). * ^ nn anc ^ -mai ^ in the history 

Political History of the :iAlkf)ds :: A: V : 


V.“ u- -7. ” /• ’• ■ 'v ■ OO > 1 » . -iiAU/ j Aiu v,u .'UAjvyaJ.^U 

•the Santara kiiig from Alvakhcda (or : a protegee of the Santaras.: Alva 
Riananjaya/ having given liis ; 'daughter to Ghagi Santara* established 
drastic alliance between the Santaras and the Alupas. •••;': He must have 
been unchi' the influence of the Santara king to such an extent as to over- 
shadow his own regal importance) and established his .order. -We may. 
juh point to another epigraph, dated A.D. 967, belonging to Venur of 
the ICarkala taluk, which; makes mention of a king (whose name is not 
known, /since. that portion of the stone is built into, the foundation of the' 
temple) who had fish as his emblem (Jdnchchhana) n Since the iiistory.. 
of the Alupas in the 8th century A.D. reveals the fact that they, had 
fish as their Idnchchhamf* it may be inferred that this epigraph belonged, 
to the Alupa line and the king, who may have been responsible for the 
issue of the grant, could be none other than Kundavarma himself. 

;^|'(i'We: are yet steeped in ignorance as to who succeeded Kundavariria. y 
It is quite possible that he was succeeded by Pandya-Dhananjhya, whose/ 
name came to be inscribed as legend in the Alupa coins that were struck / 
;b)t the rulers of this dynasty. This is corroborated by a newly discovered . 
: epigraph from Bcluru, Coondapur taluk, South Kanara (Plate XIII); ;/The 
next ; name • that we come across in the genealogy is that of Bankideva; ./: 
He was undoubtedly a powerful ruler. The AJupa-Santara alliance was 
■further strengthened during his reign. Blraladevi, daughter of Ainmana-: 
deva, the Santara king, was given in mariage to Bankideva and Tailapa- 
;deya,:the Santara king, married Banki-alva’s younger sister, Mahkabbarasih-: 
An inscription from Udayavara, dated A.D . 1058, , mentions Maha- 
'mandalesvara, Raya-Santara (wrongly read as Raya-Saltiratta in. S . I . I. v 
ryblf VII No. 278). : No details are .. available in . it. Rayar&antara, / 

mentioned above, may have been the predecessor, of Trailokyamalla Bira^: 
//(yira) Santara, who : figures in the Nagar inscription of . A.D . 1 062.” J 
/Baiikiyalup end r a . may be taken to . be Ray a-8antara -s / uncle. We - are 
. unable to say how, long Banldyalupendra ruled; perhaps he may have.'; 
. been in power until A.D. 1060.- -y ^ /• f 



2 i'/T t. Vol. VIII, No. 253. • /. • dCcd'h; 

■ 2 3 ; M.' M . Prabhu - Alupa "Coins - Published in the journal of . the jYumsmdtic Society of : 
.„ ..../^^wV/VoLXXVn,' Parti (1965), pp. 53 - 60 . iff 

pf^Ep.Sar. Vol. VIII, Inti pp. 8-10. ; ' 

Igaghr No.,;63. y yy/;, 


Studies in Tnfava History and Culture 

Bankivalirva must have been succeeded by Dattaluvcndra-srl-Mara, 
He is stated to be a Santara king, but his father’s name Mayuravarma 
is distinctively Kadamba. His mother, again, was a princess of the 
Dattdlyara-vama. Possibly, Dattalva may point to a derivation from 
Jinadatla. We are not in a position to decide how this ruler came, to 
possess the throne at Barakanyapura and issue grants in his name. 36 At 
best we can suggest that he was a relative of Bankiyaluva. 

The influence of the Santaras over the Alupas may further be explained 
as follows: An epigraph of Ballamahadevi, dated A. D. 1281, refers to 
Bankideva of Dallalvara-bali, as comprising one of the important personages 
of the court. 37 This Dattalvara-bali is definitely related to Daltalvara- 
vamsa to which srl Mara belonged. 38 Another inscription of Uppunda, 
Coondapur taluk, dated A. D. 1377, mentions one Vira-Katarasa who is 
stated to be ruling his stable kingdom. He is said to belong to the Adiyara- 
vatiisa and is described as - Adiyara-kula-kamala-martanda , Adiyara - kula- 
vamsodbhavam etc. 39 And it may be inferred from the mention of the 
lineage that he must have belonged to the line of Hosagunda rulers, who 
claimed to be the lords of Pomburcha and sometimes said to be ruling 
Santalige kingdom. 40 Instead of Ugra-vamsa, they seem to belong 
to Adiyara-vamsa. Vira-Katarasa, mentioned above, must be a scion 
of this family, who established his authority over the Uppugunda-nadu, 
a portion of the Coondapur taluk of South Kanara. The Adiyara-kula 
was accepted as one of the balls in the history’ of Tuluva. 

Further, occurs the possibility’ of the Chola invasion of Alvakheda. 
Here, no final inference, in tire present state of our knowledge, can be 
drawn. That there must have been an invasion of the Tulu country 
by the Cholas and that the Tulu country was not identical with Alvakheda 
were explained in the second chapter. The hoard of Chola coins (silver), 
discovered at Kartoka in the district of North Kanara, 41 of the time 
of Raja-raja I (A. D. 985 — A. D. 1016) could plausibly lead us to infer 
that a portion of North Kanara, lying in the coastal region, may have 

36 5. 1. 1. Vol. VII, No. 314. 

31 A. R No. 336 for 1931— ’32. 

35 the SaI f C as . va r !P Ja ma Y he proved in the light of two epigraphs which 

No m^T/T^I& a \ a 925) ,, mCan5nS ,hC S3me (S ’ L L Vo1 - n > Fart 1 
11 'l' R ‘ No 555 for 1929-30. ; 

it Vo1, V , HI > Nagar Nos 27, 134 and 150. 

■ U. uupta -Journal of Numismatic Society, Vol. XXIV Parts I & II (1962) p. 183. 

^ v ._ 

icen the target- of; the: ^ : 'Bhat this terri 


'.' -AS. 

been tlie target of . the GliSla attack. /; That this territory : continued tt 
be^^agei^by .-- tJm>s<mfo£|^^ityj^ D . ;t 0 1 A:VD . 

1,044) : ; is ; also quite manifest through records:; . Rajm Ghola marchct 
up ;to Donur in the Bijapur District and in the words of the .Chalukyan 
inscription ‘plundered the entire country’, slaughtering even children, 
women and Brahmins. 42 He also captured Banavasi. ; Because of the 
dynastic and blood-relationship between the Alupas and the Santafasj 
perhaps j the latter had to be assisted by the Alupa king, Pattiyodeya: 
iix; a v Battle against the Chdla king (perhaps, Kuiottunga A. D. 1070 -- 
A,:D.d 118) which seemed rather adverse to the Alupa ruler. Any way. 
we do not have indisputable records to prove that Alvakheda was conquered 
by the Cholas and that during their imperialism, the Alupas were politically 
subordinate to them. 43 •, v yA > 

AHhe Hoysala inscriptions mostly relate to Alvakheda as the westerh 
.boundary of their dominions. It is really difficult to decide with the 
available source material, whether the Hoysalas actually -reduced - 'Alv%: 
kheda. into a dependency; because the epigraphs in this connection -are 
rather confusing and indistinct. In three instances, the western frontiers 
of the Hoysala dominions are stated to have extended up to Barakanufa- 
Ghatta, as discussed in the second chapter. But a few inscriptions suggest 
that A|yakhecla may have been part and parcel of the Iioysala kingdom.; 
The Belur inscription, dated A. D. 1101, states that Ballala I ruled over 
itlief: territories ■ : inclusive of Konkana, Alvakheda, Bayatnad, Talakad 
and Sayimale 44 . An inscription of Vishnuvardhana, dated A.D: 3134, 
says that he exercised his sovereignity over the territories which vvere 
bounded .by the three oceans, 45 Koiikana, commencing from Barakanuru 
is stated to be the western boundary of his kingdom in a record. 46 Again,: 
another inscription of the same date describes the boundaries in the same 

hhfSastri f-A. History of South India, p. 173. .4 •• 

7:^A 3 : ^P.: R. .Srinivasan in his Bronzes of South India (pp. 164-165) hints that the ruler who : 
wf7£(sdt7up the image of Lokesva in the vihara of Kadarika in Mangalore may havfe; 
y^ybeeh subjected to 'the Ghola power, as a result of which he adopted the scrip t of . tlui; 

country' of. his sovereign for writing his inscriptions; but this may not be true /for , 
ft; V: f ib the inscription, the Alupa ruler (Kundavarma) assumes imperial titles: and;he 
is the lord-pai'amouht .without any indication of his subordination to anW extent al 

nilfllOfiHr b Trie • -cfwi'rtrl. An ihnf fl. flpSl'Pllrlant nfv Snrrif* fsirmlipc • ■ 


Ep. Beluru No.; 199. - • HassWm lig.A 46 No- 


Studies in Tuluva Histoiy and Culture 

manner. 47 The lithic record, dated A. D. 11 49, points to the conquest 
of Vishnuvardhana and demarcates his kingdom inclusive of Barakanuru 
in the vest and Savimale in the north. 4 * It deserves to be noted that 
in no record of the Alupas earlier than the vice-royalty of Vira Ballala III, 
diere is any mention of the recognition of the Hoysala overlordship over 
Alvakheda. Moreover, no record belonging to the Hoysalas until the 
third quaiter of the 13th century A.D. has hitherto been discovered 
in Alvakheda It is quite possible, that the Alupa rulers nominally 
acknowledged the overlordship of the Hoysalas. Dr. S. U. Kamath 
writes in his thesis Tuluva in Vijajanagara Times , based on the version 
given by M. Ganapati Rao Aigal in Iris Ilihasa , 49 that an inscription 
of A.D. 1114 mentions Hoysala prince, Udayaditya, as the viceroy of 
Tuluva and states that the Alupa king, Kavi-Alupendra, was a mandalika 
under him. But this does not seem coirect. Because, the same epigraph 
simply mentions one mandalika Udayaditya in the kingdom of Kavi-Alu- 
pendra. 30 We are unable to identify this subordinate Udayaditya. 

It is only when we come to the viceroyalty of Vira Ballala III, we 
have a specific and clear case of the inclusion of Alvakheda within the 
Hoysala dominions. This was, perhaps, partly the consequence of the 
matrimonial relationship between the Alupas and the Hoysalas. Vira 
Ballala III took Chikkayi-Tayi of the Alupa extration as his queen, 51 
which seemed to have resulted in the annexation of Alvakheda. 

The earliest of the Hoysala epigraphs, hitherto, discovered in Tulu- 
nadu, is dated A.D. 1278 This epigraph belongs to Sirali, North Kanara 
district. The record states that a grant of land for the camp office ( bidti ) 
of the adhikdri at Srili (modem Sirah) during the reign of Mahamandalesvara 
Vira-Kumara Immadi Ballala-Devarasa, was made 32 . The king men- 
tioned is evidently Ballala III, who, from the reference, appears to have 
been a crown prince ( kumara ), ruling with the powers and privileges 
of a Mahamandalesvara over the coastal district in the Saha year 1200 i.e. 
A.D. 1278. His reign as a crowned king began from A.D.1291 53 . 

T°_ advcrt to the achievements of the medieval Alupas. The history 
of the Alupas from Pattiyodeya to Vlra-Kulasekhara IV happens to be a 

(D '“" 

> . K A K. Sastri . History of South India, p. 216. 


Political History of the Alupas 

Continuous one and the whole of Alvakheda was integrated under their 
regal authority. The assumption of such imperial titles as - samasio- 
bhuvana-vikhyata-Pdndya-rajddhirdja i Pardmesvara , Paramabhattaraka saranagata- 

vajra-pahjara , ripurava-kunja-kufijara Pandita-Pandya ’ Pdndya-Dhanaftjdya 

by Pattiyodeya and his successors 54 is a distinctive testimony of unques- 
tioned sovereignity. Vira-Kulasekliara I (A. D. 1170 ? - A.D. 1220) 
was reputed to be one of the greatest of the Alupas. Tradition ‘relates 
to an invasion of Alvakheda by a Pandyan Icing of Madhura which resulted 
in the latter’s defeat. But it has not been possible to know the truth 
about such an invasion. One of the Pandyan inscriptions belonging 
to the 12th century A.D. mentions the conquest of the Tuluvas. 55 It may 
be possible that if the invasion took place, it may have been during the 
reign of Vira-Kulasekhara I, who was the lord-paramount of Alvakheda. 
We can reasonably argue that during his reign period, Alvakheda may 
have been divided into two provinces, Barakanuru and Mangaluru, 
provinces. The epigraph, dated A.D. 1205, speaks of Barakanura-gadyana 
and Mangalura-gadyana , coins minted in two separate units, in all probability 
relating to the two provinces. Vira-Pandyadeva (A.D. 1254-A.D. 1277) 
was another celebrated ruler of the dynasty. A number of epigraphs 
relate to the grants and charity gifts made by him. 56 Particular reference 
has to be made to the reign of Ballamahadevi, the queen of Vira-Pandya- 
deva. 5 ’ This queen happened to be the most illustrious personality 
in the entire Alupa dynasty. After the death of her husband she personally 
took the reigns of administration and conducted the affairs of the state 
with dexterity, diligence and practical vision for a period of seventeen years 
from A.D . 1275 to A.D . 1292. She is eulogised as the devout worshipper 
of the sacred feet of sri Manchinatha and as belonging to the lunar 
race. 58 She is further described as a second Lakshmi, an Aruudati 

5<r A. R. Nos. B, 526 and B. 527 for 1928- 5 29, 

ss Tinnavelly Inscription of Mat avarman Sundara Pandyan II- K. V. Subramanya Ayyar 
(Ep. Ind. Voi. XXIV, p. 153). 

- 56 A. R, No 484, 490 & 509 for 1928-29; A. R. No, 364 for 1927. 

57 It is very difficult to agree to the view of the Superintendent of Epigraph) that this 
queen might be the sister of Vxrapandya and that the system of aliyasantana may 
have obtained in the Alupa line. Because, the title pattada-piriyarasi applied to- 
Ballamahadevi does not indicate nor make us understand that she was the elder 
sister of the preceding ruler as is supposed by the Superintendent (A. R. for 1929-’30 • 
p. 83); it simply conveys the meaning— the senior queen. In proof of this, we 

\ can cite the example of Ghikkayi-Tayi, who is referred to as pattada piriyarasi , the 
' “ senior queen of Pratapa-Chakravarti VIra Ballala-deva (/LI?. No. 262 for 1931-32). 

' 58 A. R. No, 584 for 1929- r 30. , ^ , 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

to her lord’s wishes, the wish-gratifying jewel to the needy, a kalpavrkisha 
to her dependents, profuse in liberality', the refuge of those who sought 
her shelter and the vanquisher of her foes .» Her Council of Ministers 
was composed of five pradhdnas «> and she is stated to be giving audience 
in her palace at Barakanyapura for the discharge of her state functions. 
Epigraphs reveal that she was sensitive to the multifarious problems of 
her subjects that she was keen on effecting improvements and was bene- 
volent and spiritual-minded. Her entire regime appears to have been 
one of contentment and political stability. 61 

Like-wise, the importance of the influence exercised by' Chikkayi-Tayi, 
the senior queen of Hoysala Vira Ballala III, will have to be given due 
historical credence. An inscription of Nilavara, Udipi taluk, dated 
A. D. 1333, records a gift of taxes on lands at Niruvara by the fourteen 
members of the assembly (?) of the village to the temple of Durga- 
Bhagavati. The gift was made with the permission of Vayijappa-danna- 
yaka and other officers and the in the presence of the chief queen, Chikkayi- 
Tayigalu. 62 A badly damaged inscription, dated A.D. 1334, refers to 
the chief queen, Chikkayi-Tayi of Hoysana Vira Ballala-deva, and men- 
tions Niruvarada-giama. 63 Another record of Barakuru dated A.D. 
1336 64 regisrers a gift of charity' by Kishnayi-Tayi, the senior queen of 
Hoysana Vira Ballala-deva, who had the titles — Yadava-Chakravarti and 
ariraya-basava-sankara. Another epigraph is dated in the same year. 64 " 
The gifts of Sirali, North Kanara, are stated to have been made in the 

presence of Kikkayi-Tayi. Hoysala Vira Ballala is introduced with the 
epithets — Pandya-Chakravarli-ariraya-basava-saiikara and raya-gajdnkusa . 6i 
Perhaps, the last record of Vira Ballala III in Alvakheda (South Kanara) 
is dated A.D. 1338. It states that he paid a visit to the Barakuru army — 
on Ins ordering Ankeya - nayaka, son of the great master of robes, Honneya- 
nayaka of Baeivala in Kumdra-virttiya-kusa of the old Nlrugunda-nadu 
saying ‘ R emam in Barakuru’. He replied, ‘I will stay, jiya\ at which, being 
pleased, he granted him Alada-halli, a hamlet of Bagivala, as a kodagi." 

record from Kanyana, Coondapur taluk, 62 introduces Vira-Kikkati- 
l ayi with th e titles - Pdndya-Chakravarti ariraya-basava-sankara etc. - and 

61 tvv" p - 83 ‘ 60 Ibid - N °- 257 for 193 1— ’32 

« o. & 341 ^ ]931 -’ 32 ; 

records, a gift m ade by her, to a certain Amiia-htbbaruva. • As thi s record : • 
mdkesfnb .mention Of the : kihg^^VfradBallala ;If Ii-%Hile;;gmng : :aii t 
tides to his queen Ghikkaykit must be midcrstdod'that subsequent to his 
demise, which is known to have taken place in A .33. 1342/^ his queen 
ascended the throne and was alive in the year Sarvadhari, which correspohds 
to A . D .1348. .•■’•This queen figures in an epigraph of Harihara II 69 from 
Sringeri, dated A. D. 1345, with the same titles and supplementing a grant y 
of land made by the king to the teacher, Bharati-tlrtha, thus’sho wing theyy 
subordinate position of the last Hoysala rulers to the rising Vijayanagara/ 

power. . 

• .:•; The Alupas paled into insignificance after the founding of the Vijayay/; 
nagara empire (A. D. 1336). They simply lingered in shadowy existence, . - : 
as ;.ihe imperial suzerains did not like to ' exterminate .• th'eir-pp’wefy^ithtf 
goes without saying that they were subordinate to the central authority.; • 
of the governors of Mangaluru and Barakuru. In spite of the supremacy// 
of ; the Vijayanagara governors, that the Alupas must have . possessed . 
'their, hereditary rights and privileges and that their traditional rsta4us;i?:i 
stilh continued to be respected is evidenced by the ihsciiptionsi^Mbhyl 
record their elaborate titles as before. An example will make the point y; 
clear. The epigraph, dated A. D. 1384, belonging to the reign of Kula- 
sekhara enumerates the king’s titles as follows: 70 \ // ; /!y 

* Svasti samasia-bhuvana^-vikhydta Sdma-kiila-tilaka Pdndyd-Mdhdrdja-yppy, .- 
Ky- dhiraja Paramesvara Paramabhattaraka salyaratndkara sardndgatt^vajrd^fy 

’y . panjar a mmat-Chdrukirtti divya-mpdda-padmdradhakddpdfdpald^^kdri;^: 

■ karumappaMmat-Pa^ya^Chah’avortieka-chatrddimrrdj^dmgP^if^d^^ 

: The absence of any reference to the Vijayanagara sovereign hi this/ .; 

record and the usual titles of the Alupas are noteworthy. /The same-; /• 
titles were assumed by Vira-Pandyadeva, in his record, d:rted A.D. 1396,- 
and he is stated to be ruling his lungdom without owing- alligiance -to nny/f/ 
•suzerain. 71 He styles himself as Pandya-Chakrayarli, ruling over hisVy 
kingdom with sovereign powers (ekachchatradi rajjwhgcjyuiiire)p? inspite of// 
the fact that by then the Vijayanagara rule: fqver yAlvakhed^'V^s>fM; 
imposed without being challenged and disputed. - -/i;// ’.Ofy 

://"/ We do not hear of 

any Alupa ruler after A.D. 1400 i.c. after Vira- i 


Studies in Tuhiva History and Culture 

pandya II which marked the last date of the last king of the old-standing 
dynasty of the Alupas. 

An examination of the titles borne by the Alupas may reveal to us 
certain facts concerning their status. We may not reasonably argue 
that, at any time, the Alupas rose to imperial stature. The territory 
over which they exercised their political sway at the zenith of their power 
extended from Haive in North Kanara to Kasaragod (at present Keraja). 
Even the instances to prove that all this area was, at all times, governed 
by the Alupas in their respective regnal years unchallenged, are lacking. 
Wc may at best presume from the titles assumed by the Alupa kings, 
that they played the central role in the history of Alvakheda upto the 
advent of the Vijayanagara period, when their reduction was complete. 

1. Up to the 8th century A.D., the Alupas were referred to as- 

2. Prithvisagara (A. D. 730 -A. D. 750) was the first to assume 
the title - Srlmat-Alupendra Soma-variisodbhava-kida-tilaka Udayaditya Utlama- 
Pandja. As explained earlier, the idea that the Alupas belonged to the 
Pandya lineage came to be accepted from the reign period of Chitra- 
vahana (A. D. 675 -A. D. 710 ? ). But it was this king, Prithvisagara, 
vho assumed directly the title as belonging to the lunar race and as 
Uttama-Pandya. The suggestion that the latter title may indicate contact 
between the Pandyas of Madhura and the Alupas, is made earlier, 
although it is not final. 

3. Both Udayaditya Prithvisagara and Vijayaditya-Maramma- 
Aluvarasa called themselves ParameSvara Adhiraja-rajan, perhaps, indicative 
of their supreme power. 

4. Pattiyodeya (A. D. 1070 - A. D. 1100) is stated to have assumed 
the following birudas : 

Pdndya-mahardjadhiraja, Paramesvara, parama 
bhaltaraka, saranagala-vajra-panjara, 

Pandita-Pand) a, P andya-Dhananjqya 

5 ‘ ^ Pdndya-Chakravartii, seemed to have been assumed by 

most of the Alupa rulers. 

name 6 ' M K w Al T n u dra ( A ' D ' 1 1 13 ~ A-D . 1155) had prefixed to his 
< me bhujabala, which may have been taken from the Santaras 

7. Lrke-wisc, the title salyaratndkara assumed by Kulas5khara-Alu- 

7; ; v \ 

| Political History of the Alupas ' " ’ , 41 

^ - - is that of the Hosagunda rulers 

Pdndya-CJiakraimtiiy • arirdya-basava-sahkara etc. which . r?vi%e^ ■ 
the Alupas, perhaps, in cognisance of his victory over and matrimonial - 
alliatice with the Alupas. It is significant to note that no Alupa ruler;.' , 
until the Vira Ballala III was called Mahamandal esvara, which signifies . 
perhaps, their independent status, supreme power and influencey;'^^^^ 


( A.D. 1336 -A.D. 1650 ) 

The Vijayanagara period witnessed the division of Tulu-nadu into 
two well-defined provinces ( rdjyas ), namely, the Barakuru and Mangaluru- 
rajyas, whose capitals were the Barakuru and Mangaluru towns respect- 
ively. The earliest Vijayanagara inscription found in Tulu-nadu until 
now is dated A . D . 1 345 and it states that during the reign of Mahamanda- 
Ictcara Vira-Bukkanna-Odeya, Sankaradeva-Odeya was the governor 
of Mangaluru -rajya and he seemed to have made a gift to a deity, 1 probably 
to Gopinatha of Arthapura (Attavara). This inscription reveals an 
important fact that the control of the Vijayanagara governors over Tulu- 
nadu started vers' early. The earliest of the Barakuru epigraphs, so far 
discovered, is dated at A.D. 1 353- and belongs to the governorship of 
Goparasa-Odeya. 3 

The names of governors, who were appointed to rule the two provinces 
of Barakuru and Mangaluru, are given at the end of this chapter. The 
following are the important inferences that may be drawn on the nature 
of their political history : 

(a) The governors were either appointed by the sovereign himself 
or by the Dandanayakas who were put in charge of the coastal 
regions and who were primarily answerable to the Central 
Government. A few examples will clarify this point. Hadapada 
Gautarasa was the governor of Mangaluru in A.D. 1349 by the 
orders of the king,* and Mangarasa-Odeya, the governor of the 

3 S n IJ '7°u VI ?’ No ' 179 ' 2 No. 314 for 1931-’32 

? 00nda u P ur ^ South Kanara, seems to 
Wc do not know wheth^ MnlV*^ and f lother who jointly executed some duel. 

ror 19s“ V v“rNr231. gOVern ° r ° rE5raiQru ' <A-X- No 329 

T'heyRule.qf - Pyqpaimgara f4^ 

same province ;in A . D . 1390, was.:appeihted%^ 

lung ; }kti )Mtihapmcl/mna Jakkanna- 

Odriva was abnoirited fynVnfhnr of: Bar akfirii in A D l® 5 ! 


^§.^:.pdeyi' became the governor of Barakuru in A /D . 14$2 : Mdek 
■kvAdhe : orders of the ldng and M ahdpradhana Perumaladcva-damja- 
: v4A yaka. 8 Pradhana Lakkanna-dannayaka appointed Timmanna-; 
'j i/^ Odeya as the governor of Barakuru. 9 Inscriptions are nuiricrous 
in proof of our above inference. It may not be unreasonable 
i,; . , i to suppose that the control of the Central Govermnent over. 

Tulu-nadu was more direct and effective when these governors 
:;.4. were directly responsible to the king arid that in such instances,:' 
4^4 the authority of the governors was substantial, whereas in cases 
|J“;->"df: 'the governors held responsible to another digriitbr^clbf: thri- 
"king, - powers tended to be less substantial a nd their tenure of 

office short-lived. . . 

tV(^) Most of the governors were of the rank of Mahapradhana, but 
t :• ;:y Narasiihha-Odeya who was in charge of Barakuru-raj^a^ in 
.-.1425 called himself Mahamantri . We do not ^ kriow/t^ietliei* 
’.;4 '4i;ihis -- governor wielded greater powers iri ^ adrinriistratioaf ^than^ 
the: rest. 10 '• ' ".A ’ 

(c) It looks as though the Barakuru-rajya was held in greater iinport-;,; 
ance and also presented to the Central Governmcn t / greater 
• i : ^ problems than the Marigaluru-rajya. This inference is based 
on consideration of frequent appointment of governors to the ;• 

; ! ' Barakuru province. One reason for this phenomenon seems $ 

r probable. Marigaluru-rajya comprised a number of self-govcrnr 4 

y' Therefore, 

: -' ; l litt&es''- v.^yf-X- 

g the governor sy'. 


Studies in Tultwa History and Culture 

(d) The normal reign period of a governor in office would be two 
to three years. But there was no convention against the re- 
appointment of the same person to the office, who, either was 
transfciTcd or was succeeded by another. This short tenure 
of office was found to be essential to avoid despotism and recal- 
citrancy. Moreover, it appears that the direction of politics 
at Vijayanagara had their repurcussions on the provinvial centres 
also. Sometimes, three governors were found in office in the 
same year. But it cannot be said that longer tenure of office 
was unknown. Mahapradhana Maleya-dannayaka was in office 
in Barakuru from A. D. 1356 to A. D. 1366. Likewise, Mahfi- 
pradliana Goparasa held power for eight years from A. D. 1366 to 
A. D. 1373. Another example of prolonged governorship was of 
Vitharasa-Odcya during the reign of Virupaksharaya. He 
appears to have continued in power from A.D. 1467 to A.D. 1478. 
Ratnappodeya, who was ruling over the Barakuru and 
Mahgaluru-rajyas from A.D. 1513 to A.D. 1519, was one of 
the most powerful of the governors. The assumption of elaborate 
titles bears witness to the power he commanded." 
sapta-saptati durgadhisvara-m edinimisara 
ganda Srimat-Baichadandadhipa-gotra 
gagana mandala-mdrianda mandalarum 
Jaina paramagama - uddharana-dattana 
danarum samyaklva-gunaratna-bhushana 
bhushitarum = appa Ratnappodeyaru 
Mangaliiru-Bdrakuru-rajyavam pratipalisuttidda 

(e) Most of these governors were appointed from outside Tulu-nadu 
and perhaps, the reasons for this are not far to seek. Yet, it 
may be said that natives of Tulu-nadu were also at times selected 
for tills office of pride and power. Kurugodu Sovanna-nayaka 
(A.D. 1509) and his brother Kurugodu Mallappa-nayaka seemed 
to have belonged to Tulu-nadu itself, n 
(/) ^ ^ difficult to say finally whether there was any system of the 

S 1 L Vo1 VII > No 212 - 12 a -R. No 271 for 1931— ’32 Ibid. No. 410 for 1927-28. 

: ;w J : - a; yd he Rule: oj Vijayanagara ; \yy. yyyyTy:. /y.T 45\ ; 

A from father to sonA But,; an inscription of , 

; ; • J, •: Nilavara, :.:U dipi? taluk, ; states . that Ralnappddeya, % to whom 
yA was assigned the governorship: of Barakuru, transferred his pow er 
to his son, Vijayappa-Odeya, as governor. 53 ': The epigraph 
: v ? ,; of Nandanavana, Coondapur taluk. dated A.D . 1520, records .af 
• a gift of land in the village of Kcrgal by Vaijappa-Odeya, son of- 
Rataappa-OdCya, ruling over Barakuru. 130 vfAMyAyy yyf 

(g). Instances of both Barakuru and Manga luru-rajyas : held bythe : 
same governor are also found. This would take place, perhaps, i; 
on two occasions. The most capable of the governors deserved ; 
ill[. to be entrusted with such enormous powers as in the ;case$ ,pf 7 
Annappa (Annarasa)-Odeya, Vitharasa-Odeya and Ratnap- ' / 

. podeva. Moreover, during the interim period following the 
transfer of one governor and the appointment of another/ it 
was but natural that the governor of the other province in Tulu- 
nadu was delegated with administrative powers. The significant . 
fact in this connection is that there seemed no lapse in admini- 
strative control over Tulu-nadu from the earliest times of they 
Vijayanagara rule. Sometimes the governor of Barakuru super- /; 
vised over Haive and Kohkana-rajyas also, as in the case of \ 
Mallappa-Odeya in A.D. 1386. 14 Sihganna lield Tulu and fr 
Malaha-rajyas in A.D. 1392. 15 Here, Tulu was Barakuru - A 

rajya and perhaps, Malaha was Araga-rajya. T ul u and Halve- . 
rajyas were governed by Mallappa-Odeya n A.D. 1396. 16 

' Mahdpradhdna Purushottamadeva-Odeya, the governor of Bara- 
... kuru, held sway as far in the north as Bailuru in the Honnavara 
taluk of North Kanara, in A.D. 1433. 17 Tuiu^yajf^wihbh 

was practically the Barakuru-rajya, was in rare cases governed 
M/A/ from the capital at Honnavara as is evidenced in A.D. 1427, 
/My y :■ when Mahdpradhdna Timmanna-Odeya is stated' . to be ruling 
AAAA'over Haive, Tulu and Kohkana-rajyas.! 8 Antappodeya : was 
/My •/• in charge of Haive, Tulu and Kohkana-rajyas in A . D .1438 
• : : . . and is stated to be ruling from his capital at Honnavara. 19 

:. 13 Ibid. No. 503 for 1927-28. , 16 Nov342. ... 

130 Ibid.; No. 333 for 1952-V53 Appendix B. ' A 77 7f.7. Vol. I, Nos. -53 and- 55; 
v 14 5./. /; . Vol. VII, No. 351.. . - -v V: M • 18 ilbW No:-48.M ; ;y:yyyy: - 

l5 Jbid. No. 344. • • / . 59 


Studies in Tuhiva History and Culture 

governors OF BARAKORU 

(From A.D. 1353 -A.D. 1587) 

Xames of Governors Date Reference 

Mahapradhana Mallaya 

Mahapradhana Goparasa-Odeya 



Mahapradhana Jakkanna-Odeya 



Heggade Sankarasa 

Mahapradhana Sankaradeva 

A.D 1353 

A R. No. 314 for )931-’32. 

A D. 1356 - 

Ibid No. 534 for 1929-’30. 

A D. 1365 

A D 1366- 

S.I.I. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 409. 

A D. 1373 

Ibid Vol. VII, Nos. 306 & 358. 

A.D. 1376 

Ibid. No. 341. 

A D 1377- 

Ibid Vol. IX, Part II, No. 417. 

A D 1380 

Ibid Vol. VII, No. 325. 

A D 1382- 

A.R. No. 547 for 1930. 

S I I. Nos. 317 and 379. 

A D 1386 

A D. 1386- 

Ibid Nos 351 & 391. 

A D 1391 

A D. 1389 

New inscription discovered at 

A D. 1393 


S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 344. 

A.D 1394- 

Ibid Nos 356 and 299. 

A D 1395 

A D 1395- 

Ibid Nos. 363 and 342. 

A D 1396 
A.D. 1397 

A D.1399 

S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 350. 


A D. 1400- 

Ibid Vol. IX Part II Nos 



and 426. 

Mahapradhana Bachanna-Odeya 

A D. 1406 

M A 

R. (1943) p. 147. 


A D. 1408 

K I. 

Vol. I, No 37 foi 1939- 


Mahapradhana Bachanna-Odeya 

A.D. 1411 


Vol. IX, Part II, No. 



A.D. 1414- 


No. 545 for 1930 and K.I. 



I, No 37 for 1939- 



No. 601 for 1930 


K I. 

Vol. I, No.41 for 1939- 



A.D. 1418 


r . Vol No VII, 261. 

Mahapradhana Sahkaradtva-Odeya 

A.D. 1422 

A R 

545 for 1930. 


A D . 1422 


Vol. I, No.52 for 1939- 



A.D. 1423 


. No. 317 for 1931— ’32. 


A D . 1424 


No. 366 for 1931— ’32. 


A D 1925- 


Vol. IX Part II, No. 


A D 1426 

A R 

No 571 for 1929-’30 

v v ; v*? 'i\ A ' ? :V 'A y - '’7* 'a' a '■ v ^ J ‘‘ ; 

. V" 0 "“i '.•"^ ) '"‘ X A ’ '•V*‘i / ” ' :^** ' ■*{ *’-’ •' ' '■’. ', „*' ; ,v. ',,1*^ ■* flO'.h, 

Kuie of yyaya 

A:A-A v A-vA; ; A 47 

’ r -V'' V d >V"v . V. 1 * .' . 'V- v . r ’ ", 

' yvdmesi -pJi.;-Gdyerngfs(^;\ r.0jU 

^xy;': : Date '-p-P 


Tinimanna-Odcya.} V 3. 


Pp 'IbidM ibr 1 939A‘4 0; ft; A ^ A 

Anriappa .« ; y/V-vN ;<v ’V- yy : {; . •; 

3A ; A.D.143l , 

' :X'A;R. 3S T o, .334 for 1 93 1- J 32 

jMahdpradhana (Jhandarcirzszi ; V 

CA A.D.I43I- 

PPpSil.I. Vol.; VII, No. . 369 . 311; 

■V ■’• X'l-P' 1 '-/' ' t t C'' ; - -:i ‘-a 'r y, V'/a' vVi'* 

A. D. 1433 

V 348 etc.4 . PrZPo'P-yrPj- 

Vy’" . 'A . 

•v 7^ Vol. . IX, Part II, No. 444. 


• • •• A.D.1433 - 

; ' A" ./. V ol. I, Nos. 53 and 55 for 

‘ 't < A'*-, v » ■ :\- - r, 

• " . 1939-‘40l.: 

Mahapradhana Ghandarasa 

A. D. 1434 

: a. /. /;. vo. vii, No. 3823';;^!; 


A. D. 1436- 

■ Ibid Vol. • IX, Part 11^ No. 446. 

. - ' . 

A. D, 1437 

Ibid Vol. Vll, No. 372. v V A : 


A. D. 1438 

K.I. Vol. I, No. 5 6 for 3939-’40 

.Annarasa (Annappa-Odeya) 

A. D. 1439- 

A . R. No. 346 for I930~’3lVvi:v 

A. D. 1440 

S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. ^ISAVWi 


A .D. 1442 

Ibid Vol. IX, Part Ily No. 448 

Mahapradhana Timmanna-Oqleya 

A. D. 1442- 

S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 367l^;r : ^V 

i - .y.V : .. % . - 

A. D. 1444 

A.R. No. 323 for 1 93 

Mahapradhana Acharasa-Odeya 

A. D. 1446- 

Ibid No, 588 for 1929-’30. 

K.I. Vol. I, N6s. "58 ahd : 59ifoi 

A. D. 1447 

1 939-MO. • ;v 

'•,"1 • 

A.R. No. 553 for 1 929--’30. • 


A. D. 1447- 

A.R. Nos. 467 an(j 5.9 6 . i 3':} r - L-ivAr 

/Tv- 1 " ' , • A* 

A. D. 1448 

• ‘ <■ ■' >V '1 ' ; ;c A ‘A; 


A. D. 1449 

A.R. No. 596 for 1929~’30. -:V 


A. D. 1449 

S. 1. 1. Vol. VII, No. 337. : :^vN 

Lingarasa-Odcya (Lingappa) 

A. D. 1450 

Ibid Vol. IX, Part II, No. 452. 

Mahapradhana V allabhadcva-Oqicya 

A. D. 1451 

Ibid No. 455. AyPviVfypZ 


A. D. 1451- 

Ibid No. 456, A.A.- No. 559 for 


A. D. 1452 

1929-’30. ' p 


A. D. 1453 

: S.I.I. Vol. VII, No.:368^ 


A, D. 1455 

Ibid Vol, IX, Part II, No, ; 457; 


, A.R. No. 589 for 1929-’3b. A: i‘ f 


A. D. 1457 

Ibid No. 358 for 1936^13#^ 


A. D. 1459 

S.I.I. Vol. VII, Nos. 336 & 3 15. 


. A.D.1459 

A.R. No. 595 for 1929-’30. : . 

Devarasa-Odeya . ' v „ ; ■ 

A. D, 1461 

oankaradeva-Odeya , 

A. D. 1461 

A :R . No. 549 for 'l929- 5 30 i '4 - • 

neggadc Devappa-dannayaka 

A. D. 1462 

S.I.I. Vol: VII, No. 338 A; : ;^ v 

MuhSpradhana Jjakkanna^Odeya 

A. D. 1463 . 

'■ .Ibid No: 361 y a- A ' 

Pandaridcva-Odeya i- • 4\ •' ' 

A.D.1465 , ; 

[Hid Vol. ix, :PartiI 4, ; No/ 459? 

Singarasa-Odcya V" ~ d-s .A \ :Z}'-- "a ' ' 

VA.3D.1466 • 

Ibid Vol; ViI,^No.^20;vA 4 V' : 

^ e ^?ja*Q^[eya . •5}\%VvV- ;s - f / \ -_v. 

A.D. 1467 A 

ZAliidjiid,i^3lGA:ypGiyP'{Pp>i ! r -P-\_ 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

Names of Governors 









Kcndada Basavarasa 





rili) a Timmanna 









ICalleja Yellappa-Odeya 

Dalapaji Lnigarasaraya 



A. D. 1467- 
A D. 1478 
A D 1480- 
A D 1482 
A D. 1482 
A.D. 1486- 
A D 1487 
A D 1491 
A D 1492- 
A D 1494 
A.D. 1495 
A. D. 1500 
A.D. 1503- 
A.D.1508 ? 
A D 1510 
A D 1513- 
A D 1519 
A.D 1519- 
A D. 1520 

A D. 1523— 
A.D 1525 
A.D 1526 
A D. 1528 

A D. 1533- 
A D. 1536 
A.D. 1542 
A.D 1543 
A.D. 1544 
A.D. 1544 
A D. 1546 

A.D. 1551 
A D. 1554- 
A D. 1562- 
A.D 1569 
A.D. 1571 
A D. 1581- 
A D.1586 

Ibid Vol. IX, Part II, No. 461. 
A.R. No. 372 for 1932. 

New Inscription at Nilavara 

S.I.I. Vol. IX Part II, No. 470 
Ibid No. 471. 

A.R. No. 250 for 1931-’32. 

S.I.I. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 473. 
Ibid No. 369 for 1931-’32. 

Ibid No. 598 for 1929-’30. 

Ibid No. 270 for 1931-’32. 

Ibid No. 279 for 1931-’32. 

S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 364. 

Ibid No. 345, A.R. No. 541 for 
193 1— ’32. 

A.R. No. 271 for 1931-’32. 

Ibid No. 340 for 1930-’31. 

S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 228. 

Ibid Vol. IX, Par* II, Nos. 511 
and 512. A.R. No. 515 for 

Ibid No. 255 for 1931-’32. 

S.I I. Vol. VII, No. 349. 

Ibid Vol. IX, Part II, No. 520 
Ibid No. 525. A.R. No. 355 for 
1 930— ’3 1 . 

Ibid Vol. IX, Part II, Nos. 555 
and 578. 

Ibid No. 603. 

A.R No. 599 for 1930-’3I. 

S.I.I. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 609. 
A.R. No. 310 for 1932. 

S.I.I. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 620 
and 621. 

A-R. No. 375 for 1927. 

S.I.I. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 655. 
A.R. No. 294 for 1932. 

S.U. Vol IX, Part II, No. 673 
A.R. No. 283 for 1932. 

S.I I. Vol. VII, No. 386. 

A.R. No. 574 for 1929-30. 

SIJ - Vol. VII, Nos. 375 & 321. 

WiH of : Vidc^ana^ara -i -j 0^001 B 
00aM^^0mmr, -"c§MV . : Date V?'; y V ^000 Reference 0 

^K^ncliappa VyfyPVy, A.D- 1587.VG Ibid No. 83i;VV; 

|&||:||:-5a:'0 ; y ; E O RS O F M Als T GAG UR U 

fc^vr: v/ X-/ ^ •< i ''v i. i- - / : - .^ M- r- A • J t;0F^oirt- A. , t) : . 1345 to A. D. 1563V ‘ . W'-V-.' 


Sankaradcva-O^lcya V - . : v . yv 

A. D. 1345 - 

• S.I.i: Vol. VTI, No. 179. :A ? ; 

• Gautarasa/V'.' ' y -‘ W V /'■■'•• ' ' 

A. D. 1346 

A.R. for 1909 p. 18. 

: Maliaya-dannayaka ’: A - y . ■• ’ ■_ 


K.I. Vol. I, No. 40. ' 

Jiadapada Gsuitarnsti • V .-. 

. A. D .1349 

S.I.I. Vol. VII, No; 231. A V; 

A. D. 1353 

A-R. No. 314 lor 1932. > y V 

vMadaraSk'iRVyy V V y -. , '■ 

A. D. 1364 

S.I.I. Vol. IX, Part II No. 408.- 

3ankaradcva-Pdeya V 

A. D. 1375 .. 

‘ Pandaridcva-Odeya y. . 

A, D. 1377 

S.I.I. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 416. 

Madarasa ; V •■' . ". .. 

A. D. 1379 

Ibid No. 418. . •' 

.Mallarasa \ V . •: 

A. D. 1389 

A.R. No. 477 lor 1928-’29;V V 

^ Madarasa "V *’ ■?{£ :\ y . ' \ . . 

A. D. 1390 

S.I.I. Vol. IX, No. 18644 V; -: 

^MMngarasa A:.::/' ''■■ , 

A. D. 1390 

Ibid No. 229. , , 

;^irigarasaV;/V.'yV'\ ; ’-<'- . " 

A. D. 1390 

A.R. No. 652 for 1958-59. ;6;.P 


A. D. 1396- 

S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 183. V vV y : 

A. D. 1398 

. A.R. No. 469 for 1929.VyvVW 

vNaganna-Odeya ; .-'tV. .•;. . "• 

A. D. 1404 

Ibid No. 470 for 1929, ' 

Bachanna^Odcya V* 

A. D. 1406- 

S.I.I.Vol. VII, Nos. 349 and 211.; 

££■ -V-' ■•' V" ■■.'■' 

A. D. 1407 

^ r - ’ ■ !'/>’. . ? ' ‘ ; -V* , 

Banappa-Odeya : • W V •; ■ '. • 

A. D. 1407 

. Timmanna-Odcya \ ; y . ' 

A. D. 1411 

S.I.I. Vol. VII, No.;259; : j 

-ICcsappa-Odeya'VV: : 'V' : .,.•>"!■ ■•". . 

A-D- 1417 

A.R. No. 638 lor 1962AVV VV 

VAj^ppa-Oi^)®:;'AV’vV " ' 

A. D. 1418 

, S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 261. V VVC 

• Timrnanna-Pdcya y '£. . ’. 

A. D. 1419 

Ibid No. 182."' 

; Naganna-Pdeya yrv " y : ,V : G : - : 

. A. D. 1420- . 

. Ibid Nos. 187 and: 1 92.4-' ; ;<JVv,SVJr; 

•/•V v V'Vy aA'i'-; * " • ' ;K <t ‘ : * *■ * • ; 

A. D. 1423- 

• Gcvaraya-Odcya VVVyV • A V ; 

A. D. 1429- 

S.I.i. vol. vii, No. ;:i96.:;t^ 

v? /- ;P* ; v *. 

. ;A.D.3430.V : 

. Vol. IX, Part II^NA;442; 

• ApnapparOdeya . V:v V. V / W 

AvD .1431 .’V 

V A.R .No. 334 lbiVl931;V.VV 

Dcvaraya-Odeya V '• y W ' V yV V> 

V-A.D ■ 1433- 

S.I.I; Vol. VII, No. 230; V : V ; 

: ; fVyVy ; yh {Xr A7 yV 'V Vv V y '■ Vy VA-t' 

A- -A .1)4 1437.; -V 

V New inscription at PanamburV 

v Annappa-Pdeya ;.-v. •'•. y ;V/ 0: i 

, A.D.1437A;? 

y ^.iV. ;Voh VII, No: 313;V:V- : : 

•,’Ac V V~ V- V“- '‘ - y :V \ ’ 'A-yJ' * * -\>-0*y 


r . ! ’ Vy ;/ V ? :V ;: 4 Vy fVv ;■■■ % \ V 

yGA. ; D'.'l448;p;> 

^ASkl No:;4671bf: 1929. 

-GyP^^A^Pdeya; (Ganapah na )4y f dy 

•V: ’ A.D.. 145V ; : ;; i 

V.IV Vol. VII, No VI 97.. : ' 



.> 72yd;NpVi : 8 A Vi V V WfeiS 'k IB 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

Names of Governors 




A D 1465- 

Ibid Vol. IX, Part II, No 460 


A.R. No 272 for 1932 


A D 1513- 

SI.I. Vol. VII, Nos 228 & 212 


A. D. 1535 

A R. No. 487 for 1929. 


A.D 1557 

New inscription discovered at 



(A.D . 1600 - A.D. 1760) ... . 

V ; During the closing years of the Vijayanagara imperial power, there 
emerged on the borders of the Kanara districts above the Ghats, a Virasaiva 
agriculturist family of Keladi which gradually established its rule over a.; 
large' region. Chaudappa Gauda (A.D, 1500-A.D. 1504) of this family 
was; appointed by the then Vijayanagara king as the chief of that area. : 
with bhe title of Nayaka. His successor was Sadasiva Nayaka (A.D.lSfh- 
A.D.1565). With the accession of this ruler, the Nayakas of Ikkeri 
emerged from a period of comparative obscurity to one of political lime- i 
light, Sadasiva Nayaka is said to have ruled over Araga and Barakuru 
and Mangaluru (Tulu-rajya). He was a great warrior and rendered f 
valuable military service to the Vijayanagara king, Sadasivar^a’.ivOi^^: 
of the noted expeditions he led on behalf of the Vijayanagara king /was • £ 
to the south as far as Kasaragod, where he planted a pillar of victory V 
to: commemorate his conquest. Subsequently, he was made the ruler y 
of this territory also which he governed efficiently till about A.D.:; 1565 A 
The. construction of the Kasaragod fort is, in fact, attributed to this Ikkeri :: 
ruler. The rulers of this family continued to be the feudatories of Vijaya- 
nagara until V enkatappa Nayaka I became independent about A. D . 161 3. • 
Vchkatappa 1 Nayaka I, who ruled from A.D, 1586 to A.D . 1629, was 
a very powerful king and he has been described in the epigraphs as 
diamond elephant-goad to the lust elephants, the group of the bounding. . 
Tufuva-rajas”. • The Tuluva rulers wore none other than the .rulers of . 
Gerusoppe, Karakaja . and UlJala. > , /; , A-s A V-G A -A Ah AS AV A A /A ;! ;/ 
.: • V enkatapp a Nayaka’s interference in the. affairs of Tuluva, was hot A 
without good reason. Firstly, the chiefs of Gerusoppe and Bhamk'ala ackA;: 
nowledged the overlordship of Aclil Shah of Bijapur and the territory assig- • . 

52 Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

ncdto his family by Vijayanagara was slipping away from him in this man- 
ner; he, therefore, led an attack on Gerusoppe in which the queen was de- 
feated and killed. Secondly, he wanted to stem the advance of the Por- 
tuguese in Tuluva, who had, by this time, gained considerable territory on 
the west coast of India and had, it seems, established, a factory at Mangalore 
with the help of Bangaraja. With this end in view, therefore, Venkatappa 
Nayaka readily responded when the queen of Ullala, the divorced wife 
of Bangaraja, requested him for aid against her husband and the Portu- 
guese. It is stated that Venkatappa Nayaka built VIrasaiva niathas at 
Barakuru, Bennevalli, Sagara, Boluru, Kodeyala, etc. The construction 
of the forts of Barakuru, Kallianapura, Kandaluru and Mallikarjunagiri 
is ascribed to him 

The letters of Della Valle, an Italian traveller, who visited the west 
coast of India about A. D. 1623 and accompanied an embassy which 
went from Goa to Ikkeri, throw some interesting light on the condition 
of the region in general and the relations between the Ikkeri family and 
die minor chiefs of Tuluva in particular. Della Valle mentions that 
the object of the embassy was to secure the restoration of the Banghel 
(Bahga) chief, an ally of the Portuguese, who, defeated and deposed by 
Venkatappa Nayaka, had fled to ‘Cassegode’ (Kasaragod), where there 
was another minor but free prince. The mission failed owing to non- 
acceptance of terms and the embassy withdrew. Della Valle, who later 
visited Ullala, gives an account of the quarrel between tire queen and 
her divorced husband, Bangaraja, which ended in the queen calling 
in die aid of Venkatappa Nayaka and obtaining decisive victory over 
Bangaraja and the Portuguese governor of Mangalore. 

On some of the roads of Tuluva, this foreigner travelled alone, 
accompanied only by Ills horse-keeper and servant; and he says he did 
this fearlessly, as the highways in Venkatappa Nayaka’s dominions were 
very secure. Another observation which he makes is that he met the 
Queen of Mannel’ who W'as walking out to inspect a new channel she 
had dug and that she did not look like a queen. But, he savs she showed 
her quality by her speech. 

Venkatappa Nayaka was succeeded by his grandson, Vlrabhadra 
Nayaka (A. D.1629-A.D. 1645), whose reign was full of political troubles 
n i . 1631, the Portuguese concluded a treaty with tills ruler, die 

erms o which were more or less of a compromising nature. He changed 

renod oj Jxeladi Mdyakas 

, 5. 

the capital from Ikkeri to Bidanuru in A.D. 1639. The Nay aha, wh< 
had no issue, abdicated in favour of his uncle, Siyappa Nayaka. Sivapp; 
Nayaka, who ruled from A . D . 1 645 to A . D . 1660, was the most importan 
Ikkeri ruler after Venkatappa Nayaka. During Sivappa Nayaka’ 
reign, the indecisive interference of Venkatappa Nayaka in the affair 
of Tuluva gave place to a systematic conquest of the district. He strove 
incessantly and strengthened his rule in the southern parts of the regior 
where he is known as the builder of a series oi strong forts on the coas' 
of Kasaragod. taluk, the most important of them being those of Chandragir 
and Bekal. Even before occupying the throne, he had subdued Bhairarasa- 
Odeya of Karakala, who was the strongest among the contemporary 
local rulers. He continued the same policy after ascending the throne 
and extended his dominions as far as Nilesvara. This territory of Nilesvara, 
however, was not annexed until A. D. 1737, during the reign of Soma- 
sekhara Nayaka II (A.D. 1714-A.D. 1739), when the fort of Iiosadurga 
was built and the Raja of Nilesvara was compelled to submit after a 
struggle of twelve years in which both the English and the French took 

During the reign of Sivappa Nayaka, the relations between Bidanuru 
and the Portuguese were again strained mainly owing to the unwise policy 
of the latter. There were a series of battles between the two in A.D. 1652 
and A.D. 1653, in which the Portuguese lost all their strong holds to 
Sivappa Nayaka. The Portuguese were completely crippled and Sivappa 
Nayaka became the undisputed master of the coast. He even issued 
gold coins bearing the figures of Siva and Parayati on the obverse and 
the legend of Sri Sadasiva in Nagari on the reverse. 

The Portuguese, however, mustered power again during the reign 
of SSmasekhara Nayaka I (A.D . 1663-A.D . 1671), who, wishing to 
keep friendly relations with them made new overtures to them. A treaty 
was concluded between the two parties in A.D. 1671, according to which 
the Portuguese were to be given sites at Honnavara, Mafigaluru and 
Barcelore (Basaruru) for building factories with single walls 1 and without 
any fortifications or erections of oil mills. Their boats were to be given 
free access to the ports of the kingdom. The" Portuguese were, however,, 
not to indulge themselves in conversion of the local people. After this 
treaty, the relations between Bidanuru and the Portuguese continued 
to be cordial. * ' « 


Studies in Tuluva Htstoiy and Culture 

In accordance with the treaty of A. D. 1678 during the reign of 
Channammaji (A D.1677-A.D.1697), the widow of SSmasekhara Nayaka, 
the Portuguese were inter aha authorised to erect charches at Mtrzeo, 
Chandor, Bhatkal and Kalyana.’ As a result of this treaty, the Portuguese 
seem to have driven out the Arabs. The latter, who resented this, burnt 
Mahgaluru and Basaruru and set sail after gathering a large booty. Im- 
mediately after the death of Somasekhara Nayaka, the Tuluva feudatories 
seemed to have revolted, but they were soon put down by Channamaji. 

During the reign of Basavappa Nayaka I (A. D. 1697— A. D. 1714), 
the Bidanuru-Portuguese relations again became strained. The Portu- 
guese appear to have been in arrears of payment for the rice taken by them 
from Kanara. The Arab-Portuguese trade jealousies rendered the situ- 
ation more complicated. There were skirmishes between the Portuguese 
and the forces of Bidanuru in A. D. 1704 and A. D. 1707. At last there 
took place a regular battle in A. D. 1713-1714, in the course of which, a 
squadron sent from Goa, captured the forts at Basaruru and Kallianpura 
and destroyed several ships and a good deal of merchandise. They also 
battered Mangalore, Kumta, Gokarna and Mizreo and spread terror 
in the area. The Nayaka of Bidanuru ultimately came to terms and 
entered into a treaty in A D . 1714 under which he promised not to allow 
the Arab ships to visit the Kanara ports. 

Basavappa Nayaka II ruled from A. D. 1739 to A. D. 1754. The 
fort of Dariyabadgad near Malpe and Manohargad at Kapu and those 
of Mallaru, Tonse, and Coondapur and the palace at Bennegere are said 
to be his constructions. When the queen, Virammaji (A.D. 1757-A.D. 1763), 
was looking after the administration of the kingdom, Aliraja of 
Cannanore, in alliance with the Marata followers of Ahgria, organised 
an expedition to ravage the coast of Kanara. They plundered, amongst 
other places, Manjesvara and led the expedition further north to Kolluru 

sa *^ t0 bave secured an enormous booty at the temple 
of Mukambika. It was at the time of Virammaji that the power of the 
rulers of Bidanuru came to its end Haidar Ali, taking advantage of 
the internal feuds at Bidanuru annexed its territory in A D. 1763 

of Kam° Ut A rm'-I 6 ?’ ° n ' EnglIsh tTavcller > Dr - Fryer, visited the coast 
1 « ! W l S StrUCk V * th the number of Christian converts, 

versant with tlT devil” The^ u ^ WCTe ma ^ll° US ly con- 

• The allusion here, perhaps, is to the bhuta 

f worship in the region. He also observes that the people of Kanara had, . 

<vnnrl 1 stu?q and nttPVPri thOrri wpli "and that ihdv tra vrllnd . withdnt cmidf>e >:' 

:: along broad Toads, not along bye-paths as in Malabar, : In connection" 
• t with 'the ipads -in Tultiva, ; the words of Della; Valle may also .be re 

here; he says that after reaching the town of Basaruru, he. found ‘a fair; 
:/ long, broad and straight street. 5 ■■ 

V Captain Hamilton, who visited Kanara in A.D. 1718, mentions that 
* the Dutch had by that time established a factory at Barcclore (Basarurn) 

and that the Portuguese used to send rice from that place to Muscat and. > 
: bring back horses, dates and pearls. ' ‘ f ' ■ /' 

: /;.‘:: ^he aidhor is,.gratefid to Sri JC.' Abhishankar Ghi^ ;Editor : q^ the ^arnataka.Statc.Gazetieei 


(A. D. 1760 — A. D. 1790) 

With the advent of Haidar Ali, Tuluva lost its individuality. All 
was not well with Bidanuru during the rule of queen Virammaji (A.D. 
1756-A.D.1763). Its affairs drifted from bad to worse till A.D. 1763, 
when Haidar Ali captured Bidanuru and sacked the city which he renamed 
Haidarnagar. Immediately after the capture of Bidanuru, Haidar 
turned Iris attention towards this region. He occupied Basavaraja-durga, 
Honnavara and Mangaluru and also Ballalaraya-durga where the Bidanuru 
queen had taken shelter. Haidar regarded Mangaluru as of great 
importance as a naval station and established a dockyard and an arsenal 
there. He kept Mangalore, now ‘Courial’ or Port Royal, under the 
command of one Latif Ali Baig. Haidar is said to have made a grant 
to a temple in Tuluva in 1765. Haider’s political advance was quick 
and devastating to the cause of the chiefs of Tuluva. 

The English watched with apprehension the seizure of Bidanuru 
by Haidar Ah. Mangalore, well fortified and converted into a naval 
station, could very well be used by him to intercept English shipping 
on the Western or Arabian Sea. Therefore, when war broke out between 
the English and Haidar Ali in A.D. 1766, an English expedition was 
sent from Bombay under Admiral Watson which arrived at Mangalore 
in February, 1768. Latif Ali Baig failed to withstand the onslaught 
of the English. They captured the city without much difficulty. 

The capture of Mangalore was, perhaps, considered by the British 

in T Vr tm r ' “ a VCr ^ Si ^ ficant even t in the history of their expansion 
’ l0r thc news ' vas announced to the people by one hundred 

" fire<1 rr ° m tta Fort S *- G “ r se”. It, however, tnrned o« 

only > temporary victory. On receipt of the news, Tippn made a 


was im-: 

hi Period of Haidar Ali and Tippu Sultan 
lightning attack .dh the " portytpy drive 

mediately followed by Haidar Ali in person. w It was too • much of a surprised 
for, the; Engli sh -army which was routed completely, ty Tippuvhad already^ 
taken Mangalore before the; arrival of his father on the spot;? : The English ty 
left the port and sailed away abandoning 80 Europeans ailing, 180 sepoys \ 
and all: the guns they had. Mangalore had thus been retaken within f 
a; ’week of its seizure by the English who were now ready , to make peace % 
with Haidar Ali. The Portuguese who had joined the English fondly A 
hoping that the latter would be the masters of Kanara were greatly dis- 
appointed at this turn of events. 

ritytyHaidar Ali, on coming to know of the Portuguese assistance to the ; 
English, is said to have summoned the Portuguese merchants and priests • 
and although from the western standards they ought to have been pUtty 
to death, he only ordered them to be imprisioned and their proper ties A; 
to be confiscated until the treaty with the English ’ was ; rigned^3Sii§.i|^ : 
treaty was signed in September, 1770. One of the terms of "this Jttyatyty: 
provided for the supply of rice to Bombay from Mangalore and other r , 
yports/ t The following year, Haidar Ali concluded a treaty of friendship -ty 
with the Portuguese also, in respect of the latter’s interests at Mangalore- A 
and the surrounding areas. He restored to the parish priests their privi- ;;y 
. lege to administer justice to the Christians under their care and also 
permitted voluntary conversions to Christianity. In A. Dll 776, he, y ; 

at the mouth of the river. After taking Mangalore from .the'Ehglishty ; ’ 
•vdn A.D; 1768. Haidar moved above the Ghats bv the Subrahmanva Pass; / 

It Was: he who ceded to the Raja of Coorg, the Pahja and Bellare 
yin the Puttur taluk, partly for the aid he had received from him and 
— -t — -- -f'— >• But later, in; A. id A 


: • jiad been given to Coorg by Somasekhara Nayaka II wbout .forty ycarkyA 
pa rlier. , : Thus, the end of the Eirst -M^pre;$^:s^ 
plete master of the South Kanara region; 

ceeded by Tippu Sultan. In January, 1783, closely following the death 
of Haidar Ali, General Mathews landed at Coondapur with a force from 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

Bombay which achieved a remarkable and unexpected success, 
considering the large numbers that opposed it. His earhest success ^ as 
the capture of the fort of Hosangadi, which guarded the Hosangadi Pass 
He marched towards Hosangadi, and reached the fort of the Hosanga 
Pass in three days notwithstanding the difficulties of supply and the 
transport. The place, situated in the midst of a thick forest, was defen c 
by trees felled across the road and there was a breast work of about 4 

yards from the fort. , 

The English soldiei s under Colonel Macleod marched iorwar 
and the next morning they found the fort abandoned with fifteen guns. 
The first barrier on the pass had also been abandoned; but the second 
had to be removed. From that point, there was almost a continuous 
hne of batteries and breast works and at the top was the fort of Haidargad, 
fully defended by about 17,000 men. The different positions were all 
carried with a total loss of 50 killed and wounded. General Mathews 
then advanced towards Bidantiru, which fell into his hands owing to 
the treachery of Iyaz Khan’, who was in charge of Haidamagar. It 
is said that I)az Khan, who, in fact, had been a favourite of Haidar 
Ali, threw open the gates of the fort on the arrival of the English, as he 
had learnt that Tippu had determined to degrade him. But the success 
of the English was short-lived and they were forced to capitulate when 
Tippu arrived there with a large army at the end of March, 1783. 

In the meantime, before the surrender of Bidanuru, Tippu had 
sent a large force to appear before Mangalore. But this force was attacked 
and defeated about twelve, miles from Mangalore. On receipt of the 
news of this reverse, Tippu moved in person with a large army against 
Mangalore which was held by Colonel Campbell with a force of 700 
Europeans and 2,000 sepoys. A line of minor forts had been built along 
the route to Mangalore, the remnants of which can be seen even now 
at Madanakapu, Arkula, Adyar and Kannur. After a preliminary 
engagement at an outpost on the 23rd of May, in which four officers 
and 200 sepoys were lost, Colonel Campbell withdrew from all outposts 
and made arrangements to stand a regular siege. 

Tippu, on the other hand, sent off his cavalry as the monsoon was 
approaching, but it was overtaken by a storm on its way, when more 
than, half the number of horses were lost. Afterwards, Tippu made 
t ee regular assaults which ended in failure. The fort was not only 

3 ' ■■■i0erwd^';Haidflr ~Ali arid Tippu * Sultan \ : fr? v^Q4^ * : ;59 

rbo air?' 'A f p^trifiy'ol •nni'n^t* ‘-’ K *rri ci'-'-mTAr i . . •4 -A^'i M-ivi *£■*-* , -ri-f ;4 - 

v : 1783-aftcr tlic siege had lasted for more than two months, Tippu agreed to 
}ah:arihistice. During the days of the siege the inmates of the fort were put 

,:t0 ' 


his residence at Mangalore. But not feeling strong enough to help effect ; 
tiyely, relieving Mangalore, he sailed away with his force on 2nd of 
•December .1" The condition inside the fort was degenerating day after • • 

: day' and by January, 1784, more than two-thirds of the garrison were, 

; in hospitals, and deaths were twelve to fifteen a day. A large proportion 
yofitiic sepoys /had become blind and the remainder so exhausted, as fre-: 
;C;qiieiitly to fall down. In these circumstances, Colonel Campbell consi- 
, : dered it useless to hold out any longer and capitualated on the 30th of . 
January on the condition of being allowed to go with his garrison ; to ■? 
;|Telliclierry4: Tippu was assisted in this siege by the French auxiliaries 
who were in- liis employ. But it is said that by the time the English were 
'about : to capitulate, the hostilities between the English and the French , 
i^in Europe had come to a close and hence Tippu’s French auxiliaries ;-: 
•noW refhsed to fight. - 

v ; ;; g; Except in the extreme of the region, Tippu completely suppressed^ 

oil j j: „„ — — 1 +1-, nm nf oil T-vnf fliAir rirnrnfp lorilrle'.-hv 

y r > i 

\ Among these chiefs were those of Kumbale, Vittala and Nllesvara..';. ;The 
. • Kumb ale-r ajy a was driven from the area and when he returned sOOn 
y afterwards and tried to recover his territory, he was captured and hanged. 

His younger brother was also executed for. joining the English at the tinie : ; 
j hf the first siege of Mangalore. A nephew of his was also put to deaths 

^lfl 'I’ 794 " ' ' ^ h« J n 1 v>oo/ 4 tr florl fA TpI li pr*rtr c Am' ofi rh a b 

before .4. ’Two of the princes of Nllesvara were hanged in 1787; by tltby; 

iv* « f i ' ' D . i ' xL vitEa' O o rvi -4rv fOvm o 

■the : British; 



In this chapter an. attempt at the reconstruction of the genealogies 
of twelve feudatory States is made. From the beginning of the Vijaya- 
nagara period uptil the advent of the British, these States maintained 
their semi-independent power. This reconstruction of the genealogies 
of the feudatories of Tuluva has been useful in dismantling many a tradi- 
tional account and in putting their chronology on as reliable lines as 
possible. This chapter seeks to throw considerable new light on the 
political condition of Tulu-nadu during the medieval times. The Vijaya- 
nagara suzerains kept these chieftains in good humour, and employed 
their sen ices in the governance of Tulu-nadu which was, broadly, divided 
into two provinces, namely, Barakuru and Mangaluru-rajyas. It does 
speak of the administrative ability of the Vijayanagara governors that 
they were successful in keeping them as their allies, instead of attempting 
to root out their political power. 

(14th century A D. to 19 century A. D.) 

The Bangas of Tulu-nadu had their capital in Bangavadi or Bangadi 
in tite Belthangady taluk of the district of South ICanara. Later, they 
shifted their capital to Nandavara of the Mangalore taluk of the same 
district 1 . They appear to have had a palace in Mahgaluru or Mangala- 
pura (Mangalore) also 2 . This ruling family is said to have hailed from 
the Mysore area, i.e., Gahgavadi, during the alleged conversion of Hoysala, 
ishnuvardliana into Vaishnavism by Sri Ramanujacharyas. It has 




SoutkKanara Manual, Vol. I (1894), p. 55. 

"Man^al'um. 2 ’ f ° r 1928_29 ' Ko d>y5la mentioned in this epigraph is part of 
Aigal's Ihhdsa (pages 263-264) 

Feudatory States of Tulu-nadu 61 

not;;yeti;bceii>:ppssible' to lociate ;';th'e exact; place, whenaritliey: {hailed^ to 
Tulu-nadu. We do hot have definite records of tlicir origin and of tli^ 
early role tHey played in the Mstory of Tulu-nadu. y. Epigraphs of South' :/ 
.Kanara start mentioning their ,'namd only in the beginning of the 15th 
y century A. D /, although M. Ganapati Rao Aigal in his ItiHasa gives the ; 
genealogy of the Bangas from the 1 2th century A.D.* The non-mention 
( of this family in the earlier epigraphs, hitherto discovered, may hot neces-: 
sarily mean the non-existence of this family before the 15th century A.D, 
y, Since we do not have definite records of their early chronology, we are 
y unable to pass any authentic remarks about their antiquity.. Should 
; we accept tradition and attempt to locate the original place of the Bangas • ' 

iw "wt kraxe a fan 'cp/gi’h^k/b' 1 . 

Gandlahalli of the Kolar taluk, belonging to the time of Iriva Nolarhba,, 
'"specifies the tank of BangavadR This inscription belongs to a period ] 
earlier than the 10th century A.D • Another epigraph of the] same* 
place dated A.D. 950 states that when Srimat Vikramaditya-Tiruyayyaf 

was ruling the Gahgavadi-6,000, the bettu and kattu of the Bangavadi:; 
tank were remitted?. Another inscription refers to Nagayya, son:-; of 
Bangali (Baiiga-halli) Ereyammas. A much worn out epigraph copied ] 

Suiekere, Turuvekere sub-taluk, which appears to be dated AiDl .iill^: 
mentions Bangavadi, situated in Gangavadi-nadu, Tunivekcru yancD 
Nirugunda-nadu 9 . All of these epigraphs may clarify an important.] 
' political postulate that the first Bangavadi belonged to the Gangavadh < 
nadu and as the tradition of Tulu-nadu has it for us, 

■’ migrated to this country and settled at a place in the Bclthangadyytaluk . 
of the district of South Kanara, near the Western Ghats, whicly thc^g 
found proper to name Bangavadi. It is difficult to tell which rcligiorA 
ytiiey professed. Perhaps, they were both Hindus and Jainas at different;; 
/times, like most of the royal families in the history of Karnataka; 
is difficult to surmise .the actual meaning conveyed by^th^^^^?^;T 
It may be possible that the progenitor of the family may have been named 1 

fff ibid. P . 263. . ; . ■ . -/ :->A ; Tv -hAhrihAhTIhA 

5 Ep. Ind. Yol. VII, page 22 - Bangavadi in M\ilubagal taluk of the. Kolar: district] 
iA-Tri of -Karnataka State. Av Tv'-':: ’Ty 

■"f'FFp.Ctar. Vol. X, Kolar, No. 198.. ‘ f. ,, ; 

[FffEp. Car. Vol: X, Kolar, No. 207. 

TS 5? lohf -i 

ggA M . A .r . .(191 6):p, 47T "A:; A AA/A ]]:/■{ v S1SISS1S 

62 Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

Banga, atfcr whom the entire family received the cognomen'®. Although 
the family is totally rid of any political authority today, the name Banga 
still continues in the Jaina families of Tulu-nadu. 

M. Ganapathi Rao Aigal in his Ilihasa gives the genealogy of the 
Bahgas as follows 

Vira-Narasimha Banga-raja (A.D. 1 157 — A.D . 1208) i c — 

V 2- I 

ChandraSckhara Banga-raja (son) (A.D. 1208 — A.D. 1224) 

Pandyappa Banga-raja (brother) (A.D. 1224 - A.D. 1239) 

Vittaladevi (sister) (A.D. 1239 -A.D. 1264) __ . _ r, 

| \ •i'jL c> o<- Gr 

Kamaraya I (son) (A.D. 1264 - A.D. 1274) 

Padumaladevi (neice) (A.D. 1274 - A.D. 1287) 


Havali Banga-raja I (son) (A.D . 1 287 - A.D . 1323) 

Sankaradevi (sister) (A.D. 1324 - A.D. 1349) 


Havali Banga-xaja II (son) (A.D. 1349 - A.D. 1400) 

Lakshmappa Banga-raja I (brother) (A.D . 1400''- A.D. 1455) 


Sankaradevi II (sister) (A.D. 1455 - A.D. 1491) 

Kamaraya II (son) (A.D. 1491 - A.D. 1533) 

Havali Banga-raja III (brother) (A.D. 1533 - A.D. 1545) 

Lakshmappa Banga-raja II (nephew) (A.D. 1545 - A.D. 1556) 

Kamaraya III (nephew) (A.D. 1556- A.D. 1612) 

Lakshmappa Banga-raja III (nephew) (A.D. 1612 - A.D. 1628) 

Havali Banga-raja IV (nephew) (A.D. 1628 - A.D. 1631) 

Sankaradevi III (sister) (A.D. 1631 - A.D. 1631) 

Sankaradevi III (sister) (A.D. 1631 - A.D. 1633) 


°n^?' Qru ’-d ate d AD.11 17, belonging to the reign of Vishnuvardhana 
Perlnn? .mfn ‘ ansa ’ n:lya ; ka "l connecti °o with the temple of Bankeivaradcva. 
vardhana ( "wY l I ) vl i ) ''. ccri - onc °f 'he early chiefs at the service of Vishnu- 
n Car 0 vY o1 ' V > BClur, No. 116). 

nigat s Itihasa (pp. 263-286). 

‘■UYLiSlli hr .hWdFtlh UilOT 

y) dydyfieudatory' States of ; Tiitti-mdu; -k; 

: Haval i C angar aj a V (son) : (A.D. 1G53 - A.D. 1699) 

Lakslimappa Bangm’aja;IV (ncpjiew) (A.D. 1699 A.D. 1767) " • : , 

- t<T oTvmr\‘n / <'»Y>oPo .Tin r»n , '3t , oio T\ «r\T»at»r^ ■( A 1 7A7 ‘ .Aj .■T'V 1 7QQ\’ >"**. ,' •• ■ * 

..D. 1767 

V ySSyA Lakshiiaappa Bangaraja V (nephew) (A.D.1800 - A.D. 1838): : 

: y ■ ;.vlt is ; further stated in the Ilihasa that after Pandyappa Bangaraja 
; . (A . D . 1224-A . D . 1239), the succession to the throne was traced through 
;; the females in accordance with the system of aliya-santdna' 2 . We do not 
^khoiv what authentic original sources were tapped by the author to furnish 
; us the ; above genealogy of the Bangas with such accuracy. Pic says that 
^angdra-kaifiydttu (consisting of die genealogy of the Bangas) was consulted 
.‘f .by him 13 ; , But. unfortunately this genealogy seems to suffer from major 
PyhistpricaLrinaccuracies/ An ' examination of some of die inscriptions 
' .published hitherto and some that are yet to he published 14 reveals to us 
;)major chronological discrepancy in the list given above. 

Reconstruction of the Banga Genealogy 

«• A 

in tracing the begimiing of the political. career of the Bangas' is a Sanskrit;; 
work known as die Sringdrarnava-Chandrika of Vijayavarni 15 ,- He seems 
:to have lived in the court of. Kamaraya Banga and was patronised by -, 
him. We have to fix the date of Kamaraya Banga, now. , : Vijayavarni ; 
says that Baiigavaclipura which was noted for its prosperity and glory;; 

: was ruled by Vlra-Narasimha Banga and that he has bom in the Kadamba-A 
vamsa. f The poet further narrates that Vlra-Narasimha Banga had ; a 
hunger brother, called Pandya Banga, whose ’ younger sister was Vitta-y 
lainba. Vittalamba’s son was stated to be; Kamaraya ;Bahga 3 y^Vijaya-;(; 
varni’s patron.; Epigraphic record 16 : proves, that Vitpaladew . may . liaive! i 

ll bl rl nn'rAror 1 frAYW nhnn f tlio flirrrl .rmnufai'' aP 4-U a | j^ y > ^1’’ ^ *' 

v.pyAigal’s /a'Mja (pp. 270). ■•s..'. V; a -fN- f V 

:-Ibidi : Inirodtictibn ii.,'" A ; ’ ,( • i' 4 " f*f v£d n 

14 With -the kind permission of the Chief Epigi-apliist, Government . of India, theji adv 
• OotacamuricL, these unpublished epigraphs were examined by me in 1964AA; ;V 

15 Extracts from this work are published in the book tld Prasasti-Sangraha edited by 
Paixdit .. K; Bhujabali Sastri, Vidya-bhushana (1 942),' pp. ' ,73-78. v - The : 6dlt6r ; - , 

■' 1 P 10 C ‘ -f-f a Ir/ 1 * Ivti! a /v« a* ■ ‘ fh A ; 'A* . '-C it. L. .Ti t” * _Vl! JV.. 4 ' V. ^ *• 

succession: He has unnecessarily, brought in one Chandrasekhara Baiura 
yS-.i : . /fiVoiWii^o;: 259."; . V : d&yyd; ^ 


Studies in Tultiva History and Culture 

ceding the reign of Pandyapparasa alias Banga, Vittaladevi’s son. If 
this were granted, based on Vijayavarni’s version, we may presume that 
Vittaladcvi’s elder brother was Pandya Banga who may be assigned 
to the period between A.D.1350-A.D.1375 and her eldest brother 
vas Vira-Narasimha Banga whose reign may have extended over the 
period between A.D.1325-A.D.1350. It is not probable that Vittala- 
devi had two sons, Pandyapparasa and Kamaraya. That Pandyapparasa 
alias Banga, son of Vittaladevi, was ruling between A.D. 141 1-A.D. 1431, 
is indisputable, and is proved by epigraphs 17 . Kamaraya who figures 
in the two epigraphs, dated A.D. 1469 and A.D. 1 473 18 , whose relation 
with Pandyapparasa is not known, may be his younger brother 
Vittaladevi’s younger son. It is not possible to say w'hen exactly Kamaraya 
Banga’s rule started. If a surmise is possible, we may fix his reign period 
roughly between A.D. 1440-A D. 1473. 

The work Snngararnava-Chandrika. is important in many respects 
First, it helps us in finding out when the Banga family established itself 
in power in Bahgavadi. In all probability, it emerged into historical 
recognition, not earlier than the beginning of the 14th century A.D. 
Hence, it is hardly possible to give historical credence to what Aigal says 
in that the exiled prince, Vira-Narasimha Banga, son of one Chandra- 
sekhara, related to the Gangas of Gahgavadi, made his escape in the 
Malnad area and after Hoysala Vishnuvardhana whose onslaught was 
responsible for the death of Chandrasekhara in battle settled in Bangavadi- 
And that Hoysala Vishnuvardhana’s son, Narasimha sympathised with 
Vira-Narasimha (who w r as just a child) and invested him with regal 
authority 19 . The impossibility of such a political event is clearly revealed 
by the fact that Vira-Narasimha Banga, the first ruler of tire dynasty, 
cannot have lived in the 12th century A.D. as shown above 70 . 

Secondly, the Bahgas are stated to have belonged to the Kadamba 
family. We are still ignorant to which branch of the Kadamba family 
they were connected, but this fact of the Kadamba origin is further, 
strengthened by a copper-plate inscription, dated A.D. 1504, which 

17 A R. No 344 of 1930-31 

A R Nos 478 &. 482 of 1928-’29 
” A'gaVs Jtihasa, pp 263-267. 

Aat % Man S alore P 56 > Ca^ra Pubhcat.ons, Ankola, opine 

and that telS If?,!® founded b V Vira-Narasmha in A DID' 

Feudatory States of Tulu-nadu 


mentions that the Banga chief Lakshin apparas a was of the Kadamba 
family 21 / 

Thirdly, it is clear from Vijayavarni’s work that the system of 
heritance in this family was through aKya-santana . 

Fourthly, this work reveals that the Bahgas were ardent Jainas in 
faith. The poet describes Pandya Banga as the worshipper of the feet 
of Jina, and his patron Kamaraya Banga is eulogised as a bee to the lotus 
feet of Jina. 

Fifthly, there is no place for Chandrasekhara Banga (the supposed 
son of Vira-Narasimha Banga) in the early genealogy as pointed out by 
Aigal. The early genealogy of the family may be rearranged as follows: 

Vira-Narasimha Banga I (A.D. 1325 - A.D. 1350 ?) 


Pandyappa Banga (younger brother) (A.D. 1350 - A.D. 1375 ?) 


Vittaladevi (Vittalamba) (youngei sister) (A.D. 1375 - A.D. 1410 ?) 

" 4 

Pandyapparasa alias Banga (son) (A.D. 1411 - A.D. 1440) 


Kamaraya Banga I (younger brother) (A.D. 1440 -A.D. 1473) 

(Patron of Vijayavarni) 

4 * 

The successors of Kamaraya Banga were : 

Navasirnha Banga II (nephew) (A.D. 1473 ?- A.D. 1484) 


Vira-Narasimha Lakshmapparasa Banga I (nephew ?) 

(A.D. 1484 ?- A.D. 1504) 

Vira-Narasirnha Banga II (nephew ?) (A.D. 1528) 


Kamaraya Banga II (nephew) (A.D. 1595 and A.D. 1597) 


Vira-Narasimha Lakshmapparasa Banga II (nephew?) 
(A.D. 1611 and A.D. 1623) 


Kamaraya Banga III (nephew) 22 (A.D. 1653) 

21 A. 22. No. 5 of 1940-1941, Appendix A. 

22 Dr. S. U. Kamath in his thesis Tuluua in Vijayanagara Times (1965) has given the 
genealogy of the Bahgas wherein he has brought in the names of rulers who cannot 

be historically traced. For example, Sankaradeva-I (A.D . 1325-A.D. 1350), '■ 

Hdvali Banga (A.D. 1351-A.D. 1375), Unknown ruler (A.D. 1375-A.D. 1400), 
Vira-Narasimha Lakshmapparasa (A.D. 1401-A.D. 1430). He further gives 
the name of one ruler Basavanna. We have proved that it cannot be so. Again, > ! 

in the genealogical table as given by Dr. Kamath there are four ruler's ‘named 
after Vira-Narasimha Lakshmapparasa. This cannot be justified. So far we do 
not have any epigraphical references to one Sahkaradevi II (A.D. 1630-A.D, 1650). 


Studies in Tulvva History and Culture 

Ha. all Bahga (nephew ?) (A . D . 1 653 or 1 655 ? - A . D . 1 678 or 1 680 ?) 

Lakshmana Banga (Vira-Xniasiinha Lakshmapparasa Bahga III) 
(A.D.1678or 1680 - A.D 1703 or 1705) 

Inter - dynastic Relationships : 

The Bahgas were the most powerful and influential of all the chiefs 
of the district of South Kanara. By diplomacy, war and matrimonial 
alliances they extended their sway over the whole of the present Puttur 
taluk and parts of the Mangalore taluk of the district. We have a few 
epigraphs that throw some light on the nature of the political relationship 
that existed between the Bahgas and the other local chiefs. According 
to a copper-plate inscription, Vira-Narasimha Lakshmapparasa Bahga I 
who held pcnver between A.D . 1484? — A.D. 1504- assumed the congno- 
mcn Bhairarasa- 3 . This phenomenon can be explained by the possible 
defeat of the Karakala chief whose family name was Bhairarasa, in a battle 
by Lakshmapparasa Bahga. This event must have been followed by 
a matrimonial alliance between the Bahgas and the Bhairarasas. The 
inscription of Bhairarasa IV (Bhairavendra II), dated A.D. 1586, speci- 
fically mentions that he ■was the son of Vira-Narasirhha Bahga by 
Gummatambika 34 . Vira-Narasimha Bahga may be taken to be the 
nephew of Lakshmapparasa Bahga who assumed the cognomen Bhairarasa. 

The Bahga relations with the Chautas of Puttige and Venupura 
(Mudabidure) must have been strained and hostile. Because an epigraph 
of Vira-Narasimha Bahga, dated A.D. 1528, registers a pact between 
Tirumalarasa alias Chauta of Puttige, and his followers alisavira and 
bal'isavira on one side, and Vira-Narasimha Bahga of Bahgavadi and his 
5,000 follow'ers on the other 35 . This pact defining their respective right, 
and privileges was concluded under the arbitration of Vedanta-Odeya 
the disciple of K.rishnananda-Odeya and of Tirumalarasa alias heggade 
who acted as intermediaries in the settlement 36 . 

33 A.R No 5 of 1940-’41, Appendix A. 

a 62 °[ 1201 ; E P- Ac/. Vol. VII, pp. 122-138. 

“ A.R No 336 for 1930-’31. 

5 rnill! luhSsa \ ,P a gc No. 438 mentions an inscription containing a political 

Anuinfl" a!o? h T taS r 0f Putti S e and people of Pejavartmagane in 
ariPimlVn a 133 r^T ll , refers to a f, S ht between the Mularasa of Nil&Svara 
mt™™hL B 7\ 0 ^T da „ V:lra - T . hc Chautas helped the Bahgas in this fight 
domain^ to the ru,, ’, C ' ^e Banga chief gave away some of the tenitoiies of his 
the governor of the \r C ® ut 'l 115 inscription is not reliable since Vittarasa, 
1410 \ctuallv he P r0 '?'? ce * s referred to as ruling in die year A.D. 

1474. \a r\J 30^n,fsQ S r\ e co¥ an r IorC P rovlnce from A.D. 1462 to A.D- Nos. 30 and 39 of 1901; Ibid 376 of 1928; Ibid 528 of 1930). 

id. Feudatory States' of Tiilii-riddu 


Territorial Extent A: 

The following may be accepted as the areas held by the . Bahgas : 
Melrbangadi, Kela-barigadi, - BelthiHgadi, , Maya-bayalu, . tJppiiiangadi, ;> 
Putturu, Ivlogaru-nadu, Mani-nalkuru, Barya-kajckaru, Bantavala, Kodi- 
yala/ Sajipa, Harekala, Varkadi, Mhnjesvara, Bajala-sime, ; Manila-sime, 
Mundukuru-sime, Bailu-sime, Vonmmjuru-sime and Ninimarga-sinic^. -U 

This territorial extent of the Bahgas can- fairly be taken as historically ; - 
true as evidenced by inscriptions. An epigraph of Kukke-Subrahmanya 38 : 
(near the Western Ghats) records that the charity in the temple of 

temple in Bangam-vadatana (within the territorial jurisdiction of the Bahgas) 
Another epigraph^ refers to the destruction of the palace of the -Banga. 
chief, Kamirayarasa at Kodiyala (Mangalore near the Arabian Sea) by 
Vittarasa-Odeya, the Vijayanagara governor in the year A J) . 1469. 
These indicate the extent of the Banga territory from the Western Ghats 
.to the Arabian sea. ’ 

Besides the epigraphical evidence, we have the literary proof to the 
territorial extent of the Bahgas up to Mangalore. The prince of Bahghel;. 
to whom the Holy-Cross was taken by the fishermen who secured it fro m A 
sea in A. D. 1493 was none other than the Banga ruler himselB°y h A y 


The Bahgas held power from the beginning of the 14th century 7\.D . 
up to the advent of the British, when their political authority was extin- 
guished. ™ " T " ■' ,. e 4 .-A 

the value of being in friendly terms with them, so that , their assistance 
was sought in matters of administration. Although they ; were devoted 
to the cause of Jainism, their patronage of Hinduism is worthy of praise. 
Lord Somanatha was the State deity of the Bahgas and the name of ;this ; 
deity was inscribed' on the signet riiig of the rulers. - OJ A •tytyywCjpv 


Aigal's lithasd, page 266. 

2S M.A;/t. (i94-3):No. mj-'T-TTF "-T- : - : -T 
29 A.’R. No. 482 for 1928-29.' AW A.; 

. . : .' 30 History qf ihe Dioceseof Mangalore 


Studies in Ttiluva Histoiy and Culture 


The cognomen Chauta presents before us certain problems which 
can only be analysed hypothetically. This title was borne by the ruling 
chiefs of Puttige and Mudabidure in the district of South Kanara, who, 
according to tiadition, seem to have had their first seat of royal authority 
at Ullala in the Mangalore taluk of the same district. Tradition has 
it for us that they shifted their capital to Puttige with the passage of time 
and later to Mudabidure, both in the Karkala taluk of South Kanara' 

It is said that the Chautas had migrated to South Kanara from outside, 
possibly, from die Mysore area. Facts are not adequate enough and 
convincing to arrive at any definite conclusion about the exact locality 
where these Chautas originated and the circumstances that prevailed 
upon them to migrate to South Kanara. 

In the genealogy of the Chautas as given by >$ri Lokanatha Sastri, 
Tirumalaraya Chauta is said to have been the first ruler of the dynasty 
between A D. 1160- A D 1179* Sn Aigal also writes in the same 
way in Ills Iiihdsa A But the inscriptional reference to the Chautas comes 
much later in their histoiy. 

The first reference to the Chautas occurs in the Madikeri inscription 
of Vengulu-grama, dated A. D. 1264, which mentions a Mahamandalesvara, 
named Vira-Munivaraditya Gokuladevarasa, who is described as the 
subduer of Ghaulu ( [Cliautuvibhada ) and supporter of Satyaraya 4 . Apart 
from the mere mention of the word Chautu, this epigraph does not enlighten 
us further on the history of the Chauta dynasty. 

The editor of the harnatak Inscriptions, Vol. I seems to have committed 
a mistake in identifying the Chautas of the Kaikani inscriptions, North 
Kanara district, dated A. D. 1390, with the Chautas of Puttige, South 
Kanaras. These inscriptions state that the General, Mahdpradhana- 
danndjaka, taldng an offensive on the Tulu kingdom, camped with an 
army at Bidire and having overwhelmed the Chautas, he rushed on, 
vmg beliind an order to drive away the men of Mahamandalesvara 
asa of Nagirc, Jakkanna-nayaka, son of Bommana-nayaka, the 
rajaguru of Na gire joined the Chautas and in the encounter that followed, 

‘ Algal’s Itihdsa, p 286 

Lokanailia Sastri - Miidabidureya-chantre Paec 51 
’ Aigal’s Ililiasa, Page 287 1 1 agC i>1 ' 

, c 'y r <! Inscriptions No 75 

I Vol 1, No,, 35 and 36 of 1939-40 

Feudatory Stales of Talu-nddu 


the hero is said to have broken down by his valour, the resistance of the 
aimy of the Mangappa-dannayaka and fallen in fight. The editor, in 
his introduction, identifies Bidire with Mudabidure of South Kanara. 
But this does not seem correct. Because, the Tulu country mentioned 
in these inscriptions was the region comprising Bhatakala, Haduvalli, 
Gerusoppe etc., and it was against this territory that Mahapradhana Man- 
gappa-dannayaka carried his military operations. Moreover, the place 
Bidire mentioned here could be identified with Bidiruru (or Biduru-nadu 
or Venupura) of the Sagar taluk, Simoga district 6 . The Chautas referred 
to must have been the chiefs of this Bidure and not of Mudabidure of 
South Kanara. The point of significance here is that the postulate that 
the Chautas had their origin in Bidure of the Sagar taluk and sometimes 
in the 12th or the 13th century A.D., either as seekers of fortune or as 
victims of political vicisitudes, they migrated to South Kanara and founded 
their chieftaincy, seems reasonable 7 . 

Various interpretations may be employed to derive the etymology 
of the term Chauta. M. Govinda Pai seems to be in favour of connecting 
it with Chulu 8 . There is a tendency to derive this term from chaudore who 
appears to be an ancient officer of local administration 9 . It may be 
suggested that this term Chauta may be the Prakrit form of chaiurtha™. 
The term Chanda which occurs very frequently may also be another form 
of Chauta. To cite an example, an inscription of Tirthalli, dated 
A.D. 1408, records a grant to one Naganna, son of Chaudarasa and to 
another Kesavarasa, son of Chautarasa, both Brahmins belonging to the 
Bhai advaja-gotra ' 1 . 

The 25th chapter of Sri Ai gal’s Itihasa dwells in considerable detail 
upon the political history of the dynasty) 2 . The following is the genealogy 
as given by Sri Aigal, the examination of which is very significant for us. 

Tirumalai aya I (A . D . 1 1 60 - A . D . 1 1 79) 


Channaraya I (A.D 1179 - A.D. 1219) 


6 Ep. Car . VoL VIII, Sagar No. 164. 

7 According to the tradition prevalent in Miidabiduie, the Chautas are said to have 
come from Hosanagar of the Simoga district. 

8 Paiichakajjdja, Page 113, 

9 A.R. No. 505 of 1915 A.D . 1 106 - Matla ndda-manaiyd 1 nm Chaudoregalum prabhu- 
gavundagahm ildu hollar. 

10 Praktil Grammar of Iiemachandra 2 — 33 — Chautho ( Chalutlha ). 

Ep. Car. VIII, Tirthalli, No. 131. 

12 Aigal's Itihasa, pp. 286 - 3J2. 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

Devaraya (A D 1219 — A D 1245) 
Tirumalaraya II (A D 1245 -A D 1283) 
Abbakkadcu I (A D 1283 — AD 1316 

Bhojaraya I (A D 1316— A D 1335) 

Padumaladev 1 1 (A D 1335 —AD 1382) 


Chennammadevi I (A D 1382 -AD 1403) 


Chennaray a II (A D 1403- A D 1470) 


Bhojaraya II (A D 1470 — AD 1510) 

Tirumalaraya III (A D 1510 -A D 1544) 

Abbakkadcu II (A D 1544- A D 1582) 


Tirumaladevi II (A D 1582 - A D 1606) 


Chandrasekhara-Ctukkaraya (A D 1 606 - A D . 1 628) 


Chennammadevi II (A D 1628 — A D 1630) 


Bhojaraya III (A D 1630 - A D 1644) 

Chennammadevi III (A D 1644 - A D 1687) 


ChandraSekhara-Chikkaraya II (A D 1687 -A D 1715) 

Padumaladevi II (A D 1715 -AD 1726) 

Abbakkadeu III (AD 1726 - A D 1749) 

ChandraSckhara-Chikkaraya III (A D 1749- AD 1769) 

Chennaraya III (A D 1769 -A D 1781) 

Chandraltkhara-Chikkaraya IV (A D 1781 - A D 1783) 


ChandraSckhara-Chikkaraya V 13 (AD 1783 -AD 1822) 

Now we may outline the chief events in the history of the Chautas 
as given by Sri Aigal 

(i) The first ruler of the dynasty was one Tirumalaraya Chatlta 
vho had his capital at TJllala, Mangalore taluk. His advent was facilitated 
only after the death of Hoisala Vishnuvardhana 

' r TSld 

7 ' : i Mi Feiidqioiy /Stales^ of : ifulu-7uldu, y yyVJV vy TV: 

r 71 

military might, s( 
his capital to this place. /Vi' yfy/Afv '■ V'- V' VV;V;V-V7V; -Vi vl 

V. (iii) Bhojaraya = I (A.D. 1316 - A-v D, 1 335) augmented his power 
lay matrimonial alliances with , the Savantas of Mulki. ,y ;/• ;v.y'\K 

(iv) The reign of Chehnaraya. XI (A.D. 1403 - A. D. 1470) witnessed 

the construction of the Jind-Chaityala , Tribhuvana-Chudamani(A. D . 1429) 
and of the Bhairadevd-mantapa (A.D'. 1451). . A'-:-'' 1 

(v) Bhojaraya II (A. D. 1470 - A. D. 1510) was the greatest of the 

Chauta chiefs. He visited the court of Krishnadevaraya, the Vijaya- 
riagara emperor and received royal insignia from him. V >;• V> 

: . y(vi) Abbakkadevi II (A.D . 1.544 ~ A.D . 1582) married Lakshina ppa- 
rasa .Bahgaraya and after the death of her husband, got embroiled with 
Lakshmapparasa’s nephew, Kamiraya. Kamiraya’s hostility with Abbakka- 
devi led him to conclude pacts with the Portuguese, who ravaged the terri- 
tories of Abbakkadevi several times and imposed tributes on her. • 

(vii) The later Chauta chiefs owed, absolute allegiance to the Keladi 
.-Nayakas after they established their, political sway over South Kanara 
and helped them in administration. It was in the 1 7th century A.D 7 
that the Chautas shifted their capital to Mudabidure. • / VfAyVy 

(viii) In A.D. 1763, Haidar Ali vanquished the power of the Keladi 
Nayakas and took possession of South Kanara. 

Mr. H. Sansford Smith in his Motes on Chautar Dynasty hasgiveri.’aV 
•brief account of the political history of this family and the writer does 
not give any sources for his generalizations. It looks . as though; hOVis jin’' 
full agreement with Sri Aigal in everything he said about -the GhautaspA 

The chronology and genealogy as given. in the' Itikasa and accepted 
by most writers are faulty in many respects. V jV - V 
V ;: L In the first, place there has not been any epigrapic evidence so 
far to prove that the Raja of Ullala. was imprisoned by Bitti -Vishn u vardan a 
in A . D. 1117 as is shown by Mr. H. Sanford Smith V.’ j . . SM. ff* 

i bidure informs us thatVikru-Chauta alias Chauta was the ruler in A.D. 1 390 16 . 

Vol; Vlf ' NcV229. ; yv7 

Society, Vol. XLV I , • July, ;1955, No. • 1 y pp. 69 to 71. 

72 Studies in Tnluva History and Culture 

Tins epigraph records the grant of some lands as dcvasva of 
Sri Chanddgra-Parsvadeva of Gurugala-basti during the reign of Vikru- 
Chauta who may be taken to be the first ruler of the dynasty as revealed 
through inscriptions. 

3. The inscription from Puttur, Puttur taluk, dated A.D.1431' 1 , 
registers a gift of gold by Chauta Santeya. Santeya may be accepted 
as the then ruling member of tire Chauta family, in which case, he becomes 
the second known ruler of the dynasty. There is no mention of this 
chief in the Ilikasa. The inscription of Adduru, Mangalore taluk, registers 
a gift of land by the Chauta chief, Jogi-Odeva, to one Jogi-purusha called 
Jugadikundala 15 in A. D. 1434. This chief appears to be the third in 
tire line. Granting that Vikru-Chauta ruled until A. D. 1410, we may 
assign 25 years to the reign of Jogi-Odeya alias Chauta (A. D. 1410- 
A.D.1435). Santeya Chauta may be taken to have held power from 
A. D. 1435 until A. D. 1455. Sri Aigal is silent about these rulers. 

4. In A. D. 1465, tire Chauta ruler, Allappasekha, stated specifically 
as ruling from Puttige ( Puttigeja-jananadalu bdluva ) made some grants 
to the Polali temple together with his three brothers Devarusekha, 
Bimmannasekha and Bommannasekha 10 . This record says that the 
management of the lands gifted to the Devi of Polali was entrusted to 
Manjannasekha and his sisters. If we assign 20 years to Allappasekha, 
we may infer that he ruled between A. D. 1455 and A. D. 1475. 4 here 
is no place for this ruler in tire Itihasa. 

5. It may not be unreasonable to mention that Allappasekha was 
succeeded by his younger brother, Devarusekha (Devaraya) and that 
he ruled for about 25 years until A. D. 1500. 

6. According to Sri Aigal, Tirumalaraya Chauta III was installed 
in power in A. D. 1510, but an epigraph tells us that this ruler made a 
grant to the Polali temple in A. D. 1507, from which we can take it for 
granted that Tirumalaraya came to power at least in A.D.1507 30 . We 
ma} suggest that Tirumalaraya may have ascended the throne in about 
A. D. 1500. He must have been a very powerful chief and we have a 
number of inscriptions that make mention about him- 1 and of the political 

n 5 fj No 3-ri is a.R No 476 of 1923-29 

31 iR No v X Ar P fon? ’c r f 50 , 33 A - R ^o 372 of 1928-29. 

’.! }> L I ? f w ?<£/.£> \ oL Vm - b'o 228; A R No. 336 of 1930-31; 
Ap’/rio: A ptrcio !92!_22 ’ APP^a ■ A Page.9; A R. No 6&7 of 1921-22 

f d A | A‘ AAA;.; Addd Feudatoiy. Sla tcs of jTiiliirnadu:- ' ' ; d ;; d; : 73; 

Entered: rinto':Ayitli fhis v ■^cig^b^Urii^7' A^u^po^es -j. ■<6f ': 
mutual protection. - Perhaps, it was this chief who visited the cornt of ■ 
the emperor,. Krishnadevaraya. ajld was honoured by him 2,< \ y It may- 
be suggested that Tii’umalaraya was in power till A .D. 1525 after which 
6 ne T u luvara s a Gliauta ascended the throne’. This cliief figures in an 
epigraph "mentioning an agreement between himself arid Tirumalarasa 
Kmnika-hcggadc and two other local chieftains 22 . His successor, Tiru- 
malarasa Gliauta figures in the Karakala copper-plates of A. D. 3543 
which register the compact with his Kalasa-Karakala contemporary, 
Pandyappa-Odeya 23 . . • ' . • . A 4*' 

V;/ ;; 7. An inscription, dated AT). 1571, gives us the name of Lokadevi 
:. ; a\ias : Ghauta as .the Chauta ruler in that year 2 *, whereas in $n Algal’ s 
account Abbakkadevi II is mentioned as ruling between A. D. 1544 
and A. D. 1582. We do not know whether both of them are identical. 

Perhaps, they were sisters. The same inscription speaks of the deceased 
sister of Lokadevi, one Paduhialadevi in whose memory a particular , 
area near Mudabidure was granted to Parsvanatha of Gurugala-basti 
for the conduct of religious rites. The charity lands were put in charge 
d of eight settikaras and four elames of Mudabidure. The name Abbakkadevi, 
no doubt, occurs in one of the copper-plate inscriptions which records 
an agreement of land at Marakata in Michara-magane, Karakala taluk, 
fpr aharadam in the basli at Bidure by Abbakkadevi for the merit of her 
d sister Padumaladevi 25 . . Since Padumaladevi occurs, as the sister of both 
: Abbakkadevi and Lokadevi, it is evident . that the latter two queens were A 
•sisters and that they were weilding authority over two different, territories.' • 
Perhaps, Abbakkadevi Was the ruler at U|]ala and Lokadevi at Puttigef 
Both of them appear to have ruled simultaneously starling from A. D.1544 2 <>. : 
From this period, there seems to have been a division of the principality . 

: of the Chautas, with two separate capitals/ one at Ullala and another 

ryfPTfcarihot be Bhojaraya II as bpined by Aigal, because TirumalarayaChauA Had';,''. 
. dd.; .come to power two years earlier than the accession of Krishnadevaraya ;to the, . 

Ad-d'ddthrorie. dA - ••d;AA . ; f v. yA ddA ; d. :-Av~,dd A A A- a AA-AAd 

AAAT. 1930-31, No. 336.. A. . A ,-TV 4 Add A A Ad AAyK-A’ 

23 A:R. No. 4 & 5 of 1921-22 Appendix fa page: 9. d A-Vl ' <; r AA A kv 

ff: 24 S.l.i. Vol. Vll, No. 210. A A ;A;A .AAd-dAAAAAAAA dAAAAdAAfAl 
.. /; 2S , /i.i? . .No/ 3 of 1940-4 1,. Appendix A. • / AAAAA dA ./ A Ad; A'A A ;AAA:AAA;j 

A A T^ySirice tKerie ^ Reliable df PadumT.adeyi ; prerc 

y;;. : / ..ruled before Lokadevi is not tcnable-AAr •y,:- AAAA; AA4A ; A A AvAAdA'A'' 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

at Puttige. The Portuguese records are the primary source of our in- 
formation on the Ullala branch 2 ?. 

Faria Y. Souza refers to a Portuguese Commander, Don Alvaro dc 
Silveyra who was sent from Goa in A.D. 1556 with a war fleet to collect 
tributes due from the queen of Ullala. It is stated that Mangalore was 
plundered and the queen was forced to sue for peace. The name of the 
queen is given as Buca Duvi Chauta, perhaps, meaning Abbakkadevi 
Chauta. It is indisputable that she must have been a powerful queen, 
for she seems to have fought with tenacity against the Portuguese. She 
stopped paying tribute and in A.D. 1567 there ensured another encounter 
with the Portuguese, in which, she was defeated and again was coerced 
to sue for peace and agreed to pay a heavy additional tribute. The 
long reign of 54 years of Abbakkadevi bears testimony to her ability 
as a ruler. 

The Portuguese sources supply us with further details. It is stated 
that the Portuguese were relaxing at Mangalore, the queen’s forces made 
a surprise attack on the Portuguese in the night and massacred many 
•white soldiers. The next day the city of Mangalore was burnt by the 
Portuguese and the queen took to flight. A church was built in 
Mangalore and also the town was fortified by the Portuguese. 

Further, the same sources make us believe that sometime before 
A.D. 1594 the queen of Ullala fortified her capital and garrisoned it in 
opposition to that of the Portuguese. And the queen was said to have 
been busily engaged in political compacts with the Zamorin of Calicut 
<0 fi S ht out Ac Portuguese. It is probable that the last date of Abbakka- 
de\i was about A.D. 1598 according to the Portuguese sources. 

^ 8. It is fairly certain that after Lskadevi alias Chauta, one Cliikka- 

rajarasa succeeded to the throne in the Puttige line, as is evidenced in 
two inscriptions dated A.D. 1578.?* According to Sri Aigal, he seemed 
to have come to power in A . D . 1606 and ruled up to A . D . 1 628. This 

ot historically true. AVe may' assume that Chikkarajarasa may have 

ruled upto A.D. 1600 . 

” ° a , nVCT ' - Poituquesc m India, Vol. X & II. 
S - ! 1 v ol. VII, Nos 226 £. 227. 



H; : ? AL; ; y’/V) w -ff- ;i;'0 fffc - ■’ ; :: y fff !W$t! 

Ngy /9. i From ’ • another yhiscfif^ A 

Chikkaraja - Odeya belonging to : the Chauta fami^ was ruling f 
Puttige. :This chief may be the nephew of Chikkarajarasa.h We do 

• know who the ruler, was between A.D .1600 - A ; D : 3 64-0. Aigal- in 
genealogy places him between A.D .1687 and A.D .1715 which a^ 

• is not correct. ■" /■ • '/ ' '•■•. 'yVy'v Ay fffvf 

;y; We suffer from an acute paucity of source materials ; for ?the7l 

history of the Ghautas and therefore, no authentic account of this family; 

• could be given. . '. . y y 

; Reconstruction of the Chauta Genealogy - 

We may now attempt to rearrange the genealogy of the Chauta : . 
ydynasty as follows : ■ f y ' ' C 

. Lack of reliable evidence prevents us from knowing when exactly 
the Chauta family entrenched itself in power in Puttige and we have also , 
scarcely any authenticity for the traditional accounts that this dynasty 7 
. had first fixed Ullala as its political centre. An inscription of Mudabidure, 

. dated A.D. 1429, speaks about the construction of the ce’ebrated jind-s? 
fQhaityalaya , Tribhuvana Chudamani and further states thatCthis. ; ;edifice^l 
of supreme grandeur was erected in the area (kshetra) which waS : giftedify 
to Abhinava-Charukirtti-panditadeva, with the assistance of SahkemaduTh 
V Chauta and six ballalas 30 . Obviously Salike-nadu was the Piittige-sinic 
: over which the Chautas exercised their political control. An earlier | 
epigraph of the same place, dated A.D . 1341, belonging to the reignyof - 
Hoysala king Vira-Ballala III, records a royal decree in the presence^, 
of Sri Vira-Ballala-deva (son of Vha-Narasimha) who. is, mehtion.edl ! asi‘^ 

.V Aluva, the six balldlugak of Salike (Salike), five outsidefsV-.eight-'^/^4^^: 
• and four elames of the town Of Biduire 31 . A This important i record c abesi}^ 
not mention the Chauta chief. Instead,- six ballalas of Salike are parti-" :: 
y cularly referred to. This leads us to infer that the Chauta family may ; 

29 A.R: No. 421 for 1929-’30. The defect in the chronology given by J§ri Aigal may 
: :• further he discovered in reference to : two epigraphs (S./.7. - Vol. VII) Nos. , 226- 

- AhH 997V* ' Aicr^l tVi (Snip, TCvt7i/tliaPVn^('7Cm)nrlidP‘\)n\C‘7\fnr/in'irfii/i StZnritib'Xn* v. , 

and 227). Aigal refers to 

\ ■ h oanvinc. the Chant as L to'JTulu-riadu during their" rriigf all oh ’ Ini t thi s .n iS TYI P hrrtire >- 

3 f yl .i? .No. 43 of 1 907, S. I.I: Vol. VII, No; 2 1 3.\iy Ay H 

7 g Studies in Tiduva. History and Culture 

not have yet held power over this territory by the time the royal decree 
was promulgated (A. D. 1341). We may surmise that about A.D. 1300 
the Chauta chiefs gained possession of this principality. Tins surmise 
gains strength when we consider that at best a considerable span of time 
must have elapsed before Vikm-Chauta, the first known ruler of the 
dynasty succeeded to the throne, sometime the last quarter of the 14th 
century A.D . That he was securely placed on the throne and was ruling 
in A.D. 1390 is revealed by an inscription 32 . 

Vikru Chauta 33 (A.D. 1375 ?- A.D. 1410 ?) 


Santeya Chauta (A.D. 1410 — A.D. 1435) 

Jogi-Odeya alias Chauta (A.D. 1435 ? — A.D. 1455 ?) 


Allappasekha (A.D. 1455 ?- A.D. 1475 ?) 

DevaruSekha (Devaraya?) (A.D. 1470 ?- A.D. 1500 ?) 

Tirumalaraya Chauta (A.D. 1500 ? - A.D. 1525) 


Tuluvarasa Chauta (A.D. 1525 - A.D. 1540) 
Tirumalarasa Chauta (A.D. 1540 - A.D. 1565) 

i ' 

. ^ 

Puttige (Branch) 



(A.D. 1565 - A.D. 1575) 

1 . 


(A.D. 1575? -A.D. 1600?) 


Unknown Ruler 

Chi kkaraj a -O d eya 
(A.D. 1640) 

Ullala (Branch) 

4 , . 


(A.D. 1544? -A.D. 1598?) 
1 t 

Successors unknown 

32 A. R. No. 55 or 1909 S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 229. 

Dr. S. U. Kamath in his Tuhwa in Vijayanagara Times has rearranged the Chauta 
chronology in which he brings in one Chennaraya (A . D . 1 4 1 0-A . D . 1 430) a doubt- 
" Sure- Dr. Kamath has based his investigation on an inscription edited by Aigal 
whose authenticity is already questioned earlier (Bahgas - Footnote 38). Further 
he mentions one Padiunaladevi as a probably ruler between A . D . 1 543-A . D . 1 570 
Nnoat mi disproved the genuineness of his contention. (Chautas- Footnote 
riven t tT'k™?. 6 between the chrono,0 gY given by me and the one 

Chcnnarava i* 1 1S . due to tlie P resen cc of these two chiefs, namely, 

nennaraya and Padumaladevi in Dr. Kamath’s chronology. 

: r ^ ; : "FSu^ui^^Siaies--^ Tulfc ff 77 ■ 

r n ter-Dynastic Relation ships \ \ Wy : i- Af fi ■ f .'f A vhf fh •; ^V/V^’vv 

We may bring in a few ' important - : : epigraphical evidence pointing . 
o the ; nature and extent of ihter-dynastic : relationships of the Chautas, 
with the other neighbouring families of rulers. That the Chautas were 
lostile towards the Bhairarasas of Karakala is evidenced by a lithic record 
rf A.D. 1512 -A.D. 1513. It says that the chieftains ■ (dofegaUiy ; of: the 
three sthanas Yelluru, Aikala, and Puttige should act in unison in case 
of attacks from Bhairarasas of Karakala. This mutual and amicable 
agreement enjoins upon each of the chieftains the duty of avoiding internal 
feuds and of fighting against the enemy, equipping themselves with all 
the necessary armed forces in case of aggression from outside 34 . b.. 
Av, . The . Suj eru epigraph of Mangalore taluk, dated A.D. 1528, registers 
a pact between Tuluvaras ahas Chauta of Puttige and his followers tili- \ 
savira and baUsavira on the one side-and Vira-Narasimha Banga 
of Bangavadi and his 5000 followers on the other, defining their respective ; 
rights and privileges under the arbitration of Vedananda-Odeya, disciple 
of Krishnananda-Odeya and of Tirumalarasa alieas Kinni ka-heggade 
who acted as intermediaries in the settlement. The inscription suggests 
that the political relationships between the Baiigas and the Chautas must 
have been for sometime marked by hostility and later a rapproachment 
between them was effected 35 . ‘ 'y. W 

; . Two sets of copper-plates are of special importance from the point y 
of view of the political conditions that prevailed between the Chautas • 
and the . Bhairarasas of Karakala in the middle of the 16th century 36 . 
One such plate registers an agreement given to Keravasi Panclyapparasa 
by Tirumalarasa Chautaru by Which both the parties pledged themselves 
to permanent alhance to help each other against enemies and to entertah ; ; 
traitors from other’s camp. The witness to the transaction was - the ; ; 
nadubali V Maramma-lieggade (of Yermala). A similar”, agreement was . 
given by Panclyapparasa, son of Chandaladevi to Tirumalarasa ChaUtaru.-;. 
The Jaina spiritual teacher Lalitakirti-bhataraka, is mentioned in both . 
of these records, which are dated A.D 1543. The inference is that 
after acute rivalry the chiefs of Karakala and of Puttige must have, come : 
to friendly terms for mutual benefits; YWvf Yyy f f y -tyf f 

WW SI.l, of Vol. VII, No. 228.WtV/h‘f rW f A f • hh- ; h: fhf? 

W 35 A.R. No. 336 of 1930~’31. - \ 'vVgW Wxfit, J..' ' -l: V t 

36 4 - Nosy 4; & 5 of 1 92 1 -’22 Appendix Ay jikge; 9 arid Ibid 6 off 92 I— ’^2 —f, ■ :;f 

Appendix- A, pp. ■ S-lOeyf WyVy./v;'"/.;': OVry;', i-'r’ ;;v t 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

Another copper plate registers an agreement between the Tuluva 
king, Tirumalarasa aliens Chauta, and Tirumalarasa alias Kinnika- 
hcggade for purposes of mutual defence. The compact was made in the 
presence of Srimatu Krishnanada-Odeya. This reveals the friendly 
relationship between the Savantas of Mulki and the Chautas of Puttige. 

It may not be unreasonable to suppose that the Chautas held a very 
respectable posidon amongst the various contemporary chiefs of Tulu- 
nadu and that their help was sought by others for political manoeuvrings. 

Territorial Extent 

The principality of the Chautas, consisted of the gollowing regions. 
Ullala-magane, Puttige-sime, Mijara-magane, Arkula-magane, Pejara- 
sime Manila-sime, and Mundukuru-sime 37 . These regions constituted 
the Salike-nadu (Puttige principality). 


The system of inheritance amongst the Chautas was through the 
females, that is, aliya-santana. 

The Chautas were devout Jainas by faith which is buttressed by the 
construction of bastis in large numbers. The town of Mudabidure itself 
is a standing monument of a cluster of Jaina temples (18 in number). 
That they were tolerant of the Hindu faith is evidenced by their benevolent 
gifts and liberal charities to Hindu temples and by their acceptance of 
Somanatlia of Puttige as the State divinity 38 . 

The most memorable work that was undertaken during the reign 
of the Chautas was the construction of the Chaityalaya known as Tribhuvana- 
Chudamani in the year A. D. 1429. Thefro ntispiece ( mukha-mantapa ), 
popularly known as Bhairadevi-mantapa, was erected in A. D. 1451 with 
the co-operation of the sravaka halarus of Bidure and of the people of the 
neighbouring country. The year A. D. 1462 witnessed the construction of 
the third tower to the basti. The manastambha in front of the basti was 
caused to be erected by the chief queen of Bhairava of Nagire, named 

a /((aK. Chaptei on the Chautas. 

VvT. iTTFculfatoiy^ 

)$>$*); T u iff®-®' 

• :' ; ; y - . V ’ : ••' . : \From the 11th to 19th centuries 'A.D.yh: f fh; yTfhfh; 

■ A : . 'Hie To] alias of Sural a, Udipi taluk, were an ; important ruling fami; 
in Tulu-nadu. During Vijayanagara times, their principality was include 
in the Barakuru-fajya. The editor of the ICarhatak Inscriptions) Volume • 
suggests that the original home of the Tolahas could be the - district < 
fBelgaum and the family may have migrated from their, home to th 
sea-coast and settled there during the period of the Chalukyas of Kalya r 

• when the coastal territories were being ruled by viceroys appointed b 
them 1 . It is difficult to say in finality which the original home of rh: 
family was. But the fact that they may have migrated to Tuluva somctmi 

' in the 11th or 12th century A.D. becomes clear with epigraplndaf eyi 
' dence. As pointed out in the first chapter, the original form ot- rTolah 
must have been Toraha. The earliest known mention of these Tora 

has occurs in the S agar inscription belonging to Jagadekamaliadeva 
dated A.D. 1042, where it is mentioned as Toraha 2 . Another epigrapi 
of Simoga points to Torahara-Kalayya carrying the cows of the village^ 
g The - title Torahara-mmi was assumed by one Bijjarasa in A.D. 1042* 
An epigraph of Nagara, dated A.D. 1294, mentions one Mafargatidai 
father of Bommeya who was the kula-tilaka of Tolahara-bali in' a fight* 
: This Toraha or Tolapa-kula is mentioned in an earlier epigraph of A.D .114} 
belonging to Saundatti taluk, Belgaum district 6 . V 

Vjk.V. :• Two inscriptions from Tulu-nadu give us some positive ;clue tha 
. they may have come from outside the district of South Kanara, possibh 
from the Idngdom of Santalige. The Siriyara inscription of the : time 
• of Harihara II (A.D. 1397) records that the sasana was caused to ;b( 
: issued in accordance with the wishes and consent of the halaru of the tef 
Tens of Barakuru, the hanjamanas, Tolahas of Satalige etc 7 . Here Sataligt 
evidently means Santalige. Another epigraph of Barakuru (A.D; 139T 
speaking about the mere-kat tales . of Tulu-rajya states that; the following 
had assembled in the court — sixteen settikdrds of the ten of Barakurir 

; . 1 A"./. Vol. I Introduction, pp. 8 - 9. 

Car. Vol VIII, Sagar - 1 19. hyV 
K’.d Shimoga.^ 37. -v 

4 Ibid.. . " ; Sagar -- 108 & 1 09. -ih 

f :/ Ibid... . • •:... pNagar hl2h ^ A.:. A hy 

. : C ’. K.I. Vol. I, No. 24- of 1939V 40.-: 'vi • 

• . :• .f 7 -A:ll. .No. 303 ofd931-’32. f f 

gO Studies in Tuluva History arid Culture 

770 members belonging to the elames, the hanjamanas, saguvaligeya Kolaharu, 
Mficlilas, Nidamburas, sixty ballalas etc 8 . It may be pointed out here 
that the reading saguvaligeya Kolaharu is obviously wrong, for it ought 
to be Santaligeya-Tolaharu. These epigraphical evidences may suggest 
to us that sometime the Tolahas must have migrated from Santalige, 
and settled in Surala of Tulu-nadu. 

The Tolahas, on inscnptional basis, first appear in the history of 
Tulu-nadu in A . D . 1 140 m an epigraph of Barakuru, Udipi taluk. This 
inscription in the Panchalingesvara temple states that the Tolaha of Surala 
was the recipient of a gift, for the maintenance of a nivedya-sdle , built 
by one Sivananda-yogi m the presence of Sri Markandesvara 9 . Reaso- 
nably we may suggest that these Tolahas at least started their political 
carrier at Surala from the first quarter of the 12th century A. D. if not 

Ever since the 12th century A.D., these chieftains of Tulu-nadu 
gained a foothold over portions of Coondapur and Udipi taluks, South 
Kanara. Perhaps, Surala, Sinyara, Nalvatta-nadu, Kela-nadu, Sankara- 
Narayana, Basaruru, Halhgerc and Bainduru (Baiduru)-n>n« were under 
their control. And Basaruru and Kokkarani (the former in the Coondapur 
and the latter in Udipi taluks) appear to be their ports around which 
their maritime activities were centred 10 . That the position of the To]ahas 
of Surala was of considerable importance is evidenced by one of the 
epigraphs which records a grant during the regime of Annappa-Odeyai 
the Vijayanagara governor of Barakiiru-rajya and of Sujanigamba-Tolaha 
and also of Bananch who was enjoying the humara-vritti" . In A.D . 1401, 
Madadi-Tolaha is stated to have made a grant of a fixed quantity of rice 
per day for the service of the god, Sankara-Narayana' 2 . 

The Kenjuru epigraph of A.D. 1408 mentions Bommannadi-Tolaha 
during whose reign the money income of Cheppalji was granted for feeding 
seven Brahmins in the malha |3 . It becomes fairly clear that there was 
a system of kumdra-vrith in this family. (The successor being associated 
with administration in a systematic manner). 

9 ! A ,d n ’5- 4c "U 901 s I 1 Vol. VII, No 350 

10 f- fi ,, N r o , 1 76ori901 S I I Vol No 381. 
" Algal s Iuhasa, pp 350-51. 

’ * R. No 320 of 1931 -’32 
- S 1 A Vol. IX, Part II - 425. 

Feudatory States of Tulu-nadu 81 

It was in A. D. 1414- A. D. 1415 that one Kuvari-Tolaha was 
enjoying the kumara-vritti and that a gift of land was made by Kotiyanna 
of Harulahalli, nephew of Channabhandari-nayaka for feeding Brahmins 
on amavasye and dvadasi days during this period 14 . 

During the time of Madadi Tolaha (A. D. 1416 -A.D. 1417) a gift of 
land was made by him for feeding Brahmins daily in the temple of 
Mahacfeva at Surala. The record was got engraved by Bemmanna-kori 
alias Tolaha in the presence of his younger brothers and others and also 
during the kumara-vritti of Hosabu- k5ri 15 . 

Two other examples may be cited. Bemmananda-Tolaha, brother 
of Nagancha-Tojaha was enjoying kumara-vritti from A.D. 1413 - 1452 J6 . 
Hosabu-kori was enjoying kumara-vritti under Bemmanna-kori alias Tolaha. 
in A.D.1470 17 . 

! In the beginning of the 16th century A.D. , we come across Koti- 
savanta-Tolaha who made a gift of land to a matha at Kudi, Udipi taluk 
in A.D.1522 18 . The decline of the authority of the Tolahas may clearly 
be seen towards the last quarter of the 16th century A.D. An inscription; 
dated A.D. 1577, says that Harunadu-sime was being administered as 
kanachi by Bankayarasa-Honneya-kambali-Odeya alias Ammidevi-amnia,' 

, Chennayarasa-Tolaha and the chief of Ikkeri 19 . This decline of the 
political authority of the Tolahas may be attributed to the advent of the 
Ikkeri rulers. The Tolahas were Jainas by faith and they were the 
worshippers of Mahadeva (Mahalihgadeva) of Surala. They were 
associated very closely in the work of administration during the period 

- of the Vijayanagara governors. The chieftaincy is still retaining its 
historical vestiges. 

(The Kalasa - Karakala Kingdom) 

The Kalasa-Karakala rulers are known to Tuluva history as the 
Bhairarasa-Odeyas. The title Bhairarasa may have been derived from 
the name Bayya or Bayyu (a commonly found proper name in the people 
of the south) which, with the addition of the word arasa must have changed 

- into BhairaiasU k This kingdom was an extension below the Ghats into 

14 A.R. No. 319 of 1 93 1— s 32. 17 Ibid. Nos. 328 & 330 of 1931— ’32. 

,5 Ibid. No. 328 of 1931-^32. 18 Ibid. 322 of 1931— *32. 

16 Ibid. 321, 323, 324 & 325 of I931- 5 32. & Ibid. No. 562 of 1929-’30. 

3 Bhairava may be taken to be another form of Bair a with Sanskrit influence — 

, Panjeyavara-nenapigagi Kritigalu- 2;pp. 12-13. 

82 Studies in Tulitva History and Culture 

the district of South Kanara of the original Santara kingdom of Pombuch- 
cha (Pombulclicha). Kalasa is above the Ghats as about the same 
latitude. These rulers claimed to be of the San tar a stock and belonged 
to the Ugra-vaiiisa and were devout Jainas by religion 2 . 

The first rulers of this dynasty established their sway over the Kalasa 
territority above the Ghats. Three of the earliest names of this dynasty 
arc mentioned in an inscription of Mudugere, dated A.D.1209 3 . These 
were Vira-Balludeva, Malludeva and Marudeva. Vira-Balludeva had 
the following titular assumptions : 

Sri ICalasesvara-devara dibya-sripada padmaradhaka-parabala-sadhakarum— 
appa mandalika-gandara-ddvani Vira-Balladevaru (worshipper of the sacred 
feet of god Kalasesvara a cattle-rope to the lords of the mandalikas). 

But these chiefs were followed by two queens, Jakala-Mahadevi 
(A.D. 1246 -A.D. 1270) and Kalala-Mahadevi (A. 1270 - A.D. 1281>. 
It appears that these were powerful queens. They 1 ' happened to be Jainas> 
although their grants were made in honour of god Kalasesvara or Kaja- 
sanatha. The Jaina and Saiva creeds seem to have curiously mingled 
here, for, in an inscription, the grant is said to be made, because it was 
the great day of the gods Kalasanatha and Jinesvara, as if they were 
in some way associated 5 . The copper-plates of Mudugere furnish us with 
the names, Baladeva and Raya-Ballahadeva, ruling in A.D. 1284 

and 1285 A.D. respectively 6 . The second confirms the tradition supported 

by many other grants that the Kalasa was a thousand-nadu and that 
this principality' was administered by three hebbaras or hebbaruvas 1 . If a 
surmise is possible, we may just suggest that it was during Raya-Ballaha- 
deva s rule that the Kalasa kingdom may have extended to Karakaja 

Detailed accounts of the Santaras are given in Ep.Car. Vols. Introduction. 

It is difficult to say whether it was Jinadatta himself, the founder of the £antara 
dyaiasty at Pombuchcha, who won Kalasa and came down to Karakala. Louis 
.Rice m his Mysore and Coorg ( Gazetteer II, p. 353) opines that it was Jinadatta 
Himself who undertook the conquest. Although it is doubtful, we cannot altogether 
1-ttle out the possibility of such a conquest by him; for an epigraph of Hattiyahgadi, 
woondapur taluk, South Kanara (read and recorded by me) speaks of the restoration 
ot grants to a bash there by the governor of Barakuru. This grant was stated to 
have originally been made by Jinadatta. 

Ep.Car. Vol. VI, Mudugere, No. 65. 

3 Mi. No V 6°7' VI ’ M5dUgCre ’ Nos ‘ 67 ’ 70 > 71 - 72 > 73 & 7 5- 
3 Ibid. No. 75 & 69. 

posesdou Q fi f power. mCanS /,!r! >-Aaraca (Brahmana) cannoting particularly the 

: ..yy • ; .» ■£ ■ ' t.7 PbudatOI^-^tdieS: of TulUrJlddu - 'SZ"i?U ^ ^ 83^V 

belotw the Ghatsiy This inference is based bn anf uridhted ; iiiscription 
found at Atradi of the Udipi taluk, which seems to register an agreement 
' entered into by Mahamandalesvara Ballamadevarasa, : Naranalva, the 
P'ladhikdri, the Mudilas, the three hundred oh the Hakala village (Parkaja; 

• village) and twelve mahqjanas of Harika (Herga) regarding the enjoyment 
,of certain incomes and the beduhgula. This epigraph may belong to the 
: close .of the 13th century 8 A.D. Mahamandalesvara Ba 1 lamadevar asa: 
y: could be identified with Raya-Ballahadeva mentioned above, ruling : 
yyin. A.D,* 1284 -A.D. 1285. Since no Alupa ruler of this come across.; 
in their genealogy during this period or later and since Ballamahadcvi 
vivas the Alupa queen holding sovereignty over Alvakheda during this ;; 
.period, this Mahamandalesvara Ballamadevarasa cannot be considered y 
y as an. Alupa ruler. He may possibly be Raya-Ballahadeva who ruled ■ 
;. v over the Kalasa-Karakala kingdom from his capital at Kalasa above .. 
; y : the , Ghats. This chief must have been subordinate to the Alupa; yqueeh, v 
; • Ballamahadcvi . 

-Next comes Vira-Pandyadeva who is described as KalaladeH’sySbii 9 ^ 
One of the inscriptions states that a certain Marakala belonging to Samudra- 
y Bandy a’s house came with all his property and vehicles-' .And--demand!edy 
the Kandyn-agrahara, whereupon Pandyadeva attacked and slew him, 

: : cutting him to pieces and seized all his property and vehicles'9;y- ;This J 
y; ruler is also mentioned in another epigraph as Kalaladevi^ son'!/.;, : Andy 
another, copper-plate inscription dated A.D. 1297 refers to a grant in y 
/ which Vira-Panclya appears to be ruling independently 12 .,/ y yyv AT//./ 

earliest of the Karakala inscriptions dated A . D . 1 334 to A . D . 1 335> 
belongs to the time of Lokanatharasa, who, though only a Mahaimnda- - { 
lesvara - who had acquired five great sounds, -* bears royal titles .^ sdinastha- 
;; bhuvanasraya Prithvivallabha , Maharajadhiraja. He also calls himself - 

■jd- MadhuradhUvar a > the jewel of the great Ugra-vamsa, ' the Lord .of : 
Patti-Pombuchchapura and .the pupil of ChdrukirttPPanditadcval 1 3 : These . 
titles make Lbkanatharasa decidedly a Santhara chief. The existence 
of this record at Hiriyahgadi, Karakala, makes it certain that the . 

yyA 8 yl ./?.No. 239 of ]931-’32. '• " ’ rivv/T- 
/vy./;; 9 Ep .Car. 'VI, Chikkmagalur, Nos. 35-36. - C / : 
/ / y , v ;1 ° Ep . Car . yyi, Chikkmagalur No. 36. yyy. vy y/ ; - / 
11 Ep • Car. Yol. VI. Chikkmagalur, Nos. 1 06. ;/: 

YplV Pid.-. ;• y '.CvvMu^ugere' No.-; 68 W v /•/ v”"~ 

vl ,R . No. 71 of 1901 ; .S'././. Vol. VII, 247. y, 

84 Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

descendents of Jinadatta, the rulers of Kalasa, removed the capital 
first to Sisila or Sisukali and then to Karakala, both in South 
Kanara 14 . 

Now we have to trace the connection between Lokanatharasa and the 
Kalasa rulers Lokanatharasa is mentioned as the son of Srimatu Bommi- 
devarasa and queen-mother Siddaladevi in the Hiriyangadi inscription 
(A. D. 1334 -’35) We have fair grounds to infer that he was the successor 
of his father, Bommidevarasa, who, in turn, must havesu cceeded Vira- 
Pandyadeva mentioned above. Bommidevarasa must have ruled on 
behalf of his queen Siddaladevi, since it is revealed through the inscriptions 
that the system of inheritance was through the aUya-santana and not through 
the makkala-santana. It may not be unreasonable, again, to suppose that 
Vlra-Pandyadeva was the younger brother of Raya-Ballahadeva ( Malta - 
mandalesvara Ballamadevarasa?) and not the father of Bommidevarasa, 
Lokanatharasa's mother, Siddaladevi, must have been the sister of Vn a- 
Pandya. Dr. S. U. Kamath suggests that Vlra-Pandyadeva was the father 
of Bommidevarasa -which could not be really so 15 . 

The name Vira-Chcnnarasa-Odcya is mentioned in the epigraph 
of Miyar, Karkala taluk, dated A.D 1385, who is stated to have assumed 
the following titles : 

arirayara-gandara-davani, htisivara-sula, saranagata-vajra-pafljara, mare- 

Undoubtedly, this ruler belonged to the Kalasa-Karakala line which 
fact can be inferred from the titular assumptions 16 . The mention of 
Kalasanatha at the end of this record is clear proof of the fact that Chen- 
nai asa-Odcya belonged to the Kalasa family, who by this time have 
entrenched themselves strongly in power in Karakala and its neighbouring 
regions. The influence of this divinity, Kalasanatha, seemed to have 
been felt even in Barakuru, as evidenced by an epigraph dated 
A.D. 1431 which mentions the name in the grant 17 . We do not, know 

14 Mr Rice’s Mysore Gazetteer, Vol VI, Page 456 

' ® W Kamath - Tuluva in Vxjayanagara Times 

' ' , 531 of 1928-29 Dr. S U. Kamath categorically asserts that no record 

, i Bha J rava -0<Jc>a family is available fiom A.D. 1334 to A D 1408 And 
CrC u 4 ln ! ' K 'ir family history. But, it is not true since there is a con- 
Iinmty m the political history of this dynasty from the beginning of the 13th century 

17 s'u voi vn jfran 8 ° r the mh cenlur >’ A - D - 

..... p.-f fPeudatof -States of TuhLriadu v AV’ "Ve.V/85 • 

how::;Vlra-Gherinarasa;was:’corLiieGted witli Lokanatharasa 5 but -we may ■ ■ 
assume that --lie could, be. his nephewf • ■ : v < y-. yf. yy.y 

An inscription of Koraga, Karkala taluk, dated A. D. 1408 - A.D. 1409 
mentions Keravase as the mahdrqjadhdni and gives us two names of rulers, 
^At4 L BnaitavaV aM his son Pandya-bhupala 18 . Most probably tins 
^a-iljmirav^i.;- Succeeded Vlra-Ohennarasa-Odeya who fixed his capital , 
at Keravase. also known as Kelavase which continued to be a seat of royal 
p,bwen,hiitii;the decline of the Bhairarasa-Odeyas of Karakaja. Perhaps, 
Vira-Bhairava was the same as Bhairarasa-Odeya who prominently figures 
as ruling at Karakala under the Vijayanagara king, Devaraya II, in 
ruler is mentioned in a number of epithets characteristic of 
his family, such as the Lord of northern Mathura , the Lord of Patti-Pombuchcha 
and the devotee of the goddess , Padmdvali. He is said to have had the 
banner of the monkey-god and the insignia of a line, to have belonged 
to the Ugra-vanisa and to the family whose progenitor was Jinadatta. The 
grant registered in the inscription found at Koraga 20 is said to have 
been issued from the capital, Keravase, which is identical with the village 
of the same name fifteen miles from Karakala. It records the gift of land 
^Mstrnne' ’"by the king at the instance of Vasantakirtti-Raula of the 
Baldtkdra-gana Lor offerings to the image of Parsvanatha and for feeding 
risis. in the basli at Gholiyakeri in Barakanyapura (Barakuru) built by 

hini^/Af'fv f ‘ 

VA Bhairarasa-Odeya (Vira-Bhairava) was succeeded by V Ir a-Pandya- ; • 
deva in wh ose reign the famous monolithic statue of Gummata was erected 
in A J D . 1432 22 , The same ruler caused for the erection of the Brahmadevci^ff 
stahibha in front of the Gummata statue in 1436 A.D . ^ An important' yj 
epigraph of A . D . 1 439 of Vira-Pandya found at Kajasa-grama records. 
a gift of land made for the offering of rice, to the god, Kalasesvara, at : 
Kalasaii. It begins with the usual verse in .praise of Sarnbhu and ir ' 
issued during the reign of Vira-pratapa Devaraya at Vijayanagara and 

A :r; No. 530 of 1 928- ! 29. A / •• 'y; vA ’ i; : ; 

f4^ : A flr -'VI^Mudugefe:Nos. 4-6 & 47. . •' .y •• yp 

’ Opp. Cit.’ foot-note 16. y V=-'” ' '.-W" • 

vl ./t; of l928-’29 3 page 80; . . ,> • -Wy-V 
• /l./f.:,Nos. 63 & 64 of 1901. - .S’././. Vol. VII, Nos. 239 & 240. 

■yEp.ind: Voi . . vii, . pp. 1 09-1 H W \ A AAAMA A A 

PEp.JndPVoi. VII, pp. 1 11-12. S.I.I Vol. VII, No'. 241 A A : 
l , (l934)- ; No. 21 , pp. 1 i0-’ 11 yAyAA'AfA yAyAA' 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

during the rule over Kalasa-Karakala kingdom of the chief, Vira-Pandya 
Devarasa-Odeya, who possessed the title ariraya-gandara-davani. 

Abhinava-Pandyadeva, the next in succession, granted a munificent 
donation to Neminatha-basti at Hiriyarigadi 25 . This was made in A.D. 
1457. He had in his combined for the first time both the titles of the 
Kalasa chiefs and the prominent Santara titles of Lokanatharasa. He 
is referred to as the disciple of Srimat Amaladhari Lalitakirtti-bhattaraka, 
belonging to the Kundakundanvaya Desigana and Panasoltavalisvara. Further, 
he is styled as arirayara gandara-davani, Patti-Pombuchcha-puravaradhisvara, 
Padmavatidevi-labdha varaprasadarum, Jinadattaraya = anvaya-vardhivardhakaruP. 

Abhinava-Pandya’s successor was Vira-Bhairarsa-Odeya ruling the 
Kalasa kingdom under the Vijayanagara king Immadi-Narasingaraya 27 . 
This is evidenced by the epigraphs of A.D. 1498 and A.D. 1501. One 
Pandyappadevarasa-Odeya is stated to have been the witness to a political 
agreement entered into between Kunda-heggade of Yelluru, Udipi taluk 
and Marda-heggade of Kapu of the same taluk. This epigraph is dated 
A . D . 1 500 !S . Although the exact relation of this chief to Vira-Bhairarasa- 
Odeya is not known it may be suggested that he may have been his younger 
brother, administering Karakala at the behest of liis elder brother, Vira- 
Bhairasa-Odeya who was ruling the Kalasa-Karakala kingdom from 

In A.D. 1501 came Immadi-Bhairarasa-Odeya to the throne. He 
is stated to be the son of Bommaladevi and son-in-law of Hiriya-Bhairarasa- 

” No - 70 of 1901. S.l.I. Vol. VII, No. 246. 

I he assumption of these combined titles by Abhinava-Pandyadeva is attributed 
to the close relationship of inter-marriage with the desetndents of Santara Loka- 
natnarasa by Mr. Krishna Sastri who edited the Karbala inscriptions ofBhairavendra 
l* f*' n ' P* ^2). But, this need not be so, because we have 

J ,V, y suggested that Lokanatharasa may be of the direct line of the Kalasa chiefs 
net the assumption °f various titles in this inscription may be an indication of glory, 
ir ■ • , Kitmath identifies Abhinava-Pandyadeva with Virapandya his predecessor. 

d'’k “ rV.V rca ,ty scem so - Furthcr > U is ulso not true as suggested by 
ror w the title anmyagandara-davam occurs for the iirst time in A.D. 1457. 

as A D 1385. 7 °"' n * at Vlra-Chennarasa assumed the title as far back 

28 E /‘ V? V °V V1 > Mfidugerc Nos 50, 54 and 48. 
z> dA ^ of '901» ^ I-l. Vol. VII, No. 273. 

* — “ - sub^r” 0t 


Feudatory Stales of Tulu-nadu 


Odeya 30 . He is also said to be ruling over Kalasa-Karakala kingdom 
n A. D. 1516 in the same inscription. And the kingdom below and 
above the Ghats in another epigraph of the same place 31 . It is tradi- 
tionally said that there was no separate royal preceptor at Karakala until 
Immadi-Bhairarasa-Odeya’s time. For, Lalitaklrtti-bhattaraka of 
Panasoge used to officiate on more important occasions and Charukirttis 
of Mudabidure at other times. The king established a branch of the 
Panasoge-pllha at Karakala and the successors to the pontificate came to be 
styled as Lalithaldrtti-bhattarakas 32 . The inscription of Mudugere, 
dated A. D. 1516, contains some interesting details. It says that the 
mighty Mahdiaja of Vijayanagara invaded the Tulu country and encamped 
near Mangaluru. Bhairarasa-Odeya fled and made a vow that if the 
imperial army should retire and if-returned to Ins country in peace, he 
would repair the temple of Kalasanatha. And so events came about 
and Surappa-senabhova, described as his wise man (buddivanta) and his 
Chief-Minister ( Sira-pradhdna ) were entrusted with the work of carrying 
out his vow 33 . Another inscription of Koppa tells us that while Bom- 
maladevfs son, Bhairarasa, was on the throne of Karakala, his younger 
sister, Kalaladevi was governing Baggunji country in her own right 34 . 
It is stated in an epigraph (A. D. 1522) found at Varan ga, Karkala taluk 
that a village, renamed Bhairavapura (obviously named after Bhairarasa), 
was gifted to the god, Adinathasvami, in the Nemi-tlrthesvara Chaitydlaya 
of Varanga for the worship of and offerings to this divinity. This epigraph 
mentions the king as ruling from Kelavase 35 . Immadi-Bhairarasa-Odeya 
is found ruling in A . D . 1 530 36 , according to another inscription. Perhaps, 
the last date of his reign was A. D. 1538 as evidenced by a record of the 
Hiriyangadi 37 . 

Immadi-Bhairarasa was succeeded by Vira-Pandya ' or Pandyappa- 
Odeya, son of Chandaladevi and son-in-law of Immadi-Bhairarasa. The 
Mudugere epigraph, dated A.D.1542, states that he was ruling the kingdom 
above and below the Ghats 38 . In another he is mentioned as ruling 

30 Ep~CaFv ol. VI. Mudugere, No 41 dated A. D. 1516 

31 Ibid. No. 62. 

32 Karkalada-chariti e (D. Puttaswamy), pp. 33-34. 

33 Opp, Git. Foot Note 28. 

34 Ep.Car. Vol. VI, Koppa No. 47. 

35 A. R. No. 529 of 1928- ! 29. 

36 Ep.Car. Vol. VI, Koppa, No. 47. 

37 A.R. No. 69 of 1909. S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 245. . ' - 

38 Ep.Car. VI, Mudugere No. 64. , 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

from Keravese, probably, his capital at the time in A.D. 1552 35 . And 
Kalasa was perhaps under the administration of one Bhairarasa-Annaji. 
It was during the reign of Pandyappa-Odeya in A. D. 1545 that one 
Sivadasayya-Devarasa of Karije made a gift of land to Gommatanatha- 
svamin. The king is said to belong to the lunar race and son of Chandala- 
devi 40 . A record of Karakala found at Kere-basti informs us that in 
A. D. 1545 Sri Vira-Pandyappa-Odeya, son of Chandaladevi who had 
the title arirayara-gandara-davani caused to be built Chaturmukha-basti 
in Pandya-nagari and made provision for the worship of offerings 
to Parisvanatha from out of the siddhaya-tax of the villages, Nalluru and 
Ranjala of the same taluk 41 . It is to be noted that this Chaturmukha. 
basti is not the one that was erected by Bhairavendra II in A. D. 1586 
known as Tribhuvana-tilaka-Jina-Chaitydlaya in the inscription 42 . 

It was in the year A . D . 1543 that Pandyapparasa ruling from Keravase 
was given an agreement by Tirumalarasa Chautaru, according to which 
both the parties pledged themselves to permanent alliance to help each 
other against enemies and not to entertain traitors from the enemies’ 
camp. The witness to the pact was the nddubali Maramma-heggade. 
A similar agreement was given by Pandyapparasa to Tirumalarasa, 
Chautaru 43 . 

Another record of the ruler belongs to A. D. 1548 where he makes a 
grant to Kalasanatha described as the king’s family deity. The record 
states that there was peace and prosperity in the Tulu country during 
the past ten years, thus indicating that the ruler came to the throne earlier 
than A. D. 1538 or thereabouts 44 . 

Wc next come to the reign of Immadi-Pandyappa-Odeya who was 
luling from Keravase in A. D. 1555 and there seems to be tire same, 
administrator at Kalasa (Bhairarasa-Annaji) 43 . Little is known about 
this ruler. 

Perhaps, one of the most illustrious names amongst the Karakala 

39 Ibid. No. 40. 

as belonging "tcT'oie lunar^ce.™ 5 “ rerercnce t0 the Bhairarasa-Od< 

« d'/s xi°k lA °[ 1909 -, sy.l'.v ol. VII, No. 248. 

of the lake known Sa ^ S ; t * la . t ^ asl ' 3S not identified so far. It is situated in a con 

43 Copper Plate a ^nekcrc, where the inscription is found. 

44 il i t Nos - 4 & 5 of 1921— ’22. 

45 Fb'ciu v'? 3 ^r P ? ges 102 and 103 - 

P ■ Vol. VI, Mudugerc No. 60. 

Bhairarasa-Odeyas \vas that of Immacli-BHairavaray^ (or Bhairavcndra Tfji 
He (Was the nephew of Hiriva-Bhairava born of Gomatambika. sister of 
BhairayaW < The : Chaturmukha-basti . inscription at Karakala, dated 
A.D .1586, : also mentions this" ruler as the son of Vira-Narasimha Baiiga; 
and Gomatambika 47 . He is also : stated to be the Aprr-in-law (nephew) 
of Bhairarasa-Odeya (Hiriya-Bhairaya) in the same inscription' AA record 
(A.DG1573) found at Iiariliara above the, Ghats mentions-, him ? as the 
overlord of the area 48 .. The epigraph found, at Ammanavara-basti 

at tliriyaiigadi at Karakala refers to Bhairavarasa-Odeya (evidently 
Bhairavendra II) and states that he was responsible for the management: 
of the gift made to the malha of 5,000 sravaka-halaru of KSfalcala for th e: 
purpose of sastradana (religious instruction). This is dated A V I) . 1 5 76 49 . 
Immadi-Bhairavaraya caused to be erected the fowA called Tribhuvana-iilaka- 
■ijind-Chdityalaya in A.D. 1586 (popularly known as Ghatur mukha-basti) v~ 
perhaps, so named in imitation of the Thousand pillared-basti at Muda- 
bidure, which, according to the epigraph of that temple is called Tribhuvanar. 
: :GhUdmanirChaityalq)>a-°. Tradition affirms that the. Ananta^ay^adf^'nipie :• 
at Karakala was constructed by this same ruler in A.D. 1557 in honour 
;bf thu visit of the head of Sri Srmgeri matha but _we • do not ihaye./any.-’eigi^ 
graphical evidence 51 . Moreover, the structure of the •• Anantasayana 
temple clearly indicates that it could safely be assigned to the 13th. century : 
A.D. or even a bit earlier, and not to the 16th century,. A :'D 1 ££ > 
AdWrPoet Ghandrama gives the following details regarding the family.; . 
of the Bhairarasa. Bhairarasa, had a queen called Malliamma. AThey 
i had three children, Vlra-Pandya, Chandrasekhara and Immadi-Bhairava- ; 
Taya.; The first and third sons succeeded to the throne one after the other 52 ; 

yiyy;The last, name of the ruler of this dynasty in the 16 th century was . 
Pandyappa-Odeya, son of Vira-Bhairarasa-Odeya wlio is, stated to; be 
ruling the country in A.D .1592”. It states that during, his reign. Bermana- • 
keUibali, son of Ummanna-Setti, made a gift of charity of 160 varahd- r 
■ gadydnas for the sodashabhavanc of Gurugala-bastiG : The rule of Pandyappa-f- 

Ibid. Koppa. Nos. 57 & 60. A.D. 1558 & 1598. . Go 
A .R. No. 62 of 1901.- Ep.Ind, Vol. VII, Nos. 122 & 138. 

. M. A .A (1932), page. 203. G ■' A- • ' GW -GOG-v: / VAG: 
A : R . 67 of 1 90 1, .: -S’.. I , /. Vol, VII, No. 43.:(AA: ■$ G;G ; v 

,J d'Fdb G Tariff ' ril ; A 7TT • T> 11 D A TCnmlrrl In ' Tn crri’hfiriii nk'UIini Ynrxsi 

■ Aft. No: 68 of :l 90 1 v;y. A,/.:;Vol. VII No.f 244 v(GG ,GG 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

Odeya seems to have been a short-lived one and soon Bhairarasa, the 
younger brother of Pandyappa-Odeya was found ruling as mentioned 
in two records of A. D. 1610s- 1 . Strangely enough, the ruler mentions 
the Vijayanagara emperor Venkatapati ruling from Nellur as his overlord. 

After the final disappearance of the Vijayanagara empire, the Karakala 
kings managed to eke out a precarious existence till the days of the Ikken 
rulers (Kcladi Nayakas) who absorbed their principality into their own 
kingdom. Details of this conquest are found in the Keladi-nripa-vijayam. 

Reconstruction of the Genealogy 

It is unique in the political history of the district of South Kanara 
that we have in a large measure an unbroken genealogy marked by definite 
chronology relating to the Bhairarasa rulers of Karakala. The following 
is the table of the rulers covering a period of 400 years from A. D. 1209 
to A. D. 1610 as revealed through the inscriptions. The descent seems 
to have been through ahaya-santana. 

Balladeva A D.1209 j 

Malladeva A D 1209 l -A.D.1240 ?) 

MarudCva A D 1209 j 


Jahala-Mahadevi (A D.1240 ? - A. D. 1270) 

Kalala-Mahadcvi (A D. 1270 - A .D. 1281) 

Baladeva (A D.1281 J - A.D 1284) 


Ra> a-Ballahadeva (Mahamandalesvara Ballama-devarasa ? ) 

(A D 1284- A.D. 1290 ? ) 


Vira-Pandyadeva I (A D.1290 ?- A.D. 1310) 


Siddaladevi (married to Bommidevarasa) (A.D. 1311 ?-A.D 1330 ? ) 


Lokanatbadee-arasa (A D.1330 ? - A.D. 1355 ?) 


Vira-Chennarasa-Odcya (A D. 1355 - A.D. 1385 ?) 


Vira-Bhairava (Bhairarasa)-Odeya I (A.D 1385 ? - A.D. 1419) 

Vira-Pandyadeva II (A D.I420 ?- A.D. 1450 ?) 


Ablimava-Pandyadeva-Odeya (A.D. 1450 ?- A.D. 1475 ?) 

Ep.Car Vol. Vg 

MudugercNo 63, Ep Ind Vol VIII, p. 127 

. . A ^T;rFeudat0- States of , Tutu-?iddu - ' . ty ty A V: ’ ; :ty'i;A9 1' 

, ; yira-Bhairarasa-Odcya II (A.D. 1501 - A.D. ]538);A;A -0. : Oty ’ 

Vira-Pandyappa-Odeya I (A . D . 1 538 - A . D . 1 552) 

,f : . : Immacli-Pandyappa-Odeya II (A.D ; 1553 ; ? - A.D . 1560) ) . . A ; 

At) A'A-ty'.: V ■$ Imniadi-Bhairavaraya (Bhairavendra II) (A.D. 1560 - A.D. 1590) -'vA 
yty '(A'v;;A : Pandyappa-Odeya III (A.D . 1590 ? - A.D. 1600) . 

Bhairarasa dll (A.D. 1600 onwards ? ) \ ■ l ' ‘-."A 

ty-y V;Aigal^h-';his ilihasa seems to confuse the Alupa rulers with the Bhaira-.. 
rrasa-Qde^s of Karakala. He points to one Pandyadevarasa or Pandya- . 
:|P^2^aykrii.';ruKng in A.D. 1262 as the first ruler of this dynasty. But 
i(^his|, ruler ( belonged to the Alupa dynasty 55 . Secondly, he includes, 
/yirapandya-devarasa, another Alupa ruler who is stated to be ruling - 
.in A.D;. 1396 as the third ruler of the Bhairarasa dynsaty. Again, Iiiriya- . 
•. Bhairavadcya referred to by Aigal as the eighth ruler of the dynasty is 
none other than the Bhairava, the ruler of the Nagire kingdom (see the; 
section on Nagirc chiefs.) • « 

-Kamath .in his Tuluva in Vijayanagara Times while dwelling;.' A 
inpon the Bhairarasas of Karakala fails to take note of the existence of ; 
y. three kings, namely, V Ira- G liennar asa-O deya (A.D. 1355 to A.D. 1385), 
yAbhinava-Pandyadeva Odeya (A.D. 1450 to A.D. 1475) and Immadi- . 

Pandyappa-Odeya (A.D. 1553 to A.D.. 1560). This has .resulted ,ih a. ; 

A considerable amount of chronological discrepancy. Moreover, he seems : 

to have identified Bhairarasa with Bhairava and Vira-Pandya. with ... 
; Pandyappa-Odeya 56 . ‘ . - v ' 

■ [■Territorial Extent 

|| A : It may provisionally 1 
chiefs extended from Baggunji above the) Ghats to Karakala . below the 

. v»nats, including between them the. towns of Kelavase and Kaiasa. 1 his 

in South Kanara 57 .; vyy .A.'y Aty' A ) : ‘ • v ( •. ' V ; A 7 : ; 7i : 4 A A: 7 : 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 


Vcnuru (Enuru or Enuru of the inscriptions) belonging to the Karkala 
taluk, South Ivanara, was the capital of the Ajilas, who figured as an 
important feudatory of Tulu-nadu. These chieftains assumed the cogno- 
men Ajila'. In all probability this term Ajila may have been derived 
from Ajua which was one of the important Jaina balls 2 * in Tulu-nadu. 

According to tradition, the first ruler of the dynasty was Timmanna 
Ajila, who ruled between A. D. 1154- and A. D. 1180. He seemed to 
have had two ncices - Chennamma and Madhurakka by name. These 
were married to Govindapparaya and Chamundaraya of the upghat 
regions. When Timmanna Ajila died, Ills neice did not beget children 
who could succeed to the throne. The refusal on the part of the people 
to accept w'omen as the ruler resulted in an appeal made to Kamadeva 
of Banavasi to intervene. The appeal was heard and Kamadeva 
organised a military campaign against the kingdom of Punjalike (as 
this kingdom was a synonym to Enuru), and establishing political order, 
Kamadeva is stated to have returned to Banavasi. This kingdom of 
Punjalike seemed to have constituted 13 rnaganes. In A. D. 1186, the 
son of Madhurakkadevi, Rayakumara by name, ascended the throne 
and ruled till A. D. 1204. He v'as followed by a number of rulers who 
succeeded to the throne and enjoyed power and prosperity. These 
chiefs also observed the aliya-sanlana law K M. Govinda Pai also repeats 
this traditional account of the Ajilas in his Vcnurina-silasasanagalu 4 . 

e have not been able to get any cpigraphical evidence for the 
origin of the Ajilas, nor for the early political history of the line. From 
the stand-point of inscriptional evidence, we can certainly say that the 
kingdom of Punjalike existed from the beginning of the 12th century A.H. 
for, one of the Enuru inscriptions, dated A. D. 1 118, refers to the kingdoms 
of Pujajike (evidently Punjalke) and Chalulke (perhaps, Salike-nadu 
of the Chautas) under the sovereignty' of Mahdmandalesvara Sevyagellarasa 5 . 
At present we are unable to determine whether this Sevagellarasa was a 
prince of the Ajila family. But he must have been a very powerful chief 

2 the form Ajila is also found m epigraphs, 

into Ajila Va "' Sa C an ^‘ 111 duc coulse of time Ajtra must have been transformc 

< Sn\i S n , '"' , ’ 1 PP 313-325 

5 4 II. Vol V ‘ VII, No 258™" S,l5sSsa,m S alu (1928), pp. 20-26. 


’ p Feudatory States of Tulu-nadu 

.^s^eveal0 . by the assumption'-' of . tile . lit] was 

meveAbotm^ t]i^'cUstricfO)f;South'^va9.afa;';;:; f A 

; • J The :name ’ 4?^^^ named after some member of the Ajila 

family) is come acrossccl in the epigraphs found in the Mahjimatha temple, 
Rackc, Mangalore. And tliis tank is stated -to be in Kuluru, five Amies 
gtd^e'fsptithVpfMangdlore. The inscription is important in that it gives us 
the name yi/7/a, occuring in A.D.l 388, the date of the inscription 5 . . This 
Bfeapgens'^to ;.-be : ' 'the- 'first: -reference to Ajila so far. We are informed by 
fa jtptlieri; epigraph of Belu ru, Hassan district, dated A. D. 1415, that one 
kma^atitta ySbmanatha Birumannarasa alias Ajila made a gift of charity 
OfvlOO muds of paddy to Chennakcsvanathadeva . It is very likely that 
JvfcKisA chief? belonged- to • ' the Aiila family of Enuru. And the Aluvapura 

.mentioned in the epigraph was his chiefdom, whose location is not yet. 
feknotyhtfyj ,y 

fy|^ri-/The,dnscription found at Kodiyalbail, Mangalore, dated A. D. 1419, 

•tee. -a-ii in.- 1 * i JLl -- J - 1L ~ ™ — w -~ in connection 

riwitH : ';the Ayork of restoration of charity made to the pal [is (mosques) of the 
?jMnjMdnas by ; Baichappa-dannayaka-Odeya, the governor of Barakufuk; 
rf, The Ajilas, as the inscription makes us believe, seem to have been associated 
’t^ihl.tKe Wqrb -of /administration by the governor. We are ignorant who, 
A the: Ajila. chief mentioned in tliis epigraph was. ■ 'A;- A.A -'yA 

g% ; ;Ari ; ^eihext. mention of the chief of this family occurs in an inscription 
f dated . A . I) . 1479. , Tliis records the gift of land by Ramadevi (most 
• ; probably : Kamadcvi ) 5 the mother of a. certain mandalika S omanatha for 

the offerings to the temple of Suryanarayana at Niravi (Narari), ■ ' ".This 
/■: mandalika, Somanatha could be none other . than the Ajila- chief 9 . For, 

. in A . D . 1489 Mahamandalika Somanatha Penamna-Odcya is stated to he 
; rruling over the rdjya of Punjab 10 . In tliis epigraph is recorded the grant 

marlAT-w TC a w** o rt m nr nf' &Y\ .A/TrfJjfiftf htl/J /ill 

-Likewise, - Kamadevi; add Ramadew are also; identical,; oAAAAAa’; -' yAAfnA 
A 43: ; The. next Ajila chief could be one' Binnana Ajila who figures in an ; 
A inscription .of Mudabidure. This . : record mentions that A Kamiraya,- : 

AA .Af \0idMoMMk A : € AlA AAAA v:A; ; -V ,*< A aA AyA ;A: Aa;A A A AAAaAAA|A 

-A A / X Ep ,Cark Vol; VII, ; Beluru, No. 55 (New Edition)/.. A \AA AAOA/AA Aw;;A A-A'A. 
AAA,vA.A2; Vol: VII, No. ; 182 A WAAWAAvAaAAAA AAA A A- fAl AAAA : A' AAA Ay 
cA; 523 oP]928-’29. AriAAAA • oA^AAAAA : riAA A AAA AriA-AA; A, AAA 
AVA- /5A/. Nd. ,80 of :1901 ; : S.i.ri No. VII, ,No.-257AA Av -sVWAAA AAAAAANA~... A 


Studies in Ttduva History and Culture 

the son of Binnana Ajila was one of the donors to Gurugala-basti". The 
above said inscription is dated A. D. 1515. 

The epigraph of A. D. 1537 of Enuru mentions one Salva Pandya- 
devarasa alias Ajila as making provision for the worship of 24 Tt) thaiikaras, 
whose images were installed in the Chaitydlaya of Santlsvara 12 . One 
Adya-devarasa belonging to the Binnani-bali is stated to be the pradhani 
of Salva Pandya-devarasa alias Ajila. A portion of Punjalike-rajya, 
known as Aruvada-rajya is mentioned as being governed by mandalika 
Somanatha, son of Honnamma-devi. It may' be suggested that Honna- 
mmadevi could be the sister of Salva Pandya-devarasa alias Ajila and 
mandalika Sdmanatha, his nephew 13 . 

The epigraph of Enuru, dated A . D . 1 604, connected with the erection 
of the Enuru Gomatasvami by' Timmanna Ajila, the ruler, describes 
him as the son-in-law (also nephew) of the glorious Rayakuvara, the 
predecessor and as the son of the king’s sister, Pandyakka and the younger 
brother of Pandya-bhupa 1 *. It is quite probable that the reign of 
limmanna Ajila was preceded by those of Rayakuvara and Pandya-bhupa. 
immanna Ajila may have ascended the throne by' about 1600 A . D • 
!c ast datc of Timmanna Ajila is not known. Perhaps, he was destined 
to rule for a short period since he must have been very old when he ascended 
the throne. 7 

A . n in ^Ption dated, A. D. 1621, speaks of one Madhurakkadcvi 
su a as 1 lc ru \ cr Punjalikeya-rajya. It is evident that she 

p ■ it, 6 i mmanna Ajila to power 1 '. As suggested by' M. Govinda 
nder l ° bc the neice of Timmanna Ajila, the celebrated 

last insrri 5” uru !*' n tlle P rescnt state of our knowledge this is the 
So sTatef the f ^ name ° f the A j ilas ‘ epigraph 

Sankararasa of S Bell- ma , tC 1 ° f dle 9 uecn > one Ramanatharasa, son of 
— — • are belonging to the Kabeyara-bali 11 . There may 

» hi ’s s iW *\ Yn ’ No 2I2 - 

13 It is inter,.,, ; *• No. VII, No. 256. 

Of PunjaUya-rijya walVssipnrlf"*® 0 - S5man5th ? "'ho was the heir_to the throne 
during the life time of Ma&nnt* 5 P? rtl0n o °f ^ ie kingdom known as Ai uvada-raj)* 1 

- am? atssr rj&jr 

st 2!0 ' w m - 

13 s “ pasc 3h - 

such a cou i d he the root of the corn? ^ wi th Beyara-bah and develops a theory 
UCh an lu htrence j, lo^S Ba,raiasa But there is no ground for 

’ Feudatory States of Tulii~nadu .Aa-A'v . . 95 

not be' aiiy doubt that the Ajilas continued as an independent power 
even in the 1 7th century A.D:, because an epigraph records the gift of 
land by Satavale Ballala of Marovodi-grama in Kclada-magane. a sub- 
-division of- Achila-shne; • Acliila-simc is none other than, the chiefship 
A>b the Ajilas 18 . AA . 'A\7 ' • . .. • - .y AA.aa 

'Reconsfriictiou of the Ajila Chronology : A V ;/A V-a yv- 

1388 "the history of Ajilas is obscure. ' , , 

'y, $}■:’ AManqialika Somanatha Birumannarasa alias Ajila I 

' ! (A;D: i400 ? - A.D. 1430 ?) " ■ -y . , a’AA ; 

Ay^A'^A’A'A' \Kaxhadevi (Ramadevi) ., " ‘ ’’ ’../a • 

V; : : (A-D-1430 ? - A.D . 1460 ? ) A. r-; 

....... , .. .4 . . 

•• • A J •■'i'vMaK'amahdalika ' Somanatha Penamna-Odeya (Mandalika Somanatha' 
(A.D. 1460 ?- A.D. 1490 ?) ' 

' \ : c A Pinnaria Ajila 

' A / : v- (A;D:1490 ?- A.D. 1515 ?) 

ybA' A, A ; j : Salva Pandyadevarasa alias Ajila 

•'fp , '-' ; ASH / '.yA;riAVD.i5V5 - A.D. 1550 ?) . • ; ' 

Mandalika Somanatha 

.A, (A.D. 1540 -A.D. 1560 ?) ' \ 

l ' . 

At- ARayakuvara . . 

; > A (A.D; 1560 - A.D. 1585 ?) , ' .^A/j 

AA - Pandya-bhupa • :AA.aA 

A (A ID. 1585 - A.D.l 600 ?) -. 

AA - Timmanna Ajila 'A ' 1 ' ; AA A.: 

- (A.D. 1600 - A.D. 1610 ?) \ -y>V:Av-.'^ 

AMadhurakkadevi alias Ammajila ’ •- '...y v 

A (A.D. 1610 -A.D. 1625 ?). ■ . : A ' • ; ; .. 

'!'■ -A : Later authentic history of the dynasty is not known so far. ; ,y 


■(■Conclusion VA — ' : A, . . -A .. . . ’ : a;A;. ; /y A V,A ; A AA \ 

aA A Inscriptions ^inform us •; that the Punjalikc-rajya was 'administered by y . 
A Ajilas with the help of 16. seltikaras and halani belonging to 366 e/tf/wy. 19 ;. 
vTheif ministers were selected from the family of the Binnanis. Although.; 

: : the Ajilas were Jainas by faith, they were ardent devotees of Hindu divi- A 
■A' h' ; i 18 .' t d'iR.’;.iyo:':.12-F6f 1946r-’4l;, Aippendik -AAAaa 

; hjos. 79, 80 of 1001 : S.J. I. Vpl. Nos: 256, 257.'\Ay AA}A jAyjAjyy AA-A 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

nitics too, especially of Isvara, who is known as Mahalingesvara, whose 
name seems to have been engraved on the signet ring. 

A remark has to be made concerning the lineage of the Ajilas. Dr. 
Iiultzsch in the epigraphical report says: “The image of Bhujabalin or 
Gummatast amin was set up at Enuru by Timmaraja in A. D. 1603- 
A.D.1604 and that in the same year two queens of his built two baslis 
in front of the image. Timmaraja is stated to have belonged to the family 
of Chat unda and to have been the pupil of a teacher at Belguja. Hence 
it may be concluded that the Venuru image is an imitation of a much 
larger statue of Gummata at Sravana Bejgula in Mysore, which had 
been set up by Chavundaraya” 20 . But it is difficult to accept this view 
point of Dr. Hultzch. In the first place the statue at Enuru is more an 
imitation ot the Karakala statue and not of Sravana Belgula. Secondly, 
Chavundaraya who had set up the statue at Sravana Belgula was of, 
brahmakshatriya lineage, whereas Timmarajajila is stated to belong to the 
Somayata-vatrisa - lunar race. And therefore it cannot 'be concluded, 
based on the similarity of names that Chavundaraya, Minister of the 
Ganga king was the progenitor of the Ajila family. At best we may 
infer that one Chavunda by name, perhaps a chief in Gahga-nadu could 
be the originator of the family and in later times this family migrated 
to the district of South Kanara and settled at Enuru. The opinion of 
Sri M. Govinda Pai seems most convincing in this connection 21 . 

The promotion of art and architecture under the Ajilas reached 
a pomt of excellence. It is worthy of note that although the territory 
over , which the Ajilas ruled was not extensive, they were of considerable 
po ltical importance and that they were mostly consulted by the 
rjayanagara governors of Mangaluru in respect of administration, 
ey were uniquely of the rank of Mahatnandalesvara 12 . 




No j , 7 62 & 763, 1901, pp 5-6. 

* murtna Mlasasanagalu , pp. 23-24. 

in Antaranea^ LMutH 1 hi sart icles Venuru and its Colossus , published in V. 

origin A* Aulas. But in regard to 

which is hardly or Imim-J 1 rul ! n S family, he only echoes the traditional acco 
1* says thar^immanna Ah la rC rT^ ,ty - -^° rCOVCT ’ Srl ™ ® act correct wl 
consequent on tl,,. Heath r,i i Tmamaraja) ascended the throne in AD 1- 

ifs r-Ll ’» 11: V''T dccCssor ’ ttayakumara. (M. Govinda V: 
txommata Colossus — An taran era foo i ioaa\ 

J A.1I1UU 

012 the acaui ot his predecc: 
article, Vcnu, and its Gommata Co“ 

, uuvimu* 

-Antaranga, Udupi (29-1-1939). 

States of Tulu-riadu -' y ,= ' / 97 : 

JJy In . the history of Tulu-paclu the chieftains '' of Mulki, Mangalore 
taluk. South Kmiara, are known as the (Savantas 1 . They were Jainas 
by faith and were said to belong to the family of jinadatta of Pattipombuch- 
%M^ddi^th^^sencd;bf 3^ corroborative records it is not possible, at 
present, to pass any final verdict about their origin, nor to give a connected ,; 
and coherent account of their political career during the period under 

study. /•£ • ' ■ ' •' ' - y ' ; ^ 

,V Sri R. Narasiinliachar seems to doubt the very existence of this 
dynasty of the Savantas 3 . But his argument is based on very flimsy ; 
grounds,/. Inferring that the names Chennamma and Tirumala come 
across in the genealogy of the Savantas, were the names occuring in the 
Ghauta family of Puttige and Mudabidure, he seems to deny the separate 
existence of this ruling family of Mulki. This is a mistake wliich becomes 

'obviously clear when epigraphs are examined. Copper-plate inscriptions: 
that are referred to in this chapter show that in the 16th century, this 
family had rulers by the name Tirumalarasa and Chennamma. , v;' : ,T 

V-Ky, In a work Jinadattaraya Charitre , written by one Padmanabha, 
whose date is approximately fixed at A.D. 1700, reference is made to 
;Durgana Savanta, who had a sister Devammaji by name, married 

d-4- - ’.L P "K T — _ _ Chn Vi f m mil /■» h f 1 rl TPT1 u 

ito dMalinganrupati of Venupura. She begot seven children y 
Chenniga ; - Saman ta, Tirumalendra, Sankaranrupati, Cheiinambike, 
/Tirumalarasa, Ambakadevi and Chikkaraya. It proceeds to state.that. 
Diirgana Savanta was succeeded by his nephew, Chenniga Samanta. 
And then. Tirumalendra, who, in turn, was followed by his sister, Chcnnam- 
; majiv: Tirumalendra, called , himself. Kadamba -,Kidadip^jyypk( 

.h.'iPI** . > '•* ■ “h’ 5 * 1* “ 1 1- T • - * * * ' • . T/* ~ _ t .1. _ J «• ■! 

.•Treasurer of Tirumalarasa, wrote, the work Jinadattaraya [ChariPrei^yVz 
; can, with a degree of confidence, assign; Dugganna Savanta .of this ; work 
Ho the middle of the 17th century. = There may not be any doubt that 
((the ; Savantas mentioned in the Jinadattaraya Charitre yrcre ; the ruling families 

AA! 1 'Etymologically- the term Savanta. means a neighbour, a neighbouring .king, yep 

Ti nlsn means leader, areneral. cantain or charrinion 

;hoyan hveripr d; 

Aigal’s Itihdsa, page. 345.. / V'///’ •• \ yhyi'.;.’;' : v.’- 

3 Karnataka Kavicharitu, Part II, page 515. », 


Studies in Tuhwa History and Culture 

of Mulki and were in no way connected with the Chautas of Puttige 
and Mudabidure except by matrimonial alliance 4 . 

The following are a few facts relating to this family: 

There are found in Mulki twenty memorial tombs in a field called 
Bakimaru which are said to be of the Savantas who were installed in power. 
Assigning the reign period of 30 years to each chief, we may roughly 
calculate that 500 years ago the Savantas established themselves in Mulki. 
The possibility of this family being related to that of Pombuchcha, may 
be accepted as of historical credence, for epigraphical records refer to 
the Savantas in the Nagar area, much earlier than in Tulu-nadu. Two 
examples may be cited here. The Hosagunda ruler, Bira-Devarasa is 
stated to have marched against Idu Savanta of Bidiruru in A. D. 1254 
and plundered all his valuables 5 . It may be suggested thatldu-bidu 
near Mudabidure could be taken into account as a settlement of these 
Savantas after their migration into Tulu-nadu. Another epigraph of the 
Soraba taluk, Simoga district, dated A. D. 1284, mentions Savanta 
Jagadala, son of Hiriya Sakunada Belgauda, the nephew of Savanta 
Jagadala Kuppe Yekkali-gavunda 6 . That the Savantas were a ruling 
family is further evidenced by an epigraph of A. D. 1292 which refers 
to the rule of Mahdmandalesvara Tamma Savanta and of another Iruvandur 
Maleya Savanta 7 . We are yet ignorant when these Savantas settled 
themselves at Mulki. 

Simanturu, a village just three miles from Mulki, was the first capital 
of this ruling family and later it was shifted to Mulki proper. The temple 
°f Janardana at Simanturu used to be the seat where the Savantas were 
installed in power. And Sri Janardana was their state deity whose 
name was inscribed on their signet ring. 

Sri Aigal gives the extent of this chiefdom as follows : 8 Nine mnganes 
comprising - Aikala, Atturu, Kudetturu, Panja, Valalanke, Karnadu, 
Kuberuru, Bappanadu and Talipadi. This small chiefdom was bounded 
h) the Pavanje river, (Palaunja of the inscriptions) in the south, the 

?' n- ^ ar ' K ' m l‘‘'yhru‘ - Padmanabha Jinadatlartiya Chanlre - Article published in 
s i r A g d na ’ J an - 26 ’ 1954 > PP- 276, 96. 

orinA- K?t™! 46 ’o 4 . 8 -f“ r * 929 ’. ,® r - Krishna has identified Bidiruru with Naga» 
Sagara talulP ut 1S P 0S5 >ble that this Bidiruru may be its names sake in the 

7 l t-f aT - Vo1 - Vni - Soraba, No. 31. 
b a- Sagar, No. 97. 

•oigal s Itihasa, page 343. 

Mulki river in the north , arid the kingdom^ of the Chautas in the east 
and the Arabian Sea in the: west.-.AvvAvA.?vVvVAA : -WW^ ;>\C f 

. vVA$rI M. Govinda Pai, in one of his articles about Mulki opines that 
an inscription of the place in Kotekeri dates A . D, 1378 V and that it 
mentions • one Dugganna Samanta, If this is true this becomes the earliest ; 

■ epigraphical evidence to this ruling family®. We can assume that this 
Dugganna Savanta may have continued in power until A. D. 1400 or ’ 
thereabouts. The epigraph recording the political agreement reached 

f amongst the chieftains at Simanturu, dated A. D. 1411, mentions Kinnika 

■ Savailta alias Bacha-heggade and his nephew, Kanta-heggade as one - 
mf the parties to the pact 10 . Kinnika Savanta may be said to have suc- 
ceeded his uncle, Dugganna Savanta mentioned above. The same ruler 

Vis .mentioned in a broken lithic record, dated A. D. 1411, of the Durga 
temple in Bappanadu 11 . The mention of Simantura-deva in the impre- 
catory portion of the record stated above, corresponding to the Savantas, ' 

■ indicates that this deity was the presiding divinity of the state. Evidently- 

■ Kanta-heggade, nephew of Kinnika Savanta alias Bacha-heggade may 

r be taken to be the successor to the throne. » V; - ; } '; 

Another epigraph of Simanturu of the 15th century A.D. - records' V 
Dhe demarcation of boundaries of the area over which the -brother <6fh i 
VKotiyanna-heggade, alias Bacha-setti, Harihara-setti by namef ,was> toyV 
Vexercise his control 12 . Kotiyanna-heggade alias Bacha-setti could : be 
Vthe- successor of Kanta-heggade. In this record Mulki appears to be a 
fairly developed town. . ■ - ; 

■V,::V; Two names of the family are mentioned in an inscription dated 
A .D .1542 of Padu-Panamburu, Mangalore taluk 13 . It refers to Diiggana 
Savanta^ ally a of Kinnika Savanta and records that this chief commenced • 
a vrita (religious observance) for the perpetual prosperity at die instance i : 

, of SrMatu Abhinava-Charuklrtti Panditadeva and " that his ^sister;;' 
Cheimamma-dcvi made a grant of - land to Ananta-tirthesvara V,’ 

: for the conduct of worship. This ruler Dugganna Savanta has elaborate 
epithets like .Binajana-chintdmani, hhavya-Si ramani, fulfiller of . the wishes?. 

■V ; Sri M.' Govinda . Pai - Mulkyannu Kurilii article- published in the' Silver- Jhbilee 
s.V- - ' 'Special of the Govt. High School, Mulki, 1959C. -■ VVVif V-' VVV’ ! Y l ;'-V -:;?:VtYVrY: 

/- V 10 Vl./b No. 341 of 1930-’3l.' v V; r! VV'- : 
v-tp. ^ Voh; VII, 259;YV:V:.VV 
H': 12 ...-'1 ,/i.vNo. 339 of 1930-13 1 A ; 

. P •S./v7 i ;.Vol.;VlI,.NoV262. : V V . 


Studies in Tttluva History and Culture 

of the meek, etc. Certain inferences may be drawn from this epigraph. 

(1) Duggana Savanta succeeded Kinnika Savanta to power. And 
this Kinnika Savanta must have been the successor of Kotiyanna-heggade 
alias Bacha-setti. 

(2) Succession to the throne was definitely through the system of 

(3) The sister of Dugganna Savanta, in whom the real authority 
tv as vested, according to the aliya-santana system was a possessor of 3000 

(4) The Savantas were Jainas by faith and were the disciples of 
Charukirti-Pandita of Madabidure. 

Another epigraph of the same place mentions Kinnika Savanta'*. 
Perhaps, he was the same as his namesake in the above epigraph. This 
inference is based on the date of the epigraphs. Both of them were 
caused to be inscribed on Sunday of the 13th day of Simha-masa belonging 
to the Subhakritu year. The personal name of this Kinnika Savanta 
must have been Tirumalarasa as evidenced in one of the epigraphs, dated 
A. D. 1512, which records a political contract among Kunda-heggade 
of Yejluru, Tirumalaraya Chauta of Puttige and Tirumalarasa alias 
Kinnika-heggade (probably of Mulki)'*. The Savanta mentioned in a 
much damaged epigraph of the same place, dated A. D. 1559, must be 
Dugganna Samanta himself making grants for sastradana 16 . 

Perhaps this Dugganna Savanta was succeeded by his nephew Kinnika 
Savanta. This fact may be inferred from the mention of Kinnigesa at 
the end of a five stanza poem that was inscribed on the manastambha 
in front of the Anantanatha-basti, Mulki* 7 . Dugganna Savanta, who 
is mentioned by Padmanabha in his work Jinadattaraya Charitre may 
be ascribed to the first half of the 17th century and taken to be the successor 
of Kinnika Savanta (Kinnigesa). According to the same work Dugganna 
Savanta was succeeded by the following chiefs : Chenniga Savanta'" 
(nephew), Tirumalendra (brother), Chennammaji (sister). Chenniga 
Savanta (Chcn naraya) seemed to have had monkey flag (Hanuma-ketand) 

“ Vol. VII. No 264 

Ibid No. 228 

o L Vo1 VII > No 263 
is * hls 'j as P ers °naHv read by me. 

Chramra W C rT Cd manu , scr ‘P t known as Ramachandra Chunk 

to fuwe sorceed’d S’nLm™^ (S ' an2aS H5 ’ !49 ' ,5 ° & ’ 59) ^ 

it- and assumed, elaborate. birudas. such, as (1) Aikala Puravaradhisvara (2) RipU- . 

kula-vana-kiithara, ' : (3) Parthiva-kulavanay Mddhaval i {^Y Vvlalankapachah :y 
- etc. He is further referred to as the nephew of matula •Kuhdayyarasa.;'-.-/: 

■ This Kundayyarasa was none other than the chief of Yelluruj known as • 
Kunda-hcggade 19 . The reign period of this Chennaraya witnessed - 
the completion of the composition of the celebrated work Ramachandra , . 
Gharite in the year A.D.1751 20 . •>.••. . 

Lack of any further information, either by way of cpigraphical records • ., 
authentic literature, precludes us from giving any : reliable account 
of this family after A. D. 1700. The surname Savanta is still, borne ? by 
.the Jainas of this family. ■ -■ 

JpA-v A branch of the Savantas of Mulki seem to have settled at a- place - - ^ 
> called Mudaradi in the Karkala taluk. In one of the epigraphs. • of 
pHosa-basti, Mudabidure, dated A. D.1462 21 , we have the mention of ; 
:Anna Samanta-heggade and his brothers, Ghoki Samanta and TimmaAy 
^Samanta. Anna Samanta is stated to be the son of Chennaka Binnaniti: V? 
y daughter of Bemmakka Samantiti, who was the grand-daughter of HosabuyT 
%$amanta-heggade of Mudaradi belonging to Barakura-sthalayt7 : ;THei* ; M 
^importance of this epigraph lies in that it leads us to infer that the; chroiio^ ij^ 
logy of the Savantas may be traced back to the 14th ' centulyAA.-'Dp 
tM/-A Now: the genealogy of the Savantas of Mulki may be reconstructed ; 
as follows : 


. -.20 

Dugganna Savanta I 
(A.D.1378- A.D.I408 ?) 

' I , ' • 

f - Kinniga Savanta I (nephew) 

(A.D.1408 ?- A.D. 1438 ?). . .. .. 

; . ' 4 , ./ ' • .. 

Kanta-heggade (nephew) 

A . (A.D. 1438 ? -A.D. 1468). 

■ i ... .. , ; 

Kotiyanna-heggade alias Bacha-setti (nephew) 
(A.D. 1468 -A.D. 1498). • • ; ■’ 

Kinnika Samanta II (nephew) , ■ . ... , , 

:.:.y;A V- ■' : ’(A-D . 1498 - A.D .1528): T' : ^ ■A /; 

r;t - -.^Dugganna Savanta II (nephew), j y.-^V, 

y-.y.-y ; (A.D. 1528 - A.D . 1568) yy 


Studies in Tuhwa History and Culture 

Kinnikd Savanta III (nephew) 

(A.D 1568- A D. 1600) 


Dugganna Savanta III (nephew) 

(A D 1600 - A D 1640) 


Chenniga Savanta I (nephew) 

(A D. 1640 -A D 1670) 


Tirumalendra (brothel ) 

(A D 1670- A.D 1700) 


Chennammaji (sister) 

(A D. 1700 - ?) 


Chenniga Savanta II (Chennaraya) (son ?) 
(A.D. 1751) 


One of the feudatory kingdoms of Tulu-nadu was that of Kumbale 
(Kumbule) in the southern part of the district of South Kanara, belonging 
to the Kasargod taluk (now in Kerala) 1 . The territorial jurisdiction 
of this kingdom is stated to comprise the region between the rivers, the 
Netravati and the Payyasvini - 32 gramas A Sri Aigal in his Jtihdsa gives 
the following maganes as constituting Kumbale-rajya — Manjesvara, 
Kumbale, Aduru, Perdala, Angadi-mogaru, Kasaragodu, Mogral-maganc 
Vomanjuru-maganc 3 . By tradition, the Raja of Kumbale was known 
as the possessor of 3000 alus (rnurusaviralaru) of the Kumbale-sime. 

The origin of this dynasty is shrouded in obscurity. According 
to one tradition, this line of rulers was related to the Kadambas of Banavasi 
and according to another, it is presumed to be connected with the Cochin 
dynasty. We do not have authentic documentary evidence to prove 
either.. The still prevailing practice of the senior member of the family 
marrying a woman of the Nayar caste and also the custom of sambandam 
with the ladies of the family until very recently testify to the fact that 
these Rajas may have been related to the dynasty of Cochin. On the 
other hand,, tradition also traces the origin of this family to the Kadambas 
of Banavasi a nd this varsion contradicts the former. Very' probably 

’ lhZ bat A iS P la ^ lbl >’ said to have been derived from the river Kumba-hoje 

, S ot changed into Kumbale. 

Madlmpura, page 49. 

Ax gal’s Jtihdsa, page 367. 

•• the -Kumbalc rulers'" relationship with .the Cochin dynasty must have 

• been a a'eccnt one. - A /AAAA AA 'A k A‘ : ••• A A A A- [ A A A A> ; A v A A t 

A A Although not exactly* it is possible for us to suggest that this family 
had its. independent or semi-independent existence in about the 1 0 tit 
, centun' A . D . This inference is based on one of. the epigraphs of ; about 
. the 10th century A. D: discovered at Talangere, Kasaragod taluk 4 .' . It 
refers to the king, Jayasimha, who is recorded to have made a gift of : a 
piece of land situated in the vicinity of Putturu, to Mochabbarasi as 
ykanyadaria , that is gift to the damsel. • The land which was barren and 
rocky was converted into a fertile field by Mochabbarasi. She constructed 
a house, laid a garden and moat round the place.- After the usual im- 
precation on those who attempted to destroy the charity, -the. record 
. ends with the statement to the effect that the right of succession to . the 
^ownership of the land should devolve on the female children in the lineage 
A of the excellent Jogawe and not on the male offspring. 

.TAA; Commenting on the lineage of the king, the editors of the epigraph 
■Asay, that we have no means of ascertaining tire family to which the "chief 
jayasimha belonged or the exact period of his rule. The fact. that he does 
C;- riot bear any titles indicative of paramountcy would point to the concltti 
yAibn that he was a local chief. Further, it is opined that this Jay asimhafasa 
^ymight be a scion of the family of another Jayasimharasa whose inscription 

• was found at Kariyarigala, Mangalore taluk, ruling in the 1 1th century 
A.D. And the editors’ conclusion is . that both, these, rulers may have 
belonged to the dynasty of the Alupas. If we were to examine more closely 

f we may reasonably say that the Talangere Jayasimha could be taken as 
' .. one of the earliest of the Kumbale family, who, at this period/ may' not 
A/have : been so powerful as to assume "high sounding titles-.; 

A:Afy/$hat during, the time of Sri Madhvacharaya (A.D . 1 238 - -A , D . 
A .13.17) we hear about another Jayasiihha-raja . is evidenced byvthe reference 
cA: 'iilvthe .. \Sumadkvavijqya\ This ruler may be considered as Jayasimha XI. 
The period between Jayasimha I and jayasimha II is virtually blank so 
far as the source-material for acquainting with the history of this dynasty 
v. is concerned. •. /.• . ■’ •. A,..;. - , , :..Aaa AA'A/AAA 

AaaA Ep .Car, Voi. xxix. pp. 203-09. ■ ' - a a; A '• k- a : Af Af : A ;A' - A AA ; k;A 

AAA* AAA:Vol. IX, part- 1, -No.- : 399.\A/A: : f : Ak A F A A A Ay; A A AAAAAA;. 

• ; A AigaPs 7^M<YZ,page 39 1 . y ; A ; . AAA' .,.A;A :A : /A;:'; AAA Ay A< '• ’Ay 

A A' A • Sdadhupura, pages 47; to 

'yppC^^'Sumadhvavijaja.pip. 1 3-21. AAAA'AAAyAhAAAAAAAA-A; A'kAA 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

One of the undated epigraphs issued in the year Vikrama Sravana 
states that the dnekallugalu, the matriha-bali-sile and the images of Vinayaha 
and Vishnumurti were the gifts of Gunyapparasa of Kumbale. This 
epigraph is found in Aduru, Kasaragod taluk 9 . The only other epigraph 
belonging to this riding house is a late one, dated Kollam 1063 in Mala- 
yalam (C A.D. 1887) and it states that the door-jamb was the gift of 
Parvati, Kottalamma (wife) of Yuvaraja of Mayapadi 10 . This suggests 
two important facts, namely, the shifting of the capital from Kumbale 
to Mayapadi (which still is the ancestrol home of the surviving family) 
and the Cochin connection with the Kumbale rulers. 

We cannot altogether dismiss the proposition that the family of the 
kingdom of Kumbale belonged to the Kadamba-kula. Although there 
may r have been a tendency to name a family as having been related to the 
Kadambas of Banavasi, who had attained an imperial stature, for the 
sake of prestige and glory, these chiefs of Kumbale may be said to have 
belonged to a collateral branch of the main line. This branch could 
be the one established at Manjarabad and because of their influence 
the name Banavasi must have been given to a region in the tornur Kaduru 
district. Hence, the possibility' of one family descending the Ghats and 
establishing themselves at Kumbale cannot altogether be ruled out. The 
title assumed by' the Kumbale rulers seems to be Surya-vamsodbhava. This 
title was never borne by the main branch of the Kadamba family' of 
Banavasi. The Gangas were known as belonging to Suiya-vamsa u (Ikshvaku 
kula) and from the Gangas, these Kadambas of Manjarabad may have 
borrowed the title which, in turn, seemed to have been taken over by' these 
Kumbale rulers. The full text of the title is as follows : 

Srimat Banavasepuravaradhisvara Suiya-kula-tilaka sdhasada-Sanjdya. Satya- 
ralnakara Sarasvalikarnakundaldbharana Sri Madanesvara-padapadmaradhaka Sri 
Virapratapa Kumbale Dharma-simhasanada Kavisimharasar u . 

We do not know when these titles came to be assumed by the rulers 
of the Kumbale family. But this assumption appears in one of the epi- 
graphs dated A.D. 1709 edited by Aigalu, belonging to the reign of 

9 A R No 110 of 1935-’36 

10 Ibid No 109 or 1935-’36 

11 C jt. r VIII > Is ' a B ar No 35, Ibid Shimoga Nos 10 & 4. 
4 Madhupura, page 49 

11 Algal -SthalaPuranagalu-MaHjehara, p. 6, Appendix. 


.^.Jttisiipport; of the antiquity of the Kumbale rulers, ttie Bantra ins- 
cription of the Puttur taluk of the 9 tlx century A . D. may be cited. 14 ; 
It seems to record a political agreement entered into among four persons, 
namely/ ' Narasinga Dtigaraja, Radlamalla Dugaraja, the Kadamba 
ruler, whose name is not given Nrupamallaraja to the effect that they 
should discontinue mutual enemity and light 15 . The Kadamba ruler 
cotild be the Raja of Kumbale. (Further, detailed- investigation should 
be conducted). • “ • 

r ../'Another epigraph dated A.D. 1389 belonging to Tiruvail of the 
time of Harihara II records a gift of land after purchase from Banki, 
Santayya and Kesava Valpiri to the temple of Amritanatha, Vomanjuru 
for feeding 12 Brahmanas including the cooks at the chatra of Padumaladcvij 
daughter of Kamadeva-arasa of the Kadamba family 16 . This -epigraph 
seems to confirm the traditional account that the kingdom of Kumbale 
comprised 32 gramas, for it states that tire arccanut garden raised by the 
Pacliimaladevi was gifted in addition to 12 lwnnus for the feeding of Brahmins 
of the 32 gramas and for daskshine , Hence, accepting the Kadamba origin 
of the family, we may venture to draw the inference that this family started 
its political, career by about the close of the 9th century A.D. and con- 
tinued up to 1900. -• . 

Vxff ThC ; following are the names of the rulers whose references are- found 
in authentic records : f /-y;;/ 

> : d ;> ftU ■ Katamba ruler (close of the 9th century A.D.) - V"-’A :.j 

\ Jayasimha I (10th century A.D.) , • , ; ' vf ..-v . 

Jayasirhha II (13th century A.D.) - • 

Kamadeva - arasa 



(1389 A.D.) 

;of ■yilarittali-arasa' and Na.rasirhha Dugaraja and- some pefgades. But actually 
-n-iV as Stated above Kadambas’ riarrth 1 r»^f nnrl.U n^Ka'rnstllsi . wae nnf tliCT V 

chief, but one oi 
iG yl .i?. Ho. 465 c 


Studies in Ttduva History and Culture 

The Honneyakambalis represent one of the feudatory states of Tulu- 
nadu. It is probable that Honneya-halli of the Coondapur taluk, South 
Kanara, may have been the home of these chiefs, who bore the cognomen 
Kambali and hence the designation, Honneya-Kambali. The surname 
Kambali is still in vogue amongst the Jaina and Bant (Nadava) communities. 

Epigraphs reveal that the Honneyakambalis were the chiefs of a 
portion of the Coondapur taluk. According to M. Ganapathi Rao 
Aigal, this family ruled over Kolluru, Hosangadi, Baggavadi, Mugi-nadu, 
Aru-nadu, Kadari, Kabbu-nadu-rfmer of the Coondapur taluk and also 
over the Pattaguppe and Chinna-Bidaruru simes above the Ghats'. They 
fixed Hosangadi as their capital, which seemed to have commanded a 
central position to facilitate them to have effective control over the regions 
both above and below the Ghats. It is definitely known that a few villages 
in the Simoga district were also under their control in the 16th century 
A . D . as evidenced by epigraphs. One of them says 2 that, when Immadi 
Saclasivaraya Nayaka was administering the Araga-rajya as magani, with 
Ins consent Honneya-Kambali-Odeya alias Ammidevi-Amma Bankiyarasa 
was governing the simes of Muhgi-nadu, Kabbu-nadu, etc. above the 

hats m A. D. 1566. Two other epigraphs of the same date also confirm 

According to an inscription of the 13th century A.D., published 
by the Executive office of Sri Kolluru Mukambika Temple, Kolluru, 
ou anara , one Venkata Samanta, who was the grandson of Banki- 
yar^a aims Honna-Kambali, undertook the reconstruction of the temple 
ad-Va1» U1 fx °? ° St0nc and made gift of charity to Paramesvara- 

eenuine th‘ ^ ^ Ct wors ^P- If this record were accepted as 
Lnrbaffi. ^ d C " Carliest reference to the family of Honna- 

' Ai gal’s Ilthasa, p. 357. 
f.- Ca r- VIII, Nagar, No. 1. 

4 1 P. d %^ os - 2 & 3. 

5 j V* S ^ ra holluru - Appendix, pp 16 & 17 

clearly Indirate^hcfcanljes ornTm * s S enuine ; because the temple structure, 
century A.D. ^ Moreover ^ 15 ‘, h & 16th ccntur Y A.D. and not of the 13th 
the record was taken from 'a mlmf 01 ! 3 enquiry, I have been told that the text of 
The name Banki-arasa does riot anne ^ I^ose authenticity again is questionable, 
g* The first occurcnceorthTfi lJ the 15th century A.D. in epi- 

to the 14th century A D whtrpin happens to be in a record belonging 

of the signatories to the record C (A!i 2 ? I No^ I 286 1 for"^ 3 b^’ 32 y S me51t! ° ned “ °” e 

Peudataty Mates of i utu-nddu 


- The epigraph, dated A.D. 1482, records a gift of land by Savanta 
Banki-arasa Hoima-Ka rnbali for offerings to the temple of Mukambika- 
DevR Subject to future discoveries, we may say that this is the first 
reference to this royal family in epigraphs. Tn another grant, there is 
the mention of Honna-Kambali Panclarideva, who may be taken to be 
a member of this family 7 * During the reign of Sadasivaraya of Vijava- 
nagara, Keladi Sadasivaraya Navaka was ruling the 18 kampana r of Araga 
and with his approval Bahki-arasa and Honneya-Kambali Odeya-Sahkara- 
devi-Amma was protecting Muhgi.-n.adu, Kabbu-nadu and Hosa-nadu 
and other countries as kanachi s in A. D. 1552, An earlier reference to 
Bahki-arasa is had in a record, dated A . D . 1 550, wherein he is stated to 
be ruling the same regions as mentioned above' 7 . Mukambika of Kolluru 
seemed to have received a grant from the same ruler in A.D . 1560 to . 
Another epigraph of A. D. 15 70 11 registers sat vamdnya grant at Holamage 
in Halasu-nadu-slme to a certain Sankara-narayana Bhaffa of 
by Bankiyarasa Honneya-Karhbali-Odeya alias Ammidcvi-Amma. A 
still another inscription of Hattiyahgacli, dated A.D. 1574, records gifts 
of taxes on certain lands belonging to the temples in the villages Gulavadi 
and Kudukura in the territory of Haru-nadu-sime by the same chief to 
the temple of Lokanathadcva at Hattiyahgacli 12 . And this gift was 
ratified by the residents of the whole of Haru-nadu in another inscription 13 . 
The epigraph of A.D. 1576 of the same place 14 registers confirmation 
by Bankiyarasa Hon ncy a-Kambali-Odcya alias Ammidcvi-Amma, of 
the gift of land to the temple of Lokanathadcva, made by the two brothers 
,Duggana-kohga and Timmappa-kohga, who had inherited it from 
Honnama-seUi to whom her grand-father Hiriya Honneya-Kambali- 
Odeya alias Bahki-arasa had granted the lands as kanydddna after 
purchasing it from a certain Isvara-adipa. Hiriya Honneya-Kambaji- 
Odeya alias Bahki-arasa mentioned in the above epigraph, may be the 
same as his namesake, come across in the epigraph of A.D, 1 482 !5 , It 

6 A.R. No, 403 for 1927- } 28; SJ.I. Vol. IX, Part II No, 470, 

7 Topographical List II, 53, p. 852. 

8 Ep.Car. Vol. VIII, Nagar 5. 

9 Ep.Car. Vol. VIII, Nagar 5. 

10 Topographical List II, 56, p. 852. 

11 A.R. No. 564 for 1929-’30 

12 Ibid. 558 for 1929-’30- 

13 Ibid. 559 for 1929-30. 

54 Ibid. 563 for 1929~’30. 

,s Opp r Cit. Foot-note 6. 


Studies in Tuluva History and Cultme 

is clear from these epigraphs that the system of inheritance in this family 
was through aUja-sanldna, Another inscription registers gift of land 
belonging to the palace (called aramane-gadde ) to the temple of Lokanatha- 
deva by Banki-arasa alias Honneya-Kambali 16 . 

After the downfall of the Vijayanagara empire, these chiefs appear to 
have been totally reduced to subjection by the Nayakas of Keladi, who 
became the political successors of Vijayanagara over Tulu-nadu. 

( 14th century A.D. — 17th century A.D. ) 


It has already been discussed in Chapter II that Nagire or Gerusoppe 
must have been the centre of the original Tulu-nadu and that until the 
advent of the Vijayanagara rule, Tulu-nadu may' have comprised the 
modern taluks of Honnavara and Bhatkala in the district of North Kanara 
and also Bainduru and the northern parts of the district of South Kanara. 
The early political history' of this region is wrapped in obscrurity and we 
only come to know of the rulers of this line with the definite historical data 
in the beginning of the 14 century A.D. The rulers of Nagire are said 
to belong to the family of the Saluvas. Epigraphs inform us that the 
Saluvas belong to the Soma-vamsa and Kasyapa-g5lra'. 

Dr. S.U. Kamath in his Taluvas in Vijayanagara Times, attempts to 
connect the royal family of the Saluvas mentioned in the Mahabharata 
with the Saluvas of Nagire. Although it is not impossible that they were 
inter-related, we can scarcely venture to identify the latter with the former 
until we are able to throw more light on the subject. Dr. Kamath further 
suggests that the imperial Saluva family of Vijayanagara must have 
oriignated from the Saluva line of Nagire and that a branch might have 
migrated to the Ghat region in search of fortune, reached the courts of 
the Yadavas and the Hoy'salas and accepted Vaishnavism which was 
popular in those courts. In the present state of our knowledge, we can 
oidy say that this was probable. And before we affirm, more authentic 
information is needed 1 . 

** A -K - No- 561 for 1929-30. 

2 V °J- V ^-’ No 207 > E P Car - VH, Sagar 163.' 

Ac same manner, 'pag« 27-32 Poh>tcal Li f e in ^j^anagara. Part I, also opines m 

/.:/ -v . pt-uddfoty Slates of yTulu-nadu '' 3 3. 33 .•:/.'// 10£ 

It deserves to be noted that from the historical emergence of this 
amily of the Saluvas, '.they appeared; to have had Nagire or Gerusoppe 
is their capital until A.D .1392/ the date of the death of Haiva-bupa 
Haivarasa) of Nagire. Haivarasa happened to be the greatest of the 
ariy Saluvas, whose kingdom extended over a considerably wide area, 
:omprising Haduvalli, Nagire, Honnavara, / Chandavara, Gokarna, 
lanavasi etc. After Haivarasa a division of the Nagire kingdom seemed 
o have taken place with two distinct capitals, one at Nagire and another 
iti Haduvalli (Sangltapura). The rulers of the kingdom of Haduvalli 
yere the descendants of Sahgiraya, the son of Haivarasa: There ensured 
is; a result of this division, a state of rivalry between them. The; succession 
o the throne of Haduvalli was from father to son, while inheritance in 
Nagire was through females (son-in-law or nephew). To this may be 
iscribed the chief reason for the bitter antagonism and rivalry. dial existed 
retween the Haduvalli and Nagire rulers after this political separation 
.ook place. Dr. Kamath seems to have erred in not noticing the common 
nigin of the Saluvas of Nagire and of Haduvajli and their subsequent 
division, with the result that he has failed to identify Haivarasa of Hadu- 
;alli with Haivarasa of Nagire and recognized them as separate rulers. 

■ A Gerusoppe seemed to have been a very busy centre of political, com- 
mercial, literary and religious life in Tulu-nadu. An epigraphs found 
above the Ghats describes the city as follows : On the southern petal; 
af the great lotus, Jambudvipa is the Bharata country, in which on the 
eastern side of the western is the great TulUva country. //In it on the : 
south bank of the Ambu river shining like Sri Pundra, is Kshcmapura 
like Indra’s city with glittering towers with Jaina chaiiyas, 
abodes of yogis, lines of merchants’ houses, with crowds of generous men 
devoted to acts of merit, congregations of gurus and- yaiis, bands ; of poets 
andischolars and innumerable bhavyas - no city in the world is so celebrated 
as Gerusoppe. Another inscription refers to this city of : Gerusoppe as 
the vermilion mark : of the lady of the country of Tuluva 4 . -3P333-33. 

Political History 

//Two inscriptions found, in the Hosa-basti of Mudabidure give us a 
detailed/ account of the . genealogy of the Nagire /rulers. One of them 

•A 3 Ep.Car:. Vol. Vlt; Sagar. No.' 55. ;/ A | v l\V;l ' - -- /' •' /V V : ;'/// A 

// 4 . Vol. VlhNo. 207. VZ : . A;//./ .A/; -A;/ ,/• ///Ay://///:;/ 


Studies in Tiiluva History and Culture 

tells us that after many kings who ruled Nagire, Honna-bupa, his ah) a 
Kama-nrupa, lus brother Manga, his ahy a Haiva, his alija Manga-iaja, 
lus all) a Kesava-raja, his ahya Sangama, his ahya Bhairava succeeded to 
the throne of Nagire 5 Bhab ava married Manikadevi, daughter of the 
Sangama His relationship with the rulers of Tiluvallipura of Kopana 
of Ghandragutti may be explained as follows : Bhauava was the soil 
of Lakshmidevi, sister of Sangama She married Kayapparasa 
(Tayapparasa) of Chandragutti. Moreover, Nagaladevi, daughter of 
Bommarasi, sister of Kavappa was also married to Bhairava Hence 
the two dynasties of Nagne and Chandragutti seemed to have been 
combined in Bhairava. Another epigraph of the same place gives the 
genealogy of the Nagire chief as follows : Narananka, Nagananka, etc 
Horma-N arendra - Kama-rupa- Mavarasa (Manga of the above epigraph) 
- Haiva-Narendra - Sapta-mahipala (Manga of the above epigraph) - 
Keiava-raya - Sangama - Bhairava - Immadi Bhairava - Saluva-Malla 6 
This king Salm a-Malla was said to be the brother of Bhairava (Bhairava s 
aunt Sankaradevi’s son) 7 . These two epigiaphs help us in the deter- 
mination of the antiquity of the rulers of Nagire The terms after man) 
rulers came Honna-bhupa and after many kings who followed Narananha and 
Nagananka came Honna-bhupa to power are of special significance Because 
these give us a clue that at least from the 12th century A.D or the 

begjining of the 13th, the Saluvas of Nagire must have strongly entrenched 

themselves in power 

Some epigraphs of Gerusoppe edited by the Mysore Archaeological 
Department give further details regarding the early rulers. Honna was 
succeeded by his nephew, Kama, who had married the daughter of Horrna, 
Mahyabbe*. Kama was succeeded by Manga and the records of the 
next ruler, Haiva, suggest that Manga was the father-in-law of Haiva 9 

As pointed out in the introduction, Haiva or Haivarasa was a powerful 
ruler and his sovereignty was recognised over a considerably wide terri- 
tory. He died in the year A D. 1392io It was during Haiva’s reign 
that an epigraph records some grant made by Honna-setti, brother of 

5 Ibid No 202 

s { I Vol VII, No 207. 

ctc ~ ™ 

io il’j Nos >08-109 

Nck 169, MAR 1928, No 169 

pages 13 and 14 

Feudatory States of Tulu-nadu 


Nammi-setli. To this family belonged Ramakka, wife of Ramanna- 
heggade and mother of Yojana-setti. Ramanna-heggade was the son 
of Sananna-dannayaka, an officer under Basavadevarasa, ruler of Banavasi 
and Gokarna, whose capital was Chandrapura”. Basavarasa’s overlord 
was king Haiva, ruler of the Gerusoppe kingdom. This record is - 
dated A.D. 1378 and this happens to be the earliest known inscription of 

Haivarsa was married to Honnabbe, daughter of Manga and Haiva’s 
successor was one named Manga who had married Jakabbe, daughter 
of Haiva 12 . This Manga (whom we may call Manga II) had a sister 
called Tahgale whose son was Kesava who succeeded Manga II 13 . 

A record of A.D. 1417 (of the cyclical year Durmukhi) wrongly 
dated Saka 1300 instead of Saha 1339 mentions an invasion of Gerusoppe 
by the Vijayanagara commander, Naganna-Odeya of Honnavara u . 
The ruler of Nagire, Kesavadeva-Odeya is referred to as Mahamandalesvara 
and is credited with the titles kaligala-mukhada-kai (hand to the faces of 
the heroes). Again arikataka-surekara (plunderer of hostile forces), Siddha- 
simhdsanddhisa (Lord of the throne of the Siddhas). A second Vijayanagara 
invasion during the rule of Kesava is mentioned in a vlragal at Kaikani 
dated A.D. 1425 IS . Here Mahamandalesvara Banappa-Odeya ruling from 
Honnavara is stated to have conducted the offensive. The other record 
that mentions Kesava-Odeya is dated A.D.1423 16 . It states that while 
Mahamandalesvara Kesavadeva-Odeya of Nagire, grandson of Haivarasa- 
Odeya marched against the kingdom of Sarigiraya-Odeya of Haduvalli } 
a battle took place between the two forces at AsakeyataHra in which 
Tamma-nayaka, son of Chavada-nayaka met with a heroic death in the 
battle-field after destroying the enemies 17 . 

> 11 Chandrapura can be identified with Chandavura of the Honnavara taluk and 

not Chandragutti as suggested in M.A.R. 1928, p. 97. 

12 Ibid. No. 111. 

13 Kesavadeva is called Momma of Haivarasa in K.I. No. 42 and 44 of 1939— ’40 

whereas in No. 45 he is known as the aliya of Haivarasa. No. 46 describes him as 
the promotor of the family of Haivarasa. It becomes clear from another inscription 
that Kesavadeva was the grand-son of Haivarasa (and aliya of Mahgaraja II) and 
not the aliya of Haivarasa (S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 202). * 

14 K.I. Vol. I, No. 34 for 1939-’40. 

15 K.I. Vol. 1, No. 45 for 1939- 5 40. 

16 K.I. Vol. I, No. 42 of 1939-40. 

17 There is no reason why Dr. Kamath in his Tuluvas in Vijayanagara Times should 
refer to both these inscriptions — K.I. No. 47 and 42 of 193 9- 5 40 as posthumous 
to Kes'ava. We can, on reasonable grounds, infer that Kesavadeva-Odeya’s reign ‘ 
lasted until A.D. 1425 as opposed to A.D. 1420, the date suggested by Dr.Kamath. 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

Sangiraya was the successor of Kesava and he seemed to have ruled 
from A.D. 1425 to A.D . 1438. His period was marked by serious hostility 
with the rulers of Haduvalli. Two important events may be recalled 
during the reign period of Sangiraya' 8 . When Mahapradhana Timmanna- 
Odeya, the Vijayanagara governor ruling from his capital, Honnavara 
over Haiva, Tulu and Konkana-rajyas, marched against Ummara- 
marakala, the chief of the hanjamana merchants, the latter left Honnavara 
and settled at Kasarakodu with his followers. He then sought the assist- 
ance of Mahamandalesvara Sangiraya-Odeya of Nagire requesting 
him to arbitrate between himself (Ummara-marakala) and Timmanna- 
Odeya. Sangiraya deputed in this affair his minister, Sarigava-KotlSvara- 
nayaka, together with 1000 soldiers to Kasarakodu. Timmanna-Odeya, 
on the other hand, accompanied by the muru-chavadi warriors of Honnavara 
is stated to have treacherously attacked Kasarakodu and behaved roughly 
with the females of the hafljamana community. Kotlsvara-nayaka 
rising to the occasion opposed bravely the governor’s forces and rescued 
the males and females of the haiijamanas including Ummara-marakala 
conveying them to a safe place by means of ferries. In the fight that 
ensued between himself and Timmanna-Odeya, Kotlsvara-nayaka fell 
bravely while driving away the warriors of muru-chavadi. This event 
took place in the year A . D . 1427. Another inscription, dated A.D. 1430 i5 j 
states that Bhairavadeva-Odeya of Asakali, dissociated himself from 
Mahamandalesvara Sahgrraya-Odeya of Nagire and joined Sangiraya 
of Haduvallipura who however met his enemy along at the boundary of 
Kota near Kaikani. In the battle that raged there, one Joga-nayaka 
fell fighdng heroically on the side of his master Bhairavadeva-Odeya. 
In the 5th section of the same record, Mahapradhana Lakkanna-Odeya 
is described as participating with Sangiraya-Odeya of Nagire in a struggle 
to capture Haduvalli. In the battle that was fought on the banks of a 
tank there, Isara-nayaka fell fighting on the side of his master Bhairavadeva- 
Odeya. It may be noted that the first battle was fought at Kaikani, 
nght within the kindgom of Nagire, whereas Haduvalli was the scene 
of the record. In the latter, the offensive was taken by Sangiraya of 
Nagire and Mahapradhana Lakkanna-Odeya, evidently with a view to 
avenging the march of Sangiraya of Haduvalli against Kaikani in their 
territory on the former occasion. 

Vol. I, No. 48 of 1939-40. 15 K.I. Vol. I, No. 50 of 1939-40. 

% fyO; 0':V t : ^5$!;! 

: i. Sariglraya of Nagire was succeeded bv Bhairava (I). -".The earlies 
inscription of Bhairava. is a; hero-stone found at. ICaikani which mention 
a fight between him and the Vij ayanagaraf governor of Honnavar; 
Ahtappa-Odeya in A.D. 1438 20 . Another hero-stone at Haldipuiy. datcc 
A . D . 1 4-54-, mentions another fight of his with Vijayanagara in which th< 
warriors of Basavatia-bali are stated to have been hilled 21 . The relation 
of Bhairava I with Sangiraya of Nagire have already been explained 2 ? 
It was this ruler who performed panchakalyana irithe Hosa-basti of Mud a 
bidure and had its. roof covered with copper-plates and made grant: 
for the daily services of the deity 23 . It appears that the year A .D;l 46$ 
was the last date of the monarch, for in that year he, with the consen 
of his brother Bhairava II and Ambiraya, made a grant to Chandranat’m 
; and Parivanatha of Mudabidure. It is stated that the kings’ ailmen 
iiwas fatal and the grant was made for his merit and salvation? 4 .;, 

A state of fatricidal war ensued after the death of Bhairava jyfoi 
{succession to the throne. Bhairava’s younger brother, Bhairava II 
.was Yuvaraja during the reign of his felder • brother 25 . Both ; Bhairava; ] 
and Bhairava II were sons of Lakshinldevi, the elder sister of Saiiglraye 
of Nagire. He had a younger sister known as Sankaradevi, who; had ? 
son called Saluva-Malla or Mallir§ya, also known as Jinadasa.j'M'ht 
Mudabidure Hosa-basti inscription which was not later in date ;thar 
: A.D .1462 mentions Saluva-Malla as the ruler. It also refers to Bommala- 
devi as his queen and Saluvadeva, the son of his sister Mallidevi as his 
; /.crown prince. (Yuvaraja). The inscription contains Saluva-Malla ’s epithei 
as ariraya-gajaganda-bherunda 26 . ■ ' 1 -. /'r’/YsjsjoYypryjjj? 

The civil war that ensued between Bhairava II and Saluva-Mhlla 
led to the division of the kingdom of Nagire between two camps. yTlie five 
rulers were administering the kingdom from two different political centres 
as is evidenced by epigraphs. The Mudabidure Hosa-basti grant ol 
’ Saluva-Malla speaks of him as ruling from Suvarnapuri (Honnavara) 2 7; 

20 ' 






• 27 

/f./. Vol. I, No. 56 of 1939-’40. . " 

Descriptive List 1941-1942-62, Page;23.'--' -/;*&•’- ; jj&ii 'J. \‘V j 
Opp. CUP Foot-notes ;5: and 6,. W&v.- tK J ’Y - !-v- 

•S.l.I; Vol. VII, No. 202. ri YY? 

M No. 203. a; r V> 

s .1. /.Vol. VII, No. 207:4 yC/rify- Vf V\';Vr -y v-ri ’..VV . 

This S aluva-M all a i s als o known- as vMallir §j endra . \ K.I.- Vol. I 
ofl939-’40. • • " riAVNri v-yy 

I, Nos. 62 & 63 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

Another record of the same ruler mentions him as ruling over Honnavara- 
rajya and this strengthens the view that Saluva-Malla was strongly 
entrenched in power 28 On the other hand, Bhairava II is referred 
to as ruling from Nagire in A. D. 1462 and elaborate titles are assumed 
by him such as the Beloved Lord of Nagirapura, the Lord of Siddha-simhasana, 
Nagirapuravm adhisvara and Immadi Bhairavesvara. From an epigraph of 
A D . 1 47 1 we can learn that the state of mutual conflict between Bhairava II 
and Malliraya (Saluva-Malla) continued in intensity. For, it states 
that both of them were ruling from Nagire and Honnavara respectively 
and were fighting between them. It further adds that Malliraya had 
sought for the help of Mahamandalesvara Indradeva-Odeya of Haduvalli 29 . 
Indradeva-Odeya of Haduvalli is stated to have encountered the forces 
of Nagire. In the fight that ensued Bomma-nayaka, a trusted servant 
of Mahamandalesvara Malliraja-Odeya and sister’s son of Sivadevati-nayaka 
is said to have displayed his heroism against the enemies and attained 
the heaven. It may be presumed that Malliraya must have come out 
victorious in the civil war, which is attested to by the Mudabidure Hosa- 
basti inscription^. Bhairava II may have died either in the war of 
A D. 1471 or sometime later and Malliraya’s reign must have commenced 
there-abouts 31 . 

Malliraya (Mallirajendra, Saluva-Malla) was succeeded by his 
nephew, Devarasa-Odeya (I). During his reign he had to encounter 
the forces of the Sultans of Bidar and the responsibility of protecting his 
kingdom from their aggression fell on his shoulders. An epigraph of 
A. ^D. 1481^ describes an invasion of Nagire by the followers of pradhdna 
csari, liana, the Sultan of Bidar as the administrator of Goa 32 He 
was joined by Nizamuddm-maluk and by many ministers who marched 
with an army to Midije through Goa. There a terrible battle w r as fought, 
m v.inchthc brave warriors of Devarasa-Odeya encountered the Turala 
forces (Mushm forces). While they were returning successfully, carrying 

,, J .\ L Vol I, No 61 of 1939-’40 

* Ibid 

“ { Vol VII, No 207 

as kmsarfoar™rdlahaima ^7^ ^“ reatc Saluya by name who etiologised Ins patron 
also praises SaluvT an ^ Tnbhuvana-kuthdn-lrmqyana He 

m P^ r a r 1,ra> o!l s ,. ucccssor > Devarasa I R Narasimhchar 

Hut tins dmerannot be iecemL 11, P the date of poet S51uva as A D 1550 

Whose reign period falls hertse 3S 3,3 ,c l’ hpnnuse he lived m the court of Malltra>a 
Vol INo C2 0 r S 939 j^ C '-' n A D 1471 and ar[a A D 1494 

AyA ^iufihpdyf^dies iof; Tuh-Mdii .yv./ Ay 'yyAI "if 1 15 

•tlie spoilsyof the cnciiiy,::tliey ; hcarcl the nCWsThat; their masters- Gabhi- 
navaka and Deva-navaka were CatStnrerb ilsr-v WrWr tKVrn.. 

is reasonable to believe that the success attained in thisd eadly encounter 
' aga inst ; yhc ' .Mtislims greatly:: enhanced- the prestige of Devarasa. ^This 
can '4be inferred from an inscription, dated A.D .1484, which records 
high-sounding imperial titles for Devarasa such as the Lord of the three rdjyas, 
..hand ' to slap on the face of the. warriors, destroyer of enemy camps, the titled hero 
ofMaya, the Overlord of the throne of the enlightened Siddha, the moon increasmg. the 
■fcem-qfpjina-samay a, the dagger to the three worlds**. Devarasa. is mentioned, 
specifically ; as the subordinate .Mahamaridaleivara 'of the Vijayariagara 
vi emperor/, .yirupaksharaya in this inscription. ... The culmination of his; 
^pwer^as; reached in the year A.D . 1494 : when he seems to have been 
:giyen;; they additional imperial epithets of Maharajadhiraja and.j Rajapafad 
'dSiehardf '• which ; .testified to his independent position 34 . It was in this 
;>year that Devarasa-Odeya seemed to have taken an offensive with: all 
:v]Ii.s forces against Mokadumba, v the viceroy of Surita|a, ruling oven Goaf; 
rajy a , who met Dcvarasa-Odcya with his army at Handinona. Bayirana- 
nayaka; born at Kaikani, devoted to the house of Nagire is stated to have 
marched against the enemies with all the insigni a of battle such as chinnada- 
^kfkhdde : and pierced the cavalry. 'and infantry, of Mokadumba and in .thd, 
tumultous fight that ensued, Bayirana lost his life. , _ y 
'SivAh Salhva DevarSya (Devarasa I) must have been succeeded by One ; 
of; his brothers cither Salva-Malla or Bhairavendra. It is not clear from 
the epigraph, which furnishes us with this information, who the successor 
was-w The epigraph belongs to the time of Devarava (T.) arid gives 
"an account of the king’s of liis line and a description of Kshemapura 
yor Gerusoppe. V First is mentioned the king, Bhairava (I), whose younger . 
y brothers were Bhairava. .. Amba and Salva-Malla, who- though the: last; 
y was the greatest. His .sister’s son was Dcvaraya (Devarasa I) 'whose 
; guru was Pandita-raya. This king performed the rare and great ceremony 
of the •;head-annointing of ' Gummata. . His sister’s sons, who were ins . 
Luvardjas, were Salva-Malla arid Bhairava .arid hh;yras\ fiaiinjg; tit^^3miu-| 
•Konk^^ and other countries.. His succession was evidently in. 

ine according to the aliya-santana. of the West Coast, y.yy yAffy 

-the. female line 

33 A'./C Vol. lVNo. 64 of 1939-r’40: A ' A-WA - A AAyW' A 
67 .of 1939^’40.4.; ;i : W-AA WWA :yy,-yyyiy y ;: :y; 



Studies in Tirfuva History and Culture 

We are yet in the dark when Devarasa-Odeya’s reign ended 
and that of his successor as mentioned above began. Immadi Devaraya- 
Odeya happened to be the next ruler. The first mention of Immadi 
Devaraya is come across in an epigraph, dated A. D. 1516, when he 
seemed to have made a grant to a chaityalaya of Anantanatha 36 . He 
is referred to as Mahamandalesvara, the Lord of Nagire-rajya and of Haiva, 
Tulu and Konkana and other rajyas. We can definitely mark A. D. 1516 
as the date ol the commencement of his reign. 

Two other records of Immadi Devaraya, dated A. D. 1522, mention 
an invasion of Goa and war at Madgova”. The first states that Immadi 
Devaraya set out with his army against the captain of Paranga at Goa 
and that Hariranayoranavaru (of Goa) engaged him in a battle. The 
second also speaks of a military expedition of the same ruler against the 
captain of Goa, followed by an engagement with the army of Kapitanidhara 
in a battle at Madgova. The indication is that the Portuguese in Goa 
were made to feel the heavy arms of Immadi Devaraya. In tire present 
state of our knowledge, we can say that about circa A. D. 1523, the rule 
of Immadi Devaraya must have come to an end, which inference is 
buttressed by an inscription of A. D. 1523. This epigraph informs us 
that Immadi Devaraya made a grant to a chaityalaya of Lakshmisvara 

above the Ghats 38 . This is the last known record of Immadi Devaraya 33 . 

Krisnadeva-arasa, the nephew of Immadi Devaraya succeeded to 
the throne of Nagire by about A. D. 1525. The first mention of this 
ruler is had in an inscription of A. D. 1530. This praises him as the 
Lord of A agirepura, kaligala-mukhada-kai , Saluvara-vibhadha, Ripukulaka- 
surekara, Immadi Saluva Krishnadeva-arasa. This ruler is stated to have 
engaged Mahamandalesvara Gururaya-Odeya, the ruler of Haduvalji in a 
battle near Nagire. In this battle, Krishnadeva-arasa is mentioned 
as having overwhelmed the enemy’s forces and Gururaya-Odeya losing 
his ground and seeking shelter under one Tsaradeva-nayaka. In another 
epigraph of A. D. 1538, Krisnadeva-arasa is mentioned as the son of 

“ A /’ Vo1 n b Part I, No 72 of 1939-’40. 

Ibid. Vo 1 1, Nos. 68 & 69 of 1939-’40 

38 M.A R. 1916, page 69. 

Perhaps, he was hts'brother was related to Devarasa I, his predecessor. 

80 K.I. Vol III, p an x> No of 1939 _, 40 _ 

. . .... : : ' ^ :y 'y-iFcudatoiy States o/7, V ^ : r . . . . 11' 

Padmambika, sister of Devaraya (II) arid Sahgtraya*.k y The inscriptich 
further states that during his reign. Narasanna-adhikari.of ^c^i-iw/?’, soi 
of. Sanni-nayara installed the image of Suparisva-tirthesvara : at th 
chaityalaya constructed by him at KamitndbaUra >, ^ y ?y:y';C'- 

' Two other epigraphs of this ruler are important in knowing his regha. 
period. The epigraph, dated A. D. 1542, found at Dharcsvara tempi 
and another of A.D . 1545 found at Javalli speak of Krisnadeva-arasa 
Odeya as the Lord of Nagire-Tulu-Konkana and other rajyas-n. y Th< 
religious proclivities of this ruler are amply testified to by inscriptions 43 
It. was during his reign that the storeyed structure of the Nandi-mantapj 
in the temple of Murudesvara was constructed in A.D. 1542 by the scvei 
yannis of .Vayivani-nadu. Again in the same year profuse grants - Web 
made for the conduct of religious rites and rituals in the basti of Kaikaiii 44 
In the year A . D . 1 54-7, he is stated to have been ruling over Nagire-rajya 
Haiva, Tulu and Konkana-rajyas from his capital at Gerusoppe in th< 
Tulu- country 4 *. In the existing state of our knowledge, the last dat< 
:bf yMahamandalesvara Saluva Krisnadeva-arasa is A.D. 1553^.'Vy;yN< 
other epigraph of this ruler has been found hitherto bearing a Jater date 47 

p'M A 'new chapter in the history of Nagire may be said to have openec 
on the accesion of Chennabhairadevi to the throne. The importance 
of her rule is two-fold. First, she combined in her the dual ruling authority 
of HaduValli and Nagire. She is stated to belong to the family ;,of :tli( 
Saluvas. And to have succeeded to the throne after Saluva Krishnadeva- 
afdsa, whose neice (sose) was Gheimabhairadevi 48 .' The; "hs^hnigtipt 
of the title Mahamandalcsvara by her clearly reveals that she was a full- 


./ 42 



> 46 


Ibid. No. 72 of 1 939-’40. The editor of the Kamafak Inscriptions has committed a-mis: 
take in referring to Krishnadeva-arasa as the husband ofPadinambika (^'i/-.^ r 6]; ; I 
Intro. Page XVIII and Ibid. Vol. Ill, Part No. 72 of .1 939-40). It is specifipalh 
mentioned in Ep.Car. Vol. VIII, NagaiyNo. 46 thar.-Rrishnadeya-arasa was tht 
son of Padmarnbika and nephew of Devaraya (II) and not the hushahdw;'fHlN'fpfr 
A.R. Nos. 340 and 355 of 1932-33. : ,y'.v a. >/; 

K.I. Vol. Ill, Part I, No. 173 of 1939~’40. V yT 
Ibid. No. 74 of 1939-’ 40. - . \V-> T y. yyftpyyyppyyi. 

Ibid. No. 79. of 1939— *40. ■ • '•/[ 

dvi?. No.' 113 of 1939—40, Appendix E. Gokarha, North Kanara.' y : y 
' The/. ' - • ’ ’ ’ *”* -TT- ^ r- - -■>. 



Kannada work the Kavyasara.. . He is stated to have defeated many, a scltolai 
and; theologian in religious discourses at various courts of contemporary rulers 
(A/p.Gar. Vol. VIII, Nagar.. Nb;:.46) Rv:.Narasiinhachar, Karnataka Kamchtintre 
Part II, pp. 227-28. C ■ ':y i-i , )y yyc y p % '?£ 

IC.E Vol. Ill, Part I,. No. 80 of4939^40> y yyy:;.:; ; 


Studies in Tuluva Histoiy and Culture 

fledged ruler. She is referred to in inscriptions as the queen of Nagire- 
Haiv a-T ul u-Konkana-rajyas 49 She appears to have succeeded to the 

throne of Nagire after A D. 1553 after the death of her uncle and father- 
in-law, Krishnadeva-arasa 50 . She had her capital at Sangitapura 
(Haduvalh) unlike her predecessors who had their capital at Gerusoppe 51 . 
This changed phenomenon can be explained in that she was, prior to her 
accession to throne of Nagire, the ruler of the Haduvalli kingdom as eviden- 
ced by epigraphs 52 . Two inscriptions of Bainduru, South Kanara, speak 
of her catholicity m making grants to the Senesvara temple and providing 
for the feeding of Brahmanas in matha s} . The famous Jaina-basti, dedicated 
to Santi-tTrthankara at Gerusoppe was caused to be constructed by this 
queen 54 The Vijayanagara rulers sought her aid and earned her good- 
will for the purpose of importing horses through the two important ports 
of Bhatakala and Honnavara, both under her jurisdiction. Second, 
amongst the women rulers of Tulu-nadu, Chennabhairadevi has an 
imperishable name And perhaps, we have in her the last flicker of the 
Nagire chiefs in virtual independence 55 . The reign of Ghennabhaira- 
devi happened to be the longest and the most eventful and glorious in the 
history of the Nagire chiefs. A record of A D.1573 mentions that she 
had a fight with Narasappa-Odeya of Biligi who encroached upon her 
territory 56 The last record of Chennabhairadevi which particularly 
mentions her as the ruler of Nagire is dated A . D . 1 598 52 . The inscription 

records the construction of Tiruvengala-matha temple in the name of the 
queen at Gerusoppe by Odeya Tammappa-senabliSva and the gift of 
some vnttis of land for sendee in the temple. Thus, the reign of Chenna- 
bhairadevi extends over a period of fortyfive years 

49 F d’ Gar Vo1 VIII, Sagar, No 57, AD 1362 
A r R No 1,3 of 1939-10 Appendix E Gokarna 

52 n j Par ‘ If N ° 80 of I939 - >4 °. A R Nos 540 &_ 542 for 1929-’30 

54 Ibid No 80 

53 A R Nos 540 & 542 for 1929-’30 

35 S' k"v o COnS '? erCd t0 bC 0ne ofthc best in ,he group of Gerusoppe structur. 

Dr Ramcshomn«inU^f b | lai u 5de T I P ubl,shed m the BhanyaiSm in May, 196 
1562 But this does ‘ r lc c 1 ,at tbe * ast date Chennabhairadevi was A I 

v Her tide £ A D ra lToT® FOr ' ^ evidence 

Vj Dacnplwt List 67 or 1941_’42 
37 M A R 1928, No 112 

. ;A; '• ; : 3 F.etidMofy' States. : gfi ''FMu-iiaM /;: 119 

The following may be accepted as the genealogy of the Nagire chiefs I 

; ;-Y; . ■ ; . •: \ dSaluya Narana^a, NaganaAka (folldwed by, many kings) . : ( ; ; . 

K: v ? ? -‘t' ( 1 2th or 1 3th century A . D . ) Xj-y ’> ';U.hY : .; 

Honua ... . _ •’ v^’v 

Ahvf-.y 'it v •’■‘.'Kama (nephew)- -'T'w 

'v/viy Manga- 1 (Mavarasa, brother) . . -. VrV - 

Haivarsa (nephew) - ■ >. • . , ■. ' )■ 

Manga II (Sapta-mahipala, nephew) i 

1 • Kesavadeva-arasa (nephew) • , , v . 

t Sangama (Sanglraya) (nephew) >•; If 

fvv. 7 Hiria Bhairava (Bhairava I) (nephew) 

;:V' . Immadi Bliairva (Bhairava II) (brother) ’i 

Saluva-Malla I (Malli-raya, Mallirajendra) (nephew) .. 

■ v---’ ■■■ ; Saluva Devaraya (Devarasa I) (nephew) , ■ IJ.i-V'.v., 

Salva-Malla II or Bhairavendra III (nephew) ; , ■; 

K--> Immadi Devaraya (Devarasa II) (nephew ?) ' .v'-.V \j V 

. Saluva Krishnadevarasa-Odeya (nephew) . 

Ghennabhairadevi (neice) . .. ■ . „ tvCi'rHr? 

: (A.D.1533 - A.D.1598) , , ...... 

' > Dr. S. U. Kamath, opines in His Tuluva in Vijayanagar Times that 
the relations between Ghennabhairadevi and Krishnadeva-arasa are /, 
not hhown. -;i- Further, he states that Ghennabhairadevi was the Haduvajli 
ruler who annexed the territory of Gerusoppe. But in the light of the 
above discussion, we can safely assume that she had legitimate rights of 
succession to the throne of Nagire, she being the neice of Krishnadeva- 
arasa-Odeya, . : 1 1 .. 

: ; () y: /•; yi i- THE, RULERS OF SA]S T GlTAPURA (H ADUVALLI) ; /. V';ty.v • i V; y ' ; £ 'l' it 

^facluvalli (Paduyalfi) belonging to the district of North Kanara,-,; 
just sixteen miles to the north i of. the nqrtliem-most boundary of South 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

Kanara was a place of historical importance. As already mentioned, 
under ‘Nagire Chiefs’, the rulers of Haduvalli may be said to be a collateral 
branch of the Nagire family. They were known as the Saluvas belonging 
to Soma-vamsa (lunar race) and Kasyapa-gotra. This can be known from 
the first of the hiherto discovered dated inscriptions of this chiefsliip 
(A. D. 1408) which states that Sangama-bhupa was ruling as the Maha- 
mandalesvara under the name Sangiraya. He was said to be the son 
of Haivarasa of Nagire by Sankamma'. This is confirmed by another 
epigraph of the same date which mentions Mahamandalesvara Sangiraya 
of Haduvalli as the son of Haiva-bhupa and Bhairadevi 2 . Further, 
another epigraph, dated A. D. 1423, informs us that Sanga-bhupa, the 
lord of Haduvalli, was the son of Haiva-bhupa of Nagire by Bhairalaram 
of Venupura 3 . Still another epigraph refers to Sanglraya-Odeya as the 
son of Haivarasa-Odeya of Nagire 4 . This record, dated A. D. 1415, 
describes Sangiraya with the epithets kaligala mukhada kai, kataka-surekara ) 
husivara-siila, kaditaleya-malla, vairi-mandalikara-ganda, ekanga-vira. These 
titles reveal the fact of virtual political independence of the ruler. 

The state of perpetual conflict that existed between the Nagire and 
Haduvalli chiefs can best be explained as born out of the historic fact 
that the Nagire chiefsliip, by virtue of its predominance, desired to be 
recognised as sovereign demanding the subordination of Haduvalli as a 
feudatory. Moreover, there seems to be another cultural reason for 
such a conflict. The succession in Nagire family was through the system 
of aliya-santana and in the Haduvalli family, it was through makkala-santana 
(through sons). Now, the cause of the attack of Haduvalli by Maha- 
mandalesvara Kesavadeva-Odeya of Nagire in A . D . 1422 and in A . D . 1423 
and by Sangiraya in A.D. 1430 can easily be understood 5 . Mahamanda- 
lesvara Kesavadeva-Odeya, the ruler of Nagire, happened to be the nephew 
of Sangiraya of Haduvalli and as the lord of Nagire he must have felt 
that he had reasons to incorporate Haduvalli in his kingdom. The 
same policy marked by hostility appears to have been followed by Sahgl- 

‘ Vol I, No 38 of 1939-’40. 

hiemical ^ * S most P r °bable that Sankamma and Bhairadevi must have been 

ahLc 0 ,* 9 ' ^j TC ’ Veyupura may be identified with Bidaruru of the Sagar taluk 
course of thi’s 3 "^ n0t Wt * 1 ^nqlabidurc of South Kanara as will be proved in the 

50 of 1939-’40. 

y V o/* AiAyAAT ; 121 

. faya of ; Nagire \vhen he ; succeeded. Adahdmandalesvaia Kesavadeva-Odeya 

to the 7 x- ^ J. ^ y^- : -^v; ^ ; V >- : V 

; /%v y ;vTb e . relations between the Vij ay ana gara governors at Honnavara 
and the Nagire chiefs being cordial in the beginning, they sought the 
assistance of the lord of Nagire in their battle against the rulers ofHaduvaI]i- 
.piis: can be inferred from one of the epigraphs 6 which mentions an 
•encounter between Lakkanna-Odeya, the Vijayanagara commander who 
was the governor at Honnavara and who had invaded Haduvalli with 
forces, and Saiigiraya-Odeya, the lord of Nagire, offered his 
to the Vijayanagara governor. • v 

|r^^ah'gifaya',; 6f 'Haduvalli appears to have ruled between A . D. 1408 
tand A. D . 1449. This long reign is a testimony to his ability as a ruler 

d the power that he wielded. He could not have successfully challenged 
the authority of the Vijayanagara governor at Honnavara in hostile 
circumstances but for this power and prowess. The elaborate titles 
assumed by him also testify to his power*. 

v^iVilncidentally; we may refer to Dr. S. U. Kamath’s opinion put forward 
^^’X^is^Tuluva'in ■ Vijayanagara Times that an elder brother of SangA 
raya, Malliraya by name must have preceded Sangiraya. In proof 
. of this, he quotes the inscription, dated A.D.1408 8 , saying that the parti- 
cular inscription refers to the death of Malliraya, the elder brother of 
■Sangirayaand the latter’s accession to the throne. But this is not so. 
•yThe inscription clearly informs us that Malliraya was the younger brother 
{anuja) of Sangiraya, and it does not mention anything about the succession 
of Sangiraya to the throne after the death of Malliraya.. A : . 'AAA 

a son and successor of Sangiraya, Indagarasa, is first mentioned: 
/ in an epigraph of A . D . 1449 making a grant to the basti of Parsvanatha?, .: 
We do not know, anything about this ruler. AAoA-Wyy: 

Jr 6; 

ibid. No. so of i939-’40. : Vy • A' 

The Kannada pofet Koteivara, the' writer of the Jwandhara-Shatpadi \\ , a.'i patronised 
by Sangiraya./, He calls himself the son. of the commander of Baiduiy Thammanna-- 
setti and the nephew of Kamanna-setti, a noble in the; coxift-of Sahgama.XyHis;’ 
master is -referred toi at Sangama ' of, Sahgitapnra and- - the son of Haiva-nrupa. X 

1 bin TT si si f s\ tl-sl ' TTsrvii s*fi rtri ft'/* ' • T.T ' 1 fivAf ,'fb ft n tn rif ' i-U ft:' 1 


Studies in Tuhwa History and Culture 

This kmg, Indagarasa, must have been succeeded by his son, Sangi- 
raya, (whom we may call Sanglraya II) We do not have direct epigra- 
phical evidence for a possible son of Indagarasa, Sanglraya by name, 
to have been in power But an inscription, dated A D.1491, found at 
Sagar suggests this postulate 10 . It states that in the Taulava-desa, in 
the celebrated Sangita-pattna, shines the king Saluvendra, son of Sangl- 
raya, who was the son of the great king Indra of the ICasyapa-gotra and 
Sdma-kula. Here, Indra could be identified with Indagarasa (I) His 
son Sanglraya may be taken to be Sanglraya II. How long Sanglraya II 
ruled is not clear. But, it may be surmised that his rule must have come 
to an end by A D 1471, for in that year his son, Indradeva-Odeya is 
stated to be ruling Haduvahya-rajya 11 . This Indradeva (whom wc 
consider as Indagarasa II or Saluvendra II or Indra II) seems to have 
been a powerful ruler as indicated by his considerably long reign from 
A.D 1471 to A.D 1507. The inscription, dated A. D. 1507, refers to 
the rule of Indagarasa-Odeya (II), son of Sangiraya-Odeya (II) over 
Haduvalli-rajya 12 . 

The editor of Ep. Car Vol VIII confuses between Indra (Indagarasa) 
and Saluvendra (II) and says that they were the two sons of Indagarasa I, 
ruling from different places, namely, Haduvalli and Venupura above 
the Ghats respectively 13 But this is not correct From the epigraphs 
wc learn that Indagarasa and Saluvendra are one and the same person 
and lie is the son of Sanglraya II who does not figure in the genealogy 
given by the editor. The Sagar inscription, dated A.D 1488, mentions 
Saluvendra as the king of Sangltapura 14 Another inscription of the 
same place, dated A D 1489, states that Sangiraya-Odcya’s son was 
Indagarasa and he was in the royal city Sangltapura protecting the 
Haduvalli and all other kingdoms 13 A third inscription 16 of Sagai, 
dated A D 1491, specifies king Saluvendra, son of Sangiraya who was 

the son of the great king, Indra, as the celebrated ruler of Sanglta-pattana 

In the 1 aulavadesa, in the celebrated Sangitapattana, shines the king, 

a uvendr a, son of Sanglraya, who was the son of the great king, Indra 

!° {'t F a J. Yyl VIII Sagar No 164 

:>f the ; Kasj’dpa-gotra ; arid iSpjnd-kulai, a moori ; to the -waters of the • occa n, 
lie wonnlvof Satdcaramba and flic \w>rs hi t^nor of Tina :''Takincr-h^ Wifnrw-'t: . 

as witnesses 

tlie'riflaitiei^bf: ;hisvifl^o]uir^hieIi itf-3 c . . A., the king Immadi Saluvendra 
won the goddess.:.;. > . . . . The dark sword- of the famous king, Immadi 

Saluvendra was like ; tlie moon born river (the Narmada). L V. 

His two : feet tinted with the .rays ; of the gems, in the crowns of the immortals ; 
like a bed of lotuses 3 newly awakened by the sun, the ruler of Venupura, 
the:; - blessed Vardhamana-Jina, may be protect the king.: Immadi 
Saluveridraj the crest jewel of kings when adorned with . these and' many, 
other ;titles, Sang!raya-Odeya’s : son, a pure jewel of perfection the Maha- 
mahdalesvara Indagarasa-Odeya, was in the royal city, Sangitapura, 
protecting Bidiru-nadu and all the other kingdoms”. In the .same ins- 
cription : is ; mentioned Venupura (Biduru-nadu) as. the part and parcel 
of the ) Haduvalli-rajya, jwhose sovereign was Saluvendra (II) 17 . ; For 
Clarity we may reconstruct the early genealogy of the Haduvallirulers; 
MVfbllo^S'-'ilrf • \ ... - * . : V ' ' W',;.h;:VV.V 


v 1 '• w 

;K!^;'^h^i^yf;-p<.-;.vSangIraja-Odeya I (son) 

'TndagarasaX (son) . 

W>> i‘ ' . . 

.Sanglraya II (son) . - •• -... 7. ; W' -V?. 

j »-*; w).?. y r ',y u .■ '• . • ■ - •. \ . '• v „ • y y \ ^ ^ L V) 

II (Iridagarasa II or Iirdra II) (son) 18 

;:yy ! ; Indagarasa II;- seems to have been succeeded by his son or brother,^ 
■M ahamandalesvara Dcvarasa-Odeya who is stated to be governing Baiduruy 
and ) other kingdoms from his capital Sangitapura. This is. testified tov; 
by hn epigraph dated A.D. 1523 19 . Little is known about This ruler, j) 
Devarasa-Odeya was succeeded by Gururaya-Odeya who: : was y ruling i 
Bhatakala and other districts from his capital Sangitapura 20 . ;.'; Gururaya-; 
Qdeya is mentioned as the son of Sangiraya-Odeya (II) in this inscription :; 

Kainath endorses the opinion.' of' the editor of: the Ep. CarJ^ol. yill mid. 

' Ucncc Hc has also erred in the same manner, a.uu ac ’. 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

of A. D. 1527. The record of A. D. 1530 mentions Mahamandalesvara 
Gururaya-Odeya as the feudatory of Achyuta-raya, the Vijayanagara 
emperor and as the king of Haduvalli 21 . This record further states 
that Gururaya-Odeya invaded the Nagire-rajya which was governed 
by Immadi Saluva Krishnadeva-Arasa-Odeya. And the two forces 
of Nagire and Haduvalli met each other near Nagirc. In the battle 
that followed Krishnadeva-arasa is stated to have overcome the enemy’s 
forces. Gururaya-Odeya lost his ground and sought shelter under one 
Isaradeva-Nayaka. We may assume that Gururaya-Odeya ruled between 
A. D. 1527 and A. D. 1533, the last date of the reign period being 
A.D.1533 22 . 

Gururaya-Odeya’s successor was Devaraya (Devarasa-Odeya II). 
No record directly connected with the rule of Devaraya is available. An 
inscription of his successor (Chennadevi) alludes to his rule and calls 
him Mahamandalesvara Sangilapuravaradhisa Devarasa-Odeya: 23 Likewise, 
another inscription of the same place memtions Mahamandalesvara Devarasa- 
Odeya being the uncle of Chennammadevi 24 . Perhaps, it may not be 
unreasonable to date the reign of this ruler between A. D. 1533 and 
A. D. 1542. We do not know how Devarasa-Odeya is connected with 

Chennadevi (Chennammadevi), the ncice of Devarasa-Odeya (II) 
is found ruling in A. D. 1542 according to the two inscriptions stated 
above . This queen is introduced to us in one of the inscriptions, dated 
A.D.1545, as the queen of the Vijayanagara emperor, SadaSiva-maharaya 26 - 
Herein, we have, perhaps, the first record of the connections of the Hadu- 
valli rulers with the imperial crown of Vijayanagara. Chennadevi 
may have died at an early age, perhaps in A. D. 1546. The long span 

22 ^\ V ° l m ’ Part 1 No - 71 ° r 1939-’40 

of Gurue5y-’°Oqle^~ ^ This epigraph mentions VIradevi-amma as the queen 

23 Ibid. No. 75 of 1939-’40. 

* 4 Ibid No. 76 

25 Tf ' H K ,?,i, •' °1. h °" th = ne i ce of Devarasa-Odeya (II) succeeded to the throne 

this m ' no i ma y followed the system of makkala-santam arises To 

Dewarasa^LTnn smcc th ? hlIsband °f Chennadevi (possibly the son of 

the throne as ment ‘ onc d in a Portuguese record, the only heir to 

page 252). M b ° Cheiulam madcvi (Gaspar Correa, Three Voyages of Gama, IV, 

MahSn^'ddii’rn ^ °fl939— ’4-0. The Editor of K.I. erred in mentioning 

page 40). Chennabhairadevi instead of Chennadevi (K.I. Vol. Ill, Part I, 

. !;V , . .. ... oj; l.ulu-nadu 125 ;• 

of rule (more than 50 years) enjoyed by her successor : (ChenriabHairadevi) 

Krishnadevarasa-Odeya of ; Nagirc 27 . .! It may. be presumed that she 
was the queen of Haduvalli until A. D . 1 553 an d the lord ; of Haduvalli 
.and- N agire after A . D . 1 553, consequent upon the death of her uncle, 
K rishnadevarasa-Odeya. , It has already been mentioned under the 
Nagire chiefs that she had combined in her the two crowns of Haduvalli ' 
/and Nagire; ; •. ' ‘ 

^5/: We may now reconstruct the genealogy of the rulers of Haduvalli. 

•d 'kavvara.s.a-Od^ oCNagvce (Ruler oCHa&xvalli aud/N&glre) (' 

' - Sanglraya I (son) ; 

Indagarasa I (son.) 

:/'■ Sanglraya II (son) 

Sajuvendra II (Indagarasa II or Indra II) (son) 

- - -'ii . . . 

Devarasa-Odeya I (son?) 

,(r - Gururaya-Odeya (uncle?) 

: v" V- i -■ = 

: = Devaraya-Odeya II (son) 


, . - VIra Chennamma (sose, neice) 

. Ghenriabhairadevi (sister?) 

No; 80 of1i939-’40. 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 



Naraniinka, Nagananka etc followed by many rulers 




Kama (nephew) 


Manga I (Mavarasa) (brother) 


Haivarasa (nephew) 


Naglre Rulers 


Manga II (Sapta-mahipala) (nephew) 

Ktiavadeva-arasa (nephew) 


Sangama (Sanglraya) (nephew) 


Hiriya Bhairava ((Bhauava I) (nephew) 

Immadi Bhairava (brothei) 


Saluva-Malla (Malhraya, Malhrajendra) 


Saluva DCvaraya (Dcvarasa I) (nephew) 


Salva-Malla II or Bhairavendra II (nephew) 
Immadi Deva-raya (Dcvarasa II) (brother 7 ) 


Saluva Knshnadevarasa-Odeya (nephew) 





Haiuvalh Rulers 


Sangiraya I (son) 


Indagarasa I (son) 


Sanglraya II (son) 


Saluvendra II . 

(Indagarasa II, Indra II) (son) 

Dcvarasa-Odey a I (Son ) 7 


Gururaya-Odeya (uncle 7 ) 

Devarasa-Odeya II (son) 


VIra-Chennamma (neice) 



In the existing state of our knowledge, we may say that Chandavara 
(. handavura), belonging to the Honnavara taluk of North Kanara, 
came to be known in epigraphs as Ghandrapuri, perhaps, for the first 

V : V%- : ; 7 Ay.' yi} IHudaipjy. Hiates oj 'IxiliiHuidw 'A.,, 7 . . Ay 7'VVA T27 : : 

time; in about vA. D VI 030b a This town is, stated to ; lie ' situated by the; 

.*• A. A ,V. V V’-i V- A’-, *■'*' -At r a 1 /■* At ■ <r , tt >*■ V-'4\ =•’ a :■» ■ * . A - VvA •:* * 7 - A - 1 :'Vy-: ' 

nagara. In one of the records, this family is referred to as the descendants 
of the Kadamba kings of Sisukali in Konkana 2 . / VAvJ 'Hi 

. A Kamadevarasa, -who styled himself as Kadamba-Ghakravarti ^ and 
the lord of Ponnavura (Honnavara) was perhaps the earliest ruler known 
to records. The first mention of this ruler occurs in an cpigrapg dated 

A.D. 1079, discovered at the Ghandresvara temple, Haldipur 3 . A 
number of viragals bear the name of this ruler 4 and one record specifically 
halls him Mahamandalesvara Kadamba-Chakravarti KamadevarasaA. The 
insihg power of this ruler is also indicated by the assumption of . the title 
fimehamahasabdha, as evidenced by another epigraph 6 . ... A-A-Ayy | 
”3.-h;'.:K.amadeva .must have been succeeded by one MalHdeva. andvit iisV 
the earliest of his records dated A.D. 1142, that calls him the descendant 
of the Kadamba rulers of Sisukali in Konkana 7 , Mallideva could 7be 
.considered as a powerful ruler, whose territorial jurisdiction seemed to 
have extended over Haive-500, Konkana-900, Banavasi-1200. and 
fS'antalige-1000y as evidenced by the epigraph of A.D. 1143®A Yet^;it.V 
is difficult to say indisputably, whether the range of actual political control 
ofiMallideva was so extensive. We do not know the exact regnal years : 
'l^f-fhisVruler. Perhaps, he may have ruled until A.D. 1160 for reasons .fi 
shown below. 

AAVy jiie next name, we come across in this dynasty, is that of Jagadevarasa A; 
/ The only epigraph that enlightens us regarding Jagadevarasa comes 
yfrorn the Sagar taluk of the Simoga district 9 . This inscription is found 
•On. a viragal , . which describes the exploits of a hero named Holeyamma 
of Nelivadi in a battle against, the king, Jagadevarasa 10 . Assigning a 
period of 30 years, we may suppose that Jagadevarasa ruled upto A.D.J190 
:^He seemed to have been succeeded by one Blradeva, who according tb 

yVV h^V-CVr. Vol. IX Nelamarigala No, 1 Dr. B. A. Saletore’s attempt to identify this 
A h>^A.Chahdrapuri , with U^upi. is purely conjectural. .. * (The Kanphatar jogis/in k\ 
y}fi s \.i-:;j‘-fyyiherh History — The Poona Orientialist Vol. I, p-16 (l 936^*3 7).,, . . ' AVA V 
Vf 'V descriptive List; 25 of 1941- 42. p. 18. 3 Ibid. 20 of 1941-42, p. 17. ' • V 

T V Hid 23, 26, 31 etc. of 1941A42. A 5 Ibid 24: of 1941-’42.y YV AyAV; AA-A'A 
AAA 7^^.25:’(Vf l94l-42.VV;-7a//,''7' 7 7 ■ .7 . , 7 , Opp. Git. l?optAio*e;‘$kAA'\AVAy7VA;.AA : 

• : />7. n descriptive- List, 3& of 4941-42. :' ; 7V jV/; ; 9 . M.A.R. (1930) No. 67 , p. 223, ; ; 7' y ^ • 
A A . e inscription reads ~ Ghatpula Kelagana -ahwasii. Jagadcvarasana-olagagi-aixd it 

AV 7 : 7^ lm ply ineans including Jagadjcvarasa, . who was the ruler (dlvarasu) below:the Ghats. 7 

VAyJt may ;npt mean, that- Jagadevarasa- yv* as , the Alupa7rulcr.e J. .. r-VV;.’.-. ';;.>V7;V ; vV i y> 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

one of the epigraphs was ruling from Chandavara in A. ID. 1215" 
Biradeva, in one of the last records of his reign, assumed the biruias- 
Mahamandalesvara Kadamba-Chakravarti Tribhuvanamalla pratapa Vira ( Blra )- 
devarasa and is stated to be ruling from Chandrikapuri (Chandavara)". 
Excepting that he is mentioned in a couple of other records and that the 
assumption of the elaborate titles could prompt to us that he was fairly 
secure in regal authority, nothing else is known about him. 

The next ruler in the line happens to be Kavadeva, who may be 
referred to as Kamadeva II. Two records, one discovered above the 
Ghats and the other below, make mention of the rule of this king between 
A.D. 1219 and A.D. 1231 13 . It may be suggested that Vira-Jagadevarasa 
who is mentioned in one of the Barakuru epigraphs 14 , could be the 
Kadamba ruler of Chandavara and he may be the successor of Kamadeva, 
Kamadeva II. This ruler assumes all the titles characteristic of the 
Santara chiefs. The period from the close of the 13th century A.D. 
until the establishment of the Vijayanagara rule, is virtually wrapt in 
obscurity in so far as the political activities of these chiefs Were concerned. 
In A.D. 1347, we hear of the defeat of the Kadamba chief of Chandavara 
in the hands of Marappa, the younger brother of Harihara I, just prior 
to his visit to Gokarna 15 . 

An inscription of Gerusoppe, dated A.D. 1378, furnishes ns with 
t ic name of another king of this dynasty, called Basavadevarasa 16 . It 
states that Ramanna-hegde was the son of Somaha-dannayaka, an officer 
Cr ,i asavac ^ varasa > rnlcr of Banavasi and Gokarna, whose capital was 
an rapura (Chandavara). Basavadevarasa’s, overlord was king Haiva, 
er o e Gerusoppe kingdom. In all probability, this was the last 
known king of the kingdom of Chandavara. It is not possible to link 
Kamadevarasa, come across in an inscription of Omanjuru of the 
^S^orctaluk, with the Kadamba dynasty of Chandavara 17 . 

; 254 “ d 269 
A.R. No 465 for 1929. 

or'cfa in^he1, a X?rMakk 0 Kar UCn ,V UP r 0n -‘, he defcat of the Kadamba ruIcl ' 

A.D. 1310 (Kadamh„ l„i? m ^, a I ur ’ A* 5 fa settled down in Chandavara m 
evident, vA,£ZT~ ‘ P , P 21 9~ 3 ? 1 )- The erroneousness of snch a view is 
least goes back to the 12th century'A^D ^ tilC dynast y ° r Chandavara, which at 


Feudatory States of Tidu-nadu 

An important chieftaincy of Tulu-nadu, yet very little known authen- 
tically, is that of the Domba-heggade of Vittala. According to tradition 
and folklore, the Vittala Rajas ruled almost independently for many 
centuries. Their territory was divided into 19 mdgnes , namely," Mudnuru, 
Vittala, Padnuru, Bayaru, Chipparu, Ermbu, Alake, Peruvaje, Manila, 
Punacha, Kepu, Kanyana, Karopadi, Kuda-markala, Saleturu, Kula, 
Vakketturu, Paivalike and Kelanadu. These maganes were provided 
with 18 temples which are still under the control of the present political 
descendant. The presiding deity of this state has been Panchalingesvara 
i>f Vittala and this deity has also been the household god whose name 
las been engraved on the signet ring of the Raja. The succession to 
he throne is still governed by the matriarchal or aliya-santana system. 
\t present, the state of the household of the Raja is far from satisfactory. 

The origin of this family is still shrouded in obscurity. Reliance 
>n tradition and mystic folk-lore may not help us much in unfolding 
he real past of this dynasty characterized by certain peculiarities. A 
ittle of surmise may give us a think thread of linking this family to consi- 
lerable antiquity. The official title of this family is Jjomba-heggade, . The 
lame Jjomba may be the short form of Kadamba. It may be recalled 
a this connection that an epigraph from Bantra ascribable to the 8th-9th 
enturies A.D . 1 makes mention of a Kadamba ruler. Although there 
i nothing to prove that this Kadamba ruler could belong to the fiomba- 
eggade family, the surmise is not totally ruled out. It may be possible 
aat Kadaba may have been the capital of this Kadamba family (There 
re still seen the ruins of the old palace and fort at Kadaba. The name 
.adaba may be the corrupt form of Kadamba). The Domba-heggades 
i -tlie course of historical vicissitudes may have shifted to Vittala. 

> The name Vittala is interesting. Prima facie, it looks as though it 
dates to god' Vittala. But, 'the derivation must be ascribed to Isktaka, 
kind of Vedic sacrifice which seemed to have been performed for curing 
ie disease that afflicted the member of "the Domba-heggade family, 
s the result of the performance of this yajna or yaga, the place acquired 
lc name Ishtakdpura A In due- course of time, this name got corrupt 
to Vittala. 


■A.R, No. 351 for 1930-’31. 

2 A.R. No. 18 for 1930-’3r. - 


.r t 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

The earliest epigraph that makes mention of the member of this 
ruling family is dated A. D. 1436k It states that a golden pinnacle was 
set up over the temple of Panchalingadeva at Ishtakapura by Mundi 
Siddasekha, ally a of Eyena-svami, son of Kunchanna-sekha alias Domba- 
heggade on behalf of Mani-maiduna, ally a of Kinyanna-kava alias Domba- 
vergade for curing the disease afflicting the latter. The next epigraph, 
dated A. D. 1571, states that Kumnidevarasa alias Domba-heggade of 
Vittala set the water-trough for cows to secure merit. It is almost clear 
from this epigraph that by A. D. 1581 the name Ishtakapura got trans- 
formed into Vittala. 

The inscription on the copper-plate containing the finial belonging 
to the Delanta-bettu Vishnumtirti temple 3 4 mentions that Narasimha 
Knshnapparasa alias Dombi-heggade, ally a of Parthampadi Narasimharasa 
alias Dombi-heggade caused the renovation of the temple followed by 
the purificatory' ceremony {samprokshane) and set up the kalasa (finial) 
in A D.1734. The same epigraph contains the information that the 
golden finial was offered to the Delanta-bettu-deva by' Kinyanna-kava 
alias jPoia-heggade. It also contains Saka year 1798 (A.D. 1876). 

Another epigraph from the Panchalingesvara temple, Vittala of the 
year Pramoduta, Vrischika 1, Sunday states that the balipitha in the temple 
was the gift of Manjana-setti of Kukke 5 . 

It is clear from these inscriptions that the sy'stem of inheritance in 
this line has been through aliya-santana and that the name Domba-heggade 
relates to the official title. Perhaps, in the 18th century, A.D. jQoniba 
became jpombi giving room for the interpretation that the Vittala ruling 
house was at the head of the rebels. 

Vittala came under the Ikkeri Nayakas, as can be seen from the fact 
that a Heggade of Vittala concluded a peace in 1608 A.D. with the Ikker 1 
Nayaka, Vehkatappa Nayaka, fixing the actual amount of tribute to be 
paid to him 6 . When Vehkatappa died on the 10th of November, 1629, 
he was succeeded by his grandson, Virabhadra Navaka, a dissipated youth 
of 20, it was under this new' king that South Kanara revolted against 
Ikkeri and Vittala too was one of the rebels. Authorities are not lacking 
to prove this. Two documents contained in the Portuguese Government 
Archives at Panjirn are of special importance in this respect. The first 

3 Ibid. 

Read and copied by me. 

5 A R No 4 for I945-’46 

6 Aigal’s Ilihdsa, p 303 

,'yK> IFeiidaioy ' States: 'of'^ : : yyV' 7/- ; , y . ; 13 1 

that “as this V enkatapanaique had in his life time captured many land? 
belonging to other neighbouring kings, after , his death all these petty 
chiefs have risen against the 'kingdom of this: V enkatapanaique 7 .” The 
next document, being a letter of Souza de Menezcs from Barcellof, 
dated the 16th of January, 1630, goes further and gives a list of all the 
rebels against V enkatappa Nayaka; among the names of the different 
ballajas and kings and queens of Kanara comes that of “the balala of 
Vittala.” > “All the aforementioned kings, queens and balalas have cons- 

pired and formed an alliance against the said Virabadar Naique .and all 
harass him with war, that each one of them might recover and keep what 
was once his own and which had been unjustly wrested from them by 
iK^gv-Venkatappa, Naique .... King Virabadar Naique is no; longer 
master of anything below the Ghats 8 .” This recovery of independence 
by . Vittala does not seem to liavc been a permanent one, for there are 
qmtmices of the suzerainty of : Ikkeri over Vittala. .. . ; t ; 

7777:Thcstateof Vittala under the domination of the Ikkeri Nayakas 
(who hater on became Bediiorc kings) does not seem to have been very 
happy. : “Most of the petty chiefs had long since been deprived of al] 
authority and confounded with the mass of the people, and that even 
the three more ; important polygars or Rajahs of Kumbla, Vittal, and 
Nileshwar had been under the Bednore government, mere hereditary 
managers of the districts 9 .” In an inscription of A. D. 1719 it is stated 
; that the Iieggadc of Vittala was taken in chains to the Ikkeri palace for 
: noh-payrnent of tribute ; that he was released by the financial aid of one 
: ;Nirvana-setti and that this favour was gratefully; remunerated by the 
[Heggade with, the grant of lands m Chandappadi, Kadu-matha and 
yNarkala 1 ” • y/- . ' 7 V; : '• ■ , • - ;i ; ' ; v •• 

. : There is another. inscription recently discovered in theBayaru temple, 
which is. ' dated ; A . D . 1721 n , ''-and Which . reads : ' Svati Sri . Jayabyudaya 
Z.&alivahana Sdkd varusha : 1 643 neyd vartamdnakke saluva 1 73 Vde. phasali ' Plata 
nama samv'atsarada Kumbha y mdsadalli 18 hoddu Gutuvard divasa Viifdada 

...: ■ -: ? Panjrn ■■Archives, Moneoes Do Reino No. 1 2. ; Folios 448-449 translated by Rev. 
W - Fr, Herds ih tHe^^Expahsioii of y^at^ppalNayaltaCbf 

lf74S2^xbid-: V- -* Cr fc ^ ' X ^ 

-Mpnge’sRefiphllS^S-X^^t qx f IT 

Aigal’s Ilihasq p.362.V . {•; - U : Read and copied by me. A pppp % .y74:;77. : f 7 

132 Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

Srimaladeviyara putrarada Narasimha-arasardda fiombi-heggadejara aliya Chen- 
namma-deviyara putrarada Pandyapparasarada Dombi-heggadeyuaru Pan- 
chalingadevara devasthana jirnodhara madisi tamma mavajiyavara hesaralli madisida 
kalasa ( kalasa ?). It gives the name of the Heggade as Pandyapparasa 
alias Dombi-heggade who renovated the temple in the name of his uncle. 
From the literary point of view, the language of the inscription is high- 

flown and metaphoric. 

In A. D. 1727 a beautiful silver vessel was presented to the temple of 
Vittala hy an heir-apparent Nandappa, and it is still extant 12 . On it 
is inscribed Svali Sri Salivahana Saka varusha 1649 ne vartamdnakkc salva Plavanga 

ndma samvalsarada Maga suddha 7 Bhdnuvdradallu Vittalada Sri Panchalinga 
devara divya sri-charanaravindakke Parthampadi simhasanastharada .Narasimhama- 
rada J)ombi-heggadeyara aliya Nandapparasara bhakti srL We can gather 

from the above that the Heggades were r 

egular rulers with a throne at 


More important than this is the stone inscription of A. D. 1730, 
written on the occasion of the visit of the Vidhyadhiraja of Udupi 
Srimal Panchalingesvara Parvati- Vinayaka devara bhakti yuktarada Chautara 
paksha dordanda vidakaya Hanumadvajankita Saiva-Vaishnava sadarana deva- 
Brahmana bhaktiyuktarada Parthampadi simhasanastharada sale-baliya Vittalada 
devarasara paulrarada Rangandlharasara putrarada Jiarasimha-arasara alijanada 
Narasimha Sri Krishnapparasara anujarada Narasiriiha-arasaradd £)omba-heggade- 

yavaru barasi kotta bhusvasti dana-patte. 

It tells us that the Heggades belonged to a family known by the 
name of sale {ball) that they were the strong allies of the Chautas, that 
the insignia on their State flag was the monkey-god, Hanuman, that 
they were equally favourable to both the religious sects, the Saivitcs and 
the Vaishnavites, and that they were great devotees of Brahmins, d’hc 
conclusion which we can finally draw from this historical record is that 
the Heggades of Vittala were actual Rajas with all the regal signs. This 
theory can be supported by the fact that some of the customs observed 
by the Rajas nowadays look like the remnants of royal ceremonies, such 
as the worship of arms on Sivaratri day, and the carrying of the Heggade 
in a palanquin with other honours of royalty on the day of the local car- 
festival; when a new Heggade takes charge of his possessions, the unique 
ceremony of coronation is also observed in the Vitla Mudnur temple. 

Read and copied by me 

13 Read and copied by me. 

AttA The inscription of A ' D > 1 744 14 was put up ■ during the repairs of the A 
temple that are said to have been conducted under the influence of Bcdnore 
kings . Sri Jaybbyudaya nripa Sdlivdhana Saka varuslm 'I666tieya Rudirodgari 
; sa mvalsarada - iKa rtika Sukravara :• 10 neya Chandravaradalli sri Panchalingesvara 
Parvali-Vinayaka devara bhakiiyuktarada Chauiara-pakshd dordanda mra-samyd-l: 
pratdpa Hanumadhajankita Saiva- Vaishnava sdddrana, deva-Brahmane chancjiala : 
; f bKaktiyuktardda Parthampadi simhasanasthardda sale-valiya Viltaldda Rdngdtiqtkq- 
arasara bhagineyarada Narasiihharasara aliyandarada Panday apparasaru Kurtiarara- ; 
sam i Krishnapparasaru Kasi-yatre madida Sankarasara anujarada Narasunhararasa- 
: rada Domba-heggadcyaru Sri Panchalingesvara-devara sannidhiyalli nandi-mantapada 
krtmndam loha-mantapavu nirmisi dhvajamarakke silapanchaiiga katlisi Panchina. 

‘. pltka tamrada kolave muchisi mile Basdvesvarana Pralishthe mddisi bhaktiyindd’. 
■ vappisida sevc. , ;A ■: v \ 

•:r?r : s",-;This epigraph states that the metallic mantapq in front of the ■ nahdi -, ; 
inanlapa was erected in the presence of Sri Pahchalingesvara-deva By 
Pandyapparasa, nephew of Narasimharasa who was the nephew of 
Ranganatha-arasa of Vittala, beloging to the sdle-bali and was the 
} occupant of the throne of Parthampadi, Kamarasa, Krishn apparhsa 
rand Narasimharasa alias, Domba-hcggade, brother of Sahkarasa ■ who 0 
Ah ad. conducted a pilgrimage to Banaras (Kasi). It further records that ; 
Aafter the construction of the mantapa , the flag-mast of the temple received 
a stone pedestal and metallic covering (copper-plate) and that a nattdi 
A^as installed on its top. The importance of this epigraph is many fold; First, : 

it tells us that the ruler • of Vittala belonged to the sdle-bali and the f 
:J .inheritance is through ally a- santana. Secondly, the practice of covering the 3 
flag-mast with copper-plates is vindicated in this epigraph. Thirdly, the 
y Raja of Vittala is stated to be honouring both Saivism and Vaishnavisrii; 

• also said to belong to the political party of the Chautas. - : A A.’ V; 

It VViAll tHesei inscriptions suggest that the ruling was always. 

' Narasimha-arasu. . ' A •. .A.,. y\h.'}yy:p 

• . ; :r The closing decades of the eighteenth century mark a definite turn 
i ;.in the. history of Vittala ; here ends the first period,., the : period which A 
has nothing else than . as its authority, besides, the series of inscriptions , 
A; quoted above. These , include practically all the “sources., of history’ 5 
/ • that are available .; in Vittala. . .... For the” sake of completeness, we ' may 

•• quote here another record, lately discovered, winch is available for , us : 

A 14 Read, and copied by me. t •• • 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

on the stone parapet of the steps of the Kepu temple 15 . It bean the 
signature of one Krishnappa-arasu, but does not contribute anything 
else towards history' ; anyhow it is apparent that he claimed very' high- 
sounding titles, like “the descendant of Visvamitra, the destroyer of the 
enemies”, etc. 

With the beginning of the nineteenth century', we land on a nev 
stage in the history of Vittala. It is for the first time that the Heggadu 
come in contact with the Mohamadan rulers of Mysore and with the 
East India Company. “A collection of Treaties, Engagements of import- 
ance relating to the British Affairs in Madras”, edited by W. Logan, 
and the ‘Tours” of Buchanan, serve as the chief sources for this period 
The new period is a period of wars. 

The Rajas of Vittala continued to be the heriditary proteges of the 
Bednore government, till Hyder Ali carried his victorious arms even 
to this secluded comer of South Kanara; he dispossessed the family of the 
rulers, but soon after, restored them when the Heggade, Mariappa-arasu, 
consented to embrace Islam. In A. D. 1765 Hyder increased the rent, 
which the Heggades had been paying to the Ikkeri rulers, by 50 per cent 
and had it transferred to himself. This nominal settlement only served 
as a prelude to the renewal of hostilities in A.D. 1768; when Hyder Ali 
drove Achutha-heggade from Vittala for assisting the English. The 
fugitive king took shelter under the English at Tellicherry, as a pensioner 
of the Company, and drew a yearly grant of a 1 00 rupees. “Vittal Heggade 
joined the fortunes of the English in the wars with Mysore in 1768 and 
m 1 780 A . D . was admitted to pensions by the Company. Being left out 
0 lc ^ CSS |^ of Malabar the Bombay Government settled on him a pension 
s. 00 . Though continuing as a refugee under the English^ he made 
occasiona incursions into his hereditary provinces. On one such occasion 
' )> Tippu, who had succeeded Hyder, captured him in Vittala 

and beheaded him, to the great terror of the other members of the House 
w io took refuge in their palace at Ermbu. Tippu then cruelly set fire 
to the mam palace of the Rajas at Vittala. Tradition has it that the 
palace which was thus cruelly destroyed, had been an ancient stnicturc, 
, none can flx the exact date when it was built; perhaps, it was 

- lose early years when Vittala was colonized by' the Rajas. The 

w vfTi d > an ^ C0 P‘ cd b Y me. 

“a ar Joint Commissioner’s Report, 11-10-1 793, p 146. 


Feudatory States of Tulu-mdu 

\ palace with its courtyard occupied a space not less than a furlong square, 
a considerable portion of the area being taken up by the courtyard itself. 
The ruins of the edifice are still visible near the present house of the Raja, 
but are very meagre. A stone doorway with its massive slabs, a huge 
stone-cut trough, the carved steps leading up to the courtyard, and an 
hexagonal bulwark - are the only visible signs of the old palace. A very 
, special feature of the ruins is the existence of a number of wells which 
are still in good order; for such wells arc on the very foundations of the 
< mansion. But for these scanty remains, the location of the palace would 
, be very difficult for a stranger: so complete was its destruction. 

Though Achutha-hcggade was beheaded, his heirs continued to be 
Under the protection of the Company in Tellicherry. In the diary of the 
Telli cherry factory wc read a note signed by Robert Taylor and Co., 
which gives the circumstances of increase of the Heggade" s pension in 
A. D. 1792 - “Whereas the Raja of Vittal Heggade, having for many 
years past been attached to the interests of the Honourable Company, 
and received a pension from them of 100 rupees per month, having exerted 
himself in the late war with Tippoo Sultan, and whereas Major-General 
" Abercromby having thought proper to increase the pension of Kumbla 
Raja to 200 rupees per month, the General’s proceeding to Bombay at a 


a time when the Raja Vittala Heggade was absent on his own concerns, 
which prevented his representing to General Abercromby his claim to 
an equal indulgence, but which he has since represented to us, the chief 
and the factors of Tellicherry, and we being convinced of justness thereof, 
and willing to give him every assistance in our power, laid the same before 
W. G. Farmer Esq. and Major Alexander Dow, who were well-pleased 

- to permit of our putting the Raja of Vittal Heggade on the same foodng 
as Kumbla Raja. In consequence whereof we do hereby declare that 

, the Raja of Vittal Heggade is to be paid 200 rupees monthly by the, 
Honourable Company to commence from the 1st May 1792 17 .” 

In grateful recognition of their protection, the Rajas of Vittala gave 
active assistance to the English during the final wars with Tippu, as a 
matter of fact, there is still a tradition in the House that some of the regular 
, troops of the English in the First and Second Mysore wars were the direct 
contributions of the Vittala Heggade. s In return for this help, safety of 

- person and property was secured to the Raja by the English as a result 

17 Logan, pp. 150-151. 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

of the 8 tli article of the Treaty of Srirangapatam, which reads: “The 
Polygars and Zamindars of this country, who, in the course of the present 
war, have attached themselves and been serviceable to the allies, shall 
not on that account, in any shape or manner, be molested or injured 
by Tippoo Sultan 18 .” 

It was in one of these years of chaos that the famous looting of the 
Manjesvara temple by the Heggade took place. The cause of this is 
variously surmised. According to the English, it is the love of ‘plunder’ 
(as Sturroch calls it) 19 on the part of the Heggade. But a more thorough 
examination into the actual relations between the temple and the Raja 
may give us the real cause. From very early times the temple had been 
paying tribute to the Domba-heggade. There are still some documents 
extant, dating A.D 1653, A. D. 1655, and A. D. 1677, which record 
the purchase of several of the leaselands of the Heggade, by the temple, 
thus undertaking to pay the dues entailed. During the wars of Hyder 
and Tippu, the priests of Manjesvara ceased to make these payments, 
being at a loss to know to which of the two-the English or Tippu - would 
the lands finally pass. It was to recover these pending dues, and also 
to add up to his half-famished purse that the Heggade marched from 
Tellichcrry to Manjesvara at the head of his men in A.D . 1 799. Having 
secured the riches and ornaments of the temple, he walked off to Tellicherry 
During the looting, it is said that there was much of improper desecration 
on the part of hrs retinue. 

Naturally, this sacrilegious plunder aroused the indignation of the 
inhabitants, who complained to Captain Munro, the Collector of the 
District. On being called to account for the plunder of the Manjesvara 
temple, after he had been informed that all hostilities with Mysore had 
ceased, the Heggade fled from Tellicherry on the 15th of December 1799, 
and joined his nephew at Vittala with a party of about 150 armed followers 
which he proceeded to strengthen with as many recruits as he could raise 
Captain Munro considered that one of his objects was to induce the 
Government to make over to him the management of Vittala and as his 
success in such an attempt would at once have led to the revival of a 
number of similar long extinguished claims in every part of Kanara, he 
considered it necessary' to call on Colonel Hart, the Officer commanding 
tie Province, to proceed against him without delay as a rebel, stating 

18 Ibid pp 142-146 1 9 Ibxd p 80 

Feudatory States of Tulu-nadu 


at the same time that as the inhabitants of the district \yere mainly peaceful 
Brahmins and Bants who had no attachment for the Heggade, a small 
force would be sufficient to deal with him 20 . 55 Thus runs Sturrock’s 
narration of the circumstances which led to the hostility between the 
Heggade and the government, and it amounts to a frank confession of 
the oral motives of the latter in picking a quarrel with the former. It 
is doubtful whether the claim put forward by the Heggade was really 
“long-extinguished. 55 Anyhow, it was not merely a sympathy with 
the aggrieved at Manjesvara, that prompted the activities of the English. 
It was because Captain Munro “considered that one of his ( Heggade' s ) 
objects was to induce the government to make over to him the manage- 
ment of Vittala” or in other words, because the Captain was unwilling 
to recognize the rights of the Heggade to his heritage, and because this 
precedent would lead to the revival of similar claims all over Kanara, 
that he directed his efforts to the removal of this thorn in the side of the 
English, this Heggade , we can confidently say that the land-grabbing 
policy of the government was at the root of the whole matter. Hence 
the procedure against the Heggade “as a rebel.” 

In the meantime the Vittala Raja “had for almost a year been able 
to skulk about. . . . well-equipped with 80 muskets from Mouse 21 .” The 
actual struggle can best be narrated in the words of Sturrock himself. 
“On the 7th of May Subba Rao, (The rebel of Coimbatore) who had 
by this time allied himself with the Vittal Heggade, attacked the temple 
at Uppinangadi, in which the Tahasildar of Kadaba was holding his 
office. The Tahasildar escaped by crossing the river in the dark, and 
several Potails, who were there at the time, also got away. Subba Rao 
then marched on Bantwal, winch he plundered and afterwards took up 
his quarters at Puttur and began to collect the revenue. By this time 
Captain Munro had raised a body of 200 armed peons and placed them 
under the orders of Kumara Heggade of Dharmasthala, one of the Potails 
of Bantwal. Kumara Heggade marched against Subba Rao and defeated 
Mm on the 11th, but himself was shot through the arm. The Tahasildar 
of Kadaba then took charge of the peons and pursued the rebels towards 
the Sisila Ghats, where he dispersed them on the 1 7th with the loss of 40 
or 50 men. In the beginning of July, the Tahasildar defeated the Vittal 

r v 

2t * SoutH Kanara Manual, pp. 80-81. 

, 21 Buchanan , p. 46, 

138 Studies in Tuhiia History and Culture 

Heggade at Vittal, and made prisoners of nine members of bis family 
includirg his nephew. "With this event the country settled peacefully^.' 1 
It is a fact of great local importance that two of the prisoners, one 
of whom -vs as the ruling Heggade Bhadrayya, were hanged. The rest 
of the prisoners were kept m confinement at Telli cherry. The first pen- 
sioner Ramavarma-arasu was imprisioned in the St. Edward Island on a 
maintenance of Rs 200. He w as, however, released in his old age. and 
was, along with his nephew Narasimha-raja, brought back to Vittala 23 . 

The setdement of the land after the rebellion, was a very easy task 
for the English. All the estates of the House W’ere WTested from the clai- 
mants, leaving only their private property 7 in their hands, the pension 
of Rs. 200 which had been bestow’ed on the political prisoner was increased 
in 1804 to Rs. 501-9-5 per mensem, w’hich amount u T as 20 per cent of the 
net revenue of the previous possessions of the House. 

An exquisite portrait of the second Pensioner Narasimha-raja II, 
who died in 1856-’57, is still among the relics of the House. He w'as suc- 
ceeded by his sister Doddamma-arasu who died in 1896. It is of great 
interest to see a certificate of merit of Queen Victoria to her “in recognition 
of the fidelity and loyalty' of her family 7 to Government.” 

At present Vittala bears the quiet demeanour of a peaceful country 
town. The Raja Ravivarma-Narasimha-arasu, die present pensioner, 
is a respectable gendeman, He has earned a name for “his charity 7 , 
his uprightness, and his zeal in promoting the spread of education in 
South Kanara.” 

The Binnanis of Marpadi 

Marpadi is a village near Mudabidure. Alaru in Tulu means an 
extensive field; perhaps, a setdement around this extensive field came 
to be called Marpadi. Although we are not able to gather much infor- 
mation about the Binnani ruling family of this region, we have a fen' 
epigraphs that relate to them and their role under the service of the Ajdas 
of Enuru. 

“ South Kanara Manual, pp 80-8! 
13 Aigal's Ihhaia, p 365 

: t” ; .: ; v::C* i X*' ' 1 : !ir« ; - - V ve.' 

f The Afar da \Madda) - heggade of Kapu ■ Y % v/d. / ; h pjy . i.dd iA: ; T' ; dy/df; p-C 

Kapu was one of the seals of mcdievah chieftaincy and the . chief of 
ftliis kingdom whs known as Marda-heggade^. We do not know when 
this chieftaincy emerged into semi-independent power, but thc : fact that 
it enjoyed a certain degree of political power is borne by a few epigraphs. 

Kapu is referred to as stana in an epigraph found near the tank of 
y$ri Krishna temple, Udipi dated A.D.1475 2 . Stana or sthana' could 
i/mean capital or kingdom. This epigraph is record of a political contract 
of mutual defence and assistance amongst the chieftains of four nadus 
'• (kingdoms), namely, Kunda-heggade of Yelluru, Kinnika-heggade of 
Yelihje,. Mardda heggade, of Kapu and the Chautas of Ycradu-nadu. 
d Another epigraph of A. D. 1500 from Kapu 3 records a similar political 
f agreement between Kunda-heggade of Y elluru sthana and Tirumalarasa alias 
Mada (Obviously Marda)-hegga de of Kapu sthana. A third inscription from 
the same place 4 relates to the reign of the sukha-rajya (prosperous kingdom) 
of Tirumalarasa alias Mada heggade. This epigraph is of Dundubhi- 
rjsamodt assignable to A. D. 1503. Another member of the royal; family 
is mentioned in another epigraph from Kapu 5 which relates to the pros- 
perous rule {sukha-rajya) of Ganapana Savanta alias Madda-heggade 
j durihg Vihari-samvat which is assignable to the year A.D . 1541. ; A copper-, 
y plate inscription which is secured by me anew 6 is most informative in 
regard to the history of this kingdom (rdjya). It is dated Saha 1479 
■’(•(expired) \Nala-samval, corresponding to the year A.D. 1558 and refers 
dtp the kingdom as Kdpina-rajya ruled over by Ganapana Savanta. There 
/ is also the mention of Tirumalarasa alias Madda-heggade, who, perhaps,: 
was the uncle . of Ganapana Savanta alias Madda-heggade and who must 
• have transferred all ruling authority to his nephew owing to old age. 

/ This copper-plate record gives us the unique titles assumed by the chief 
"/.of ' Kdpina-rdjya -.y Tulunddiriaikamini mukha-kdmala tilakeya-mdnanda sidda, 
y prasiddar kdpi simhdsanddayachaldhkarana taruna Iverana prakdsdrum akasaruin 
-d .many a raj any a sahasaganadarya vlrya: sanryadudurya gambMrya nayavinaya satya 

; ; , 1 The place name Kapu occurs in epigraphs as far back as the 8th century A.D. 
•/• ; { Voi. VII No. 279). • : / : d d /"•• d : r.-.y -fY -\rr. d dW'y/, ; y C 

';/r Vol. VII No. 304'. >. '• -d ' //•• •' • '•''dd : \;d s^vA-V-v-v/ -d- ''Wwdi 

:•; / 3 ibid. No. 273. ' ./• . -K> d-d" .>•/•;;/ : ■/■/■v s ./ :: ,, y,*:-.. : r •. /w ■ 

;’•/•;■;•/ 4 Bii No. 275.:. d:d x; d" . W i /id; d •//•;• -/Wd'd'd d-v.'/O'/ W-> ;.a4v / v 

:d / ; 5 S$j: Yol:/yil No. 276. ' ■/ ve >' vdd d d/ddd'y.:./: Ayy/Ydd 

py Vy y 6 A detailed description of this copper-plate record is given under . pA Mote; on Primary; 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

rdj)dnanla gum gam nulena ratnabharana gana kiranadyativa bhavatadi sahala 
surana purusharumappa Tirumalarasarada Madda-heggadeyavaru avara nalinavam 
Ganapana Saiantaru Kdphia-rdj) avani pralipalisulirdda kaladallu. These titles 
clearly signify the decline of the Vijayanagara control over the feudatories 
of Tuluva and the increasing independence of the feudatory chiefs. The 
chief Ganapana Savanta alias Madda-hcggde is refered to as the tilaka 
of the lotus-like face of the lady of Tuju-nadu, and he is said to occupy 
the thronc-fsmhdsana) of Kapu -rajya with all the meritorious attributes 
of a sovericgn. We do not have a regular record of the extent of this 
kingdom; but tradition has it that this kingdom comprised seven grama t. 

The Maramma-heggade of Terurnala 

Yerumala, belonging to the present Udipi Taluk, was a centre of 
considerable political activity. The chief of Yerumala -rajya was popu- 
larly known as Maramma-heggade. Perhaps, his kingdom was the smallest 
comprising only' two gramas ( Bada and Tonka), but this chief commanded 
considerable respect and exercised reasonable influence on the chiefs 
of his neighbouring territories. An epigraph from the Janardana temple, 
Yermala, dated A.D. 1402 7 , speaks of the grant made to the temple with 
the consent of Maramma-vcrgade of Yerumala and others. One Tiru- 
malarasa alias Madamba (Maramma)-heggade is referred to in other 
epigraph of the same place 8 . 

There arc instances of this chief being the witness to political agree- 
ment of mutual defence and help concluded by other chiefs 7 . This 
chief must have come to power during the Vijayanagara times. 

The. chief ^ clluru was called Kunda-heggade. We come to know 
of this chiefin the 15th century A.D. His kingdom was known as Yclluru- 
sime or mdgane. Lord Visvanatha was his state diety. The name of Kunda- 
eggade is come across in a number of epigraphs 10 either as one of the 
signatories to political compacts or as witness to such agreements. He 

was a local chieftain of considerable influence in the history of the present 
Udipi taluk. 

Nandahke enjoyed a respectable position in Tulu-nadu because 
o the import ance of the Siri daivagalu (two of the most popular female 

I s ,, 1 ; 1 Vo >- VII No. 270. 

* Ibid No 269. 

.o ffj vVvttm 21 ^ 2 -, 215 9 ’ appendix A 
s 1.1. Vol VII Not 273 & 304. A. JR. N< 

No 3 J 9 for 1927-28 

Feudatory Sidles of Tulu-nadu 141:. 

‘rlpAils’ known as These hrercome Across in cpi-' J 

graphs as Nandatike DaivagalidK - : KFit0kku~pergade /of . tliis ^chieftaincy A 
seemed to have been of the sa .c status as of Yclluru or Kapu. We obtain 
meagre information of his activities. d.'' v ''Y : / : A vf'A A^AAA'AAf ; A ; AAA: 
;V;4’- Mudaradi of the \Karkala taluk witnessed during the . Vijayanagara 4 
period the rise of an Jieggade chieftancy known as the Savantas. y TheyA- 
seemed to have been related to the Chautas of Mudabidure;/ (Puttige) A 
It was one Amnna Savanta-heggade who made giftsto Chandraprablia-svami A 
of Tribhuvana-Chudamani of Mudabidure in A . D .4461 12 . A' AAAAAJAA 

Estmale of the Feudatorj Stoics _ . aAAAAA-'AAAA 

.■ AA- As already explained, the various feudatory states, that made up 
■the Tulu country had a continuous flow of political existence from about ... 
the 12th century A.D. until the advent of the British. These 'states ; :' 
twere very often mutually repellent and warring against one ; anptherp A. 
hut not to such an extent as to put the position of the adversary to geopajdy . A: 
i-This; phenomenon may be explained as the direct result of thedltippsitiont-V 
of imperial authority by the Vijayanagara emperors through the govemors .- 4; 
of B&rakuru and Mahgaluru. The continued hold of these chiefs over.A' 
; their respective chiefdoms for centuries facilitated ease of political orga- 
nisation which led to political and social stability. The spread of Jaina 
culture throughout Tulu-nadu was in no small measure due to these 
^various ruling families, which were devoted to Jainism. But we unm&tbkaAA 
blv find a compromise between Jainism and Hinduism, but we; unnusta- ;;4 
kabjy find a compromise between Jainism and Hinduism, both of which .h 
seemed to have flourished side by side without religious fanaticism; and Ay 
; rancour. ‘ - * ' A . . : . ' A 

4 Vol. VII No- 273. 





In general principles, the pattern of administration set up in Tulu- 
nadu by the Alupas, later expanded and strengthened by the governors 
of Barakuru and Mangaluru-rajyas, does not very much differ from that 
of the rest of Karnataka. As already stated in the earlier chapters, the 
Karnataka suzerains - the Chalukyas of Badami, the Rashtrakutas and 
the Chalukyas of Kalyani - who claimed paramountcy over Tulu-nadu, 
never attempted to superimpose their administration, over the existing 
one in Tuluva with the result that in local administration, custom ( Katlalc ), 
social and historical precedence played a vital role. The outstanding 
mark of local administration, perhaps, reflected the veracity of Tuluva 
polity. The chief political phenomenon was the continued prevalence 
of centrifugal forces leading naturally to regionalism. 

Tulu-nadu was a conglomeration of several mutually independent 
and quite often, repellent political units (states) from the earliest times 
of its recorded history. Even though the Alupas had an unbroken political 
record of about 700 years, very often, they had to be content with their 
overlordship nominally recognised by the various feudatories of Tuluva, 
who established theii direct and effective control over their respective 
jurisdictions. Each of the principalities had its own traditions, which 
it preserved and developed. Each had its own emblem and insigma 

A systematic study of the administrative and economic institutions, 
during the period under purview, is a desideratum in the history of Tulu- 
nadu. From the epigraphical material available to us we may coordinate 
the information under four heads, namely : 

(1) Administrative divisions of Tulu-nadu. 

(2) Administrative machinery under the Alupas and duiing 
Vijayanagara times. 

Adminishation . 1 [3 

: ^(3);^CiOGa;l ■' Sdir^ 

% ! 0jf ;Law'A Justice /ancbTolideV 

divisions 5 of tulu - nadu:' -A A A® 
yUnderthe Alupas (A . D . 600 - A . D . 1336) - . - 

In. the present state of our knowledge, it is rather difficult to decide 
in. .finality what the administrative divisions were during the early period, 
the ; Alupas.: Three terms were used in the epigraphs, perhaps,' delating 
! |>.it^darger xaivisipiis - rqjya, vishaya and nattu (nadu). An inscription of 
.Waddarse? of the Udipi taluk, South Kanara, of about the 7th centui'y 
: A .-D . speaks of the administration (mudtime) of nattu of one Gundanna,' a 
^trusted servant; of Kandavarma in the kingdom (rajya) of Srimatu Aluvarasaf: 
j/The same epigraph mentions Paduvaliya-nadu and the nattu mudime of 
.-^PaduvaH; v- On Of the Udayavara inscriptions 2 of the 8th century A . D . 
Ainehtioris the mudime of Boygavarma during the reign of the Alupa 
|v^ng, .®rithyi-sagara. The inscription of Barakuru 3 , South Kanara, 

: belonging to the reign of Bankiyalupendra, dated about A . D . 1050, 
prefers tp: Tulu-vishaya, whose identification is made elsewhere. Evidently.. 
itM%^¥ : connptes:.the meaning ‘a territory, a district or a territorial division.; 

analogous to a nadu*. An epigraph, dated A. D. 1281, of the time of 
c^ira.Ballala III speaks of a grant made with the consent of eradu kola balis, 
kynadu and nakhara 5 . Mention may be made of Kulayi-nadu 6 , that occurs 
“ ; in the epigraph of the 15th century A JD., which stands in confirmation 
^of%; ;^stem '.'of -nadu during -the period of the Alupa rule. Vira-KulasekharA 
y Alupehdra entrusted the kingdom of Mogaru-nadu to his ally a (nephew) 

; > Bafikideva 7 . A The injunction that the dharma should be maintained by 
the arasu-(kmg)-:nddu (the people of a nadu) and nakhara (merchant guil d) 

AA.® .4. it No. 296 for 1931-32. • This is the earliest datable epigraph of the whole 
AAfv of Tuju-nadu and oh palaeographical grounds, it is assigned to the 7th century A. D. 

Kandavarma, mentioned in this epigraph, may be thc_ same_ as 
V : A : his namesake, come across in the Koppa inscription of about A. D .675, in which 
:^A:;?:;>.h:hisvshcbhd- rham6. is mentioned. Aluvarasat Gunasagara dvitiyanamadheyhh ; 

Ep^Car: Vol. VI, Koppa 38. . ' A A v ‘ V A. A-A AAVA'A AA- V 

^■: : ^yZp-lnd. V6[.IK p. 21. - AA1A;A< 

AA® *5' A/v Voi. vit No.; 314. A. A.-.- aA-A AAAAa AAA- A AAAaaAA 

'.B. A. Saletore - h'oczhf a??rf Po/hzV«/ Life of Vijajanagara Empire y Yol. II ph466;Vc\G. A 

;i : ; •• ; y|s^^ ;; ;yoi > : . 213 ; A- A : AA ; A:.- ; • A .A*v-g;A AA' ' AA. A A- AA v : AfA 

A .^hffNo. Vy--v V;::;: M ANAA "• y * -w : -; AG; AAAA ; A A.' G 

7 Ibid. No. 185. 


Studies in Tuluva Histoiy and Culture 

almost conclusively proves that nadu , as an administrative division, did 
exist during the Alupa times 8 . Epigraphically, therefore, the terms - 
rajya, vishaya and nadu represent the larger political (administrative) units, 
in which the first seems wider in jurisdiction than the other one. 

The extent of a rajya was not fixed Sometimes, it stood for a smaller 
sub-division but almost independent, which is evidenced by a few epi- 
graphs. The inscription near the Gommata statue in the village 9 of 
Enuru, dated A D.1118, bears the name Sevyagellaru and perhaps Ills 
rajya known as Punjalike (Pujalke) indicates an example of early smaller 
and subordinate kingdom under the headmanship of chieftains. An 
undated epigraph of Talkod 10 , Honnavara of North Kanara, records 
the rule of one Bankiyanna-arasa (a scion of the Alupas) as the admini- 
stering division of Nurumbada (a group of hundred villages constituting a 
rajya). The epigraph of Vaddarse”, Udipi taluk, South Kanara, dated 
A D.1296, records the reign of Oddamaraya Piidiivf-vallabha over 
Oddarase-rajya. This rajya was undoubtedly a small subdivision of 
Tulu-nadu, comprising some villages. 

Grama and uru were the basic units of administration. It may reason- 
ably be argued that the country was divided into nadus and the nadus , 
in turn, subdivided into grama and uru 12 . That the gramas and urns 
were important and that they held considerable power in local administra- 
tion arc corroborated by a number of epigraphs. 

Under the Vijayanagara Rule (A . D . 1 336 - A . D . 1 600) 

During the Vijayanagara times, administration in Tuju-nadu appears 
to have been perfected and the machinery enlarged. The administrative 
divisions that are referred to in the inscriptions are : desa, rajya, mandate, 
sthala, sthala-nadu, sime, nadu, magane, grama, uru, chdvadi and gullu. Very 
o ten the terms desa, rajya, mandala, sthala and nadu are employed in the 
same sense. It is, therefore, necessary to examine the context in which 
they are used. A few instances may be cited here. 

8 Ibid No 314, Circa A D. 1070 

9 S I I Vol VII No 258 

10 K.I Vol III No 43. 

11 A R. No 295 for 1931— ’32 

2 Indw hv f Un v lns hamlcts <° constitute bigger units (villages, gramas ) ma> be 
Pannirnam , "f m “ a8 . Mururu-grama, Nalkuru, A.duru, Pannirpal]. etc 
un on £tweirr?T d T an *" 8Cn Pt>on of Barakuru, dated A D. 1155, could be 
No 3 76 T Th f ' a “ let ? Th,s vllla S e is known as HanchaU, S.I I Vol. VII 
rule lh systcm became more rvidely marked under the Vijayanagara 



The whole of the Tulu country is variously mentioned as Tulu-desa, 
Tulu-rajya, Tulu-mandala or Tulu-nadu. But a small sub-division of 
the Tulu country, inhabited by a section of the populace, was also called 
desa, as in the case of Mudilara-desa, in the Udipi taluk, South Kanara 13 . 
An inscription of Hemmadi' 4 , Goondapur taluk, South Kanara, states 
that the consent of the people of urn desa had been obtained for the record. 
Here desa signifies an area just wider than uru or grama. Another epigraph 15 
< records the grant made with the entire consent of Belampali uru desa in 
the Udipi taluk. Bailuru, part of the North Kanara district, not bigger 
than a nadu, is mentioned as Bailuru-desa 16 . 

For the convenience of administration, the Tulu country was divided 
into provinces called rdjyas , the most important of which were Barakuru 
and Mangaluru-rajyas, each put in charge of a governor, invariably 
called Odeya. Sometimes both the provinces were kept in charge of one 
governor who had his capital either at Barakuru or Maiigaluru 17 . Another 
variation is also found in inscriptions. The Barakuru-rajya used to be 
called Tulu-rajya sometimes - Barakura-Tulu-rajya 18 . This suggests the 
importance of Barakuru as the centrifugal force of Tuluva. An inscription 
ofKukke Subramanya of the Puttur taluk, South Kanara, dated A. D. 1387 
refers to the whole country as Tulu-mandala’?. The general term nadu 
which stands for a sub-division of a country (comprising a number of 
gramas ) is also employed to name the country as a whole Tulu-nadu. 

A province iydjya) is simultaneously referred to as sthala. Here 
sthala does not simply signify a locality not the capital. It seems to repre- 
sent a province. Bachappa-Odeya was ruling over Mangaluru-sthala 
in 1407 A.D . 20 Likewise, is mentioned Mangaluru-sthala in an epigraph 
of Hosa-basti, Mudabidure, South Kanara 21 . Another inscription of 
the same place, dated A.D. 1472, designates Barakuru province as the 
Baraku ru-sthala 22 . But a sthala could also be a smaller sub-division 

“ ~sTJ. Vol. VII No. 209. 

14 A.R. No. 356 for 1930-’31. 

| 5 Ibid. No. 590 for 1929-’30. 

’ 6 K.L Part I No. 53. 

17 A.R. 334 for 1930-’31; 349 for 1930- 5 31 ; 346 for 1930-’31. 

T I. Vol. VII Nos. 194, 318 etc. 

18 S.I I. Vol. VII Nos. 309, 311, 342, 344, 351, 355/ A R No. 508 for 1928- , 29; 
A.R. No.^ 406 for 1928; A. R. No. 263 for 1931 -’32; S I 1. Vol. IX P?rt II No. 459. 

’ 9 M.A.R. for 1943 No. 46. 
f S.I. I. Vol. VII No. 211. 

” Ibid. Nos. 196 and 198. 

‘ 2 Ibid Ho. 198. 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

of a rajya (province) as indicated in an epigraph” which mentions Bidi- 
reya-sthala belonging to Mangaluru-rajya In an inscription of Puttige 
of the Karkala taluk, South Kanara, dated 1390 A.D. 24 , reference 
is made to Bidircya-sthala, which was administered by Manjanna-adhikari, 
when Mangarasa-Odeya was governing Mangaluru-rajya. The same 
sense seems to be conveyed by the name Karakala-stha]a-nadu 2S , come 
across in the Manipura inscription of the Udipi taluk, South Kanara, 
dated A. D. 1407. That the slhala stood for a sub-division of a province 
is also attested to by another inscription 26 of A.D 1406, which refers to 
Kukke-grama, belonging to the Kadaba-sthala of Mangaluru-rajya. 
Sometimes, a guttu (sub-division of a grama ) is also mentioned as slhala 21 
(grant of lands in the sthala of Marakata, a guttu of Mijaru magane). A 
copper-plate inscription, dated A D.1559, records the grant of land 
called Kalukeliya-sthaja with village of Gadehalli, as brahmasva-devasva 
village to one Kesava Bhatta 2 ®. Here sthala simply means a place, a 
portion of a village. Therefore, the interpretation given by Dr. B A. 
Saletore and Dr. T. V. Mahalingam in connection with the term sthala 
does not appear to be wholly correct 29 . 

Perhaps, it was in the division called nadu that the greatest integrating 
factors of local administration, could be seen. A nadu was a sub-division 
of a province {rajya) and in its capacity as a self-governing unit of admini- 
stration, it was a rajya by itself, as suggested by the names — Mugarunadma- 
rajya 30 ; Kadaba-nadu, Kadaba-nyya 13 ; Bayiduru-nadu, Bayiduru- 
rajya 11 etc. An inscription of Enuru, dated A.D. 1537, speaks of Aruvada- 
rajya (obviously a nadu) ruled by Mahamandalika Sdmanatha, son of Honam- 
madevi 33 . Such was Punjalikeya-rajya of Enuru belonging to the 
Karkala talu k, South Kanara 34 . It is in no way clear from the epigraphs 

23 Ibid No 229 
M S I I. Vol VII No 229 
25 A.R. No 339 for 1931-’32 

- 6 M. A R for 1943, No 47 p 147 
21 S I I. Vol VII No 210 
” A.R. No 20 for 1940— *41 Appendix A 

- BA Saletore - S FIVE Vol lip 459 Sthala - a spot, site or place, a portion 
ot land comprising several fields 

T V Mahalingam - A S L. V P p. 182. Next to sime came the slhala which 
made up of a few villages 
30 5 / / Vo! VII No 185 

n XT° ctn r° r 1 929— ’30 ; A.R No 346 for 1930-31 
, A.R No 540 for 1929-’30 
” S JJ Vol. VII No 256 
Ibid Nos 255 and 257. 



what exactly was the extent of a nadu and We may surmise that it comprised 
villages, ranging between a few gramas and a revenue division almost 
co-extensive with the modern taluk, as evidenced by Karakala sthala-nadu, 
Banga-nadu etc. 

The most important of the nadus that occur in epigraphs arc given 
below 35 . 

Mugaru-nadu, Kulai-nadu, Koda-nadu, Khande-nadu, Salike-nadu, 
Chikkamalige-nadu, Nandalikeya-nadu, Karakala-nadu-sthala, Kantarada 
nadu, Udayangala-nadu, Bandampali-nadu, Nalvattu-nadu, Bahga-nadu, 
Tifugadi-nadu, Kadaba-nadu, Halasu-nadu, Bayidura-nadu, UppU- 
gundada-nadu, Kela-nadu, Padukone-nadu, Haru-nadu, Mungi-nadu 
from the district of South Kanara. 

Nagire, Haduvali, Kayikani, l Manki, Bhatlkala (Bhattakala) and 
Sirali - nadus of the district of North Kanara. 

The administrative division vishaya is rarely come across in Tulu-nadu. 
Two hero stones in Barakuru, assignable to the 11th century A.D., refer 
to Tulu-vishaya which signifies the meaning Tulu country 36 . The other 
reference to it is in the epigraph of Kaikani, North Kanara district, dated 
A.D. 141 7 37 . It states that the vishaya of Kaikani, which was rich in 
natural scenery and noted for Jaina population {bhavyas) belonged to the 
Tu}u country ( desa ). Here vishaya may be taken into account as a nadu , 
as another epigraph refers to the same place as Kaikani nadu 3 *. 

Nadu and sime could be treated as synonymous in the extent and 
description of political boundaries. Halasu-vzafifo is mentioned as a sime 
and likewise Barakuru-rfrae 39 . Keravase of the Karkala taluk, South 
Kanara, is mentioned as a sime, meaning a nadu , virtually a rajya where 
the Bhairarasa-Odeyas sometimes ruled 40 . The nadu or rajya of the 
Bahgas is referred to as the sime of the Bahgas 41 . Puttige-dAe of the 
Karkala taluk 42 and the simes of Yelluru and Yermala of the Udipi taluk 









The list is prepared based on the following sources ; 

5.1.1. Vol. VII & JX parts I & II; K.I. Vols. I and III Part I; and the un- 
published inscriptions in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India, Mysore. 

5.1.1. Vol. VII Nos. 327 and 328. 

£•/. Vol. I No. 41. 

Ibid. No. 48. 

A.R. No. 564 for 1929- ! 30; S.I.I. Vol. VII No. 364. 
f -A No. 529 for 1928-’29. A.D . 1522. 
ibid No. 529. 

ATI. Vol. VII No 228 


Studies m Tuluva History and Culture 

arc very often mentioned in epigraphs 43 . Elaturu-rime 44 belonged to 
the Mangalore taluk, South Kanara. Broadly, we may accept the defi- 
nition that a union of a number of gramas constituted a sime. It looks 
as though the term sfhdna is simultaneously used to denote a sime as in the 
case of Puttig c-rim c, Puttige-r/Zia/ia; Yelluru-rime, Yelluru-r/fiana; Aikala- 
sime, Aikala-slhana etc 45 . Kapu, a sime, is mentioned as a st liana in another 
epigraph 46 of the Udipi taluk, recording a political contract. 

The exact jurisdiction of a magane is not precisely known. Most 
probably it was part of a nadu or sime. We come across this division as 
an administrative unit, rather late in the Vijayanagara period, as is, 
evidenced by the Enuru and Mudabidure inscriptions, which mention 
Punjala and Mijaru-roagonw 47 . The village Gunavanti was in the Manki- 
magane ,s . But in the inscription of Balpa of the Puttur taluk, South Kanara, 
dated A. D. 1562, gives a wider meaning to this term magani 49 . It states 
that Sadasharaya received Mahgaluru-nyj a as magani from Mahamanda- 
lesiara Alija Ramaraya. It looks as though in this special context die 
term magani represents the meaning that is analogous to a gift. But it 
becomes fairly certain drat it is not in tiiis sense the term magane is used 
in the sub-division of a nadu. That a magane was a sub-division of a sime 
{nadu) is borne by another epigraph which records the gift of land b) 
Satavale Ballala of Maravodi-grdma in Kelada-mo^ane, a sub-division of 
Achila-mne 50 . 

We next come across the term chavadi in epigraphs. The term 
literally means a hall, a court or an office 51 . But it appears that a chavadi 
symbolised in it the significance of the entire province or nadu , whcie die 
assembly of the province met. Hence, the importance of Barakuru- 
chasadi 52 . The Kaikani inscription, dated A. D. 1427, mentions the 

43 Ibid .Vo 324. 

S.I.I. Vol. IX Part II, No. 408 A. D. 1364. 

45 S.I.r : Vol. VII No. 228. 

* N '°' 273^ These stkdnas may be said to be analogous to the or throne 5 
that occur ICannada epigraphy. 

47 Ibid Nos. 252 & 210. 

48 K.I Vol I No. 59 of 1940-’41 T. V. Mahalingam - A. S. Lire under 

Vijayanagara p. 182. 

" 4. R. No 343 for 1930-’31. 

ft jW * 2 for 1940- 41 Appendix A. It is difficult to agree with Dr. S. U- 
wamath, who in his thesis Tuluva in Vijqyaragara Tunes concludes that the mgan' 

„ , c * unit as the sime or the nadu. 

Xittcl p. 604. 

- A.R, No 284 for 1936-’37; S./.I. Vol. VIII No 315. 



three phavadis of Honnaura 53 . The chavadi assembly generally met to 
xesolve disputes that could not be settled on the gmrna level. The term 
vichatada-chavadi appears to be known. 

Grama and ufu have been the age-old basic units of administration 
and Tulu-radu is no exception to it. An Urn in the first instance, must 
have been the habitat of a number of families ( okkalus and hulas) and a 
few of them put together comprised a grama. But regarding the size of a 
grama , there is no definite infori ation and it can only be said that it varied 
in accordance with circumstances. Sivalli-gram of the Udipi taluk, 
South Kanara, is stated to be a union of a number of urns namely - Nidum- 
bura, Mudila, Banninja, Kodavuru, Chaguri, Bayiluru etc 54 . Ghitrapadi 
is said to belong to Kota -grama and similarly, Nalkuru belonged to the 
Kanyana -grama, part of Rajadi 55 , It is obvious that a grama was composed 
of a certain number of hamlets (unis) and it may not be merely a hamlet 
as Dr. Saletore opines 56 . The exact relation between sime, grama , uru 
and kula is discernible clearly in one of the epigraphs which says that the 
gift was made from out of the honnu paid by the kula of the Ghitrapayi uru 
of the Kota-grama belonging to the Barakuru-hme 57 . 

It may be proper to turn our attention to another sub-division, which 
though in the strictest sense, could better be regarded an economic unit, 
has something significant to do with political administration. It is called 
the guttu. The epigraphical reference to gullus comes rather late. A 
village or grama seemed to have had one to four guttus 5S . M. Ganapathi 
Rao Algal in his Ilihasa has mentioned the important guttus in many of 
the gramas®. A guttu may be defined as a manor-house with properties 
surrounding it and certain privileges enjoyed by it. We may venture 
to connect the guttu of Tulu-nadu with the guttage of the Kannada inscript- 
ions 66 . The guttcdar being the holder of the manor was the person res- 
ponsible for the payment of revenue to the royal treasury, as fixed in acor- 

33 K.I. Vol. I No. 48. 

54 S.I.l. Vol. VII No. 299. 

55 Ibid No. 364; A.R. No. 359 for 1930-’31. 

56 B. A. Saletore - S. P. L. V.E. Vol. II, p. 438. 

37 S.I.l. Vol. VII No. 364. 

58 Traditionally, guttus are normally four in number in a grama and are known as 
giama-guttus. Exceptionally they may be as many as eight in number. 

59 Aigal’s Ilibdsa pp. 382 to 423. 

’ B. A. Saletore - S. P. L. V. E. Vol. II p. 438 - Guile, guttige, gullti, guttigai K. Tam, 

150 Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

accordance with the lease or system of farming out the revenue. This 
may be taken as symbolic of the medieval feudal system, although the 
practice of sub-infeudation was never involved in it. The gulledar was 
also expected to raise a lev}' of men at times of war for his leigelord. 
Biliyanturu-g«//M, Bagilarasara-gu/fi/, Marakata-g«i/», Kuntada-g«//«, 
Ananta - bhandari-gut/u, Mulakantu-ga/tu etc., are some of the references 
that occur in epigraphs 61 . Another name is Vaseya-bettina-guda re- 
ferred to in A.D . 1545 62 . 

A grama seemed to have been divided into a peculiar kind of admini- 
strative unit called adhivasa , which perhaps was important from the point 
of view of both administration and religion. Its explanation and role 
will be given presently. 

The system of reserving crown-lands whose revenue in its entirety 
was appropriated to the royal treasury appears to have been in vogue 
during the Vijayanagara times. This land was known as the bhandara- 
sthala. The following are a few examples : 

(1) Kandavura belonging to the bhandara-sthala of the aramane 63 . 

(2) Hattiyakuduru-grawa referred to as bhandara-sthala M . 

(3) Hiriuru, the bhandara-sthala of Barakuru-ratya 65 . 

(4) Uppugunda-grama, the aramane bhandara-sthala 66 . 

(5) Udayangala-nada referred to as bhandara-sthala'’ 7 . 

An inscription of Vira-Kulasekhara, dated A.D.1388 68 , registers 
a gift to the temple of Durga-Bhagavati by the residents of the village 
and the temple servants. Prince Pratapa Bukka-raya was said to be 
governing Niruvara (Nilavara of the Udipi taluk) pahehami. We do not 
know what the status of pahehami was in the administrative divisions. It 
may be suggested that Niruvara-jta/irAami could be a group of five villages 
making up Niruvara. An epigraph of Peraduru, Udipi taluk, South 
Kanara, dated A.D. 1406 registers a gift, derived from the village Belanji 
in the venleya of Kanyana of Barakuru-nadu, made by the king 69 . We 

61 Ep.Ind. Vot VIIII ; S.I.J. Vol. VII No 210; A. It. No. 74 for 1939-MO. 

61 S 1. 1. Vol. No 248 

63 A R No 423 for 1928. A.D. 1506. 

64 Ibid No. 422. 

63 Ibid No. 503 for 1928-’29. A D. 1519 

66 Ibid No 487. A.D. 1536. 

67 7WKo. 501. A.D. 1519, 

6 * Ibid No 497. 

69 Ibid No 283 for 1936-’37 

Administration y# v 151 

'who equates yi«/fe with vishaya axid and with kottam™. It could 

simply mean The general meaning ‘town’ ' (venthe-pete). <:;■ ;i A 5' 

--'A 'Raiva " Desa — Manrlalii - — \ T\i 5 rl n i *\'j 


. , . , j-- — 






~ i . 





Okkalu, Kula Adhivasa 

Bhandara-sthala (crown-land) 


Under the A [upas ' 

jSyliyTlie. Ahipa inscriptions furnish us with the names of the following 
;officialsy who for all intents and purposes, constituted the bureaucracy'.; ; 
(hO central administration. Regarding the precise nature of the duties y ; 
performed by these officials, there may be differences of opinion. For it ' 
is difficult to say that there was a clear cut demarcation of powers of these : 
officials. There are indications of powers, overlapping one another, which 
was, perhaps, common until the advent of modern times. / . 

'The king, the Mahapradhana, the Pradhana , the Dandanayakap the 
Samaiithd; Pradhanas, the Adhikaris, the Heggades , the Purdhitas and the 
’i^haftora-niyogis .' comprised the central machinery of administration. . Much i 
; explanation does not seem, necessary to dilate upon, the nature of their fun- 
yctions, for all these officials had a similar role to play in the pattern of 
: South Indian administration, with varying degrees of emphasis indifferent 
• : r egioris. i The king 'stood at the apex of the bureaucratic . pyramid and he •. 

was undoubtedly assisted by the Pradhanas (ministers), amongst whom 
l; was & Addhapradhama .(as the title, would show, he must be the chief ; 

~(A & S. Life of Vijqyamgara, p. 1 82^ 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

of tlic council of the Pradhanas). The assembly of the king was known as 
Oddolaga or olaga P. The court which was known as Mogasdle of the 
Bhuvanasraya had councillors from all over the state, who were called the 
Sdmaniha-Pradhdnas and Nada-Samastv-Piadhanas. The Samanta - Pradhanas 
■were, perhaps, none other than the chieftains themselves, representing 
their rdjyas in the court of the Alupas. {Samanta originally meant a neigh- 
bour, later came to mean a subordinate ruler). The Ndda-Samasta- 
Pradhdnas were - Heggades ( Pergades ), Ballalas, Adhikdris, Madhyastas, Sena- 
boim etc. The court of Vira-Pandyadevalpendra comprised aliya Bariki- 
deva, maiduna Oddamadeva, Ballavergade, ministers and purohitas 12 . 
Another epigraph describes the court of Soyidevalupendra as comprising: 
Bankidevarasa of a particular (Dattalvara?) bali, Samanta-Pradhanas, 
destptirushas, eradu Kola-balis, bahattara-niyogis and others 73 . The court 
assembly of Ballamaliadevi consisted of the following important personages: 
Dattalvara -b a\iya Baiikideva, Udupara (Uduvara?) - baliya Narasimha- 
heggade, Mahapradhana Somanna-senabhova, Bammu-senabhova, Kumara 
Bijjamna-arasa, Mahapradhana Peruna-senabhova, desipurttshas etc 74 . 

Next to the king, was the office of the Mahapradhana, who held a 
very venerable position in the court. A number of epigraphs focus atten- 
tion on this office. Mahapradhana Narasimha-heggade is mentioned in 
the Kuttupadi inscription of Bankideva-Alupa 75 . Another epigraph 
of the 12th century A.D. 76 , found at Beluvai of the Karkala taluk, South 
Kanara, records a grant of gift to the Kantesvarada-deva by the Maha- 
pradhana Arasti-heggade, along with others, during the reign of Pandya 
Chakravarti Pandya deva. The Mahapradhana of Chikkayi-Tayi was 
of the rank of a Dannayaka (Vaijappa-dannayaka) 77 . While normally 
admitting that the Mahapradhana was the head of the council of ministers, 
it may not be wrong to infer that the title Mahapradhana was of the highest 
rank in the state bureaucracy and it need not necessarily connote chief 
ministership. In proof of this inference, we may take notice of the epigraph 

71 S I 1. Vo! VII Nos. 177, 185, 274, 345 et< 
name of the king’s palace 

72 -4 t{ No. 480 for 1928-’29 A D.1255. 

73 S.I.I Vol. VII No. 354. 

74 A R No 336 for 1931— ’32. 

75 Ibid No 569 for 1929-’30 

76 S 1. 1 Vol. VII No 237. 

BhuvanrVraja was (he celebrated 



of BaUamahadevi, dated A.D. 1 28 1 78 , which mentions two Mahapradhanas 
in the court - Mahapradhana Somanna-senabhova and Mahapradhana 
Peruna-scnabhova. Another inscription 79 seems to separate the roles 
of the chief minister and of the Mahapradhana. 

Epigraphical records give an insight into the council of ministers, 
who helped the king in the governance of the kingdom. All these are 
together referred to as the Pradhanas in records. It is difficult to say how 
many ministers composed the council of ministers. “Though the Mini- 
sterial Council had a continuous existence in South India during the period 
under study, it is difficult to form any idea about its numerical strength, 
equally difficult is it to get any correct knowledge about the exact function 
of a minister in the administration, whether his duties were deliberative 
and directive only or they included executive functions also and whether 
besides holding the portfolio of a particular department as Minister, he 
was in the administrative charge or control of one or more other depart- 
ments 80 .” One epigraph of the time of Ballamahadevi 81 speaks of the 
Pahcha-pradhanas. It records the approval by the queen of a gift of a 
garden and a house by Nidamburaya to Sankara Bhatta to enable the 
latter to provide five hdnes of rice for offerings to god Markaridesvara 
on the occasion of masa-sankramatias. It states that while giving audience 
to her palace at Barahakanyapura, the five Piadhanas were also present. 
We may suppose that the queen’s council of ministers was constituted 
by five Pradhanas. The Sirali inscription of Soyidevarasa 82 dated 
A.D. 1331 refers to the ministry of Vaijapa-Sahani and the administration 
of Ajanna. Another record 83 mentions the ministry of Ajanna-Sahani 
in A.D. 1334. These instances prove the existence of a regular system 
of ministerial rule for the entire kingdom and also the important role 
played by the Mahapradhana and the official called the adhikari. 

The most popular and widely employed official was the adhikari , 
whose function was to be in charge of a department or section of admini- 
stration. The Alupa epigraphs frequently make mention of the two 
important bodies, which adorned the royal court. These were the two 

— - f t 

78 A.R. No. 336 for 1931-’32. 

79 S.l.I. Vol. VII No. 312 

.so V. Mahalingam — South Indian Polity, p. 108. 

81 A.R. No. 257 for 1931— *32. A .p. 1288. 

82 K.J. Vol. Ill, Part I, No. 44 - Vaijapa Sahaniya pradhanikeyallu Ajanna adhikdradalu. 

83 S.l.I. Vol. VII, No. 312 - Srimanu-mahapradhanam Vaijappa-dannayakani Ajjamna 
Sahaniyara pradhdhikeyalli. 

1 51 - 

Sludics in Tuluva History and Culture 

kola-baits ( eradu kola-bali) u and the seventy two niyogis (bahattara-niyogigalu) K 
A detailed explanation of the term - eradu-kola-bali - is given under the 
chapter - Society and Social Structure and suffice it to say, that the two 
kola-balis represented the two divisions of the armed forces. It looks as 
though the chief weapon with which they fought tvas the stick, in the 
use of which they attained amazing skill. The bahattara - niyogis were, 
perhaps, the seventy two classes of attendants on the king. W e do not 
know whether this figure used in the epigraphs of Tulu-nadu only as a 
conventional term or the seventy two attendants were actually in sendee 
(These bdhattara- niyogis arc referred to quite frequently in Karnataka 
inscriptions also). Anyway, the possibilities are not remote. In the 
Dharmanatha Parana of Bahubali 86 , we arc given tire correct meaning 
conveyed by this term - bahattara - niyogis. When the king’s daughter, 
the story nanates, w'as sent along with her husband, the bahattara-niyogis 
consisting of wavers of fans, carriers of betel-chest, holders of mirror etc. 
were appointed and given to her as baluvali. The grandeur of the Alupa 
court is evidenced by the presence of these officials, who were supposed 
to be always in service. 

The role of the Dandanayaka {Dannayaka) in the heirarchy of officials 
becomes more marked wdth. the contact of the Alupas and the Hoysalas i.e., 
towards the close of the 13th century A . D . An epigraph of Vira-Pandya- 
devalpendra 87 mentions a Dandanayaka whose name is lost. The Danda- 
nayaka is evidently the commander of the army. The other mention 
is Mahapradhana Vaijappa-dannayaka, who was in service of the queen, 
Chikkayi-Tayi 88 . We are not able to say who used to be at the head 
of the army earlier than this period, for epigraphs do not enlighten us 
in any way. Although records are scanty in referring to other officials, it 
may not be unreasonable to tliink that there must have been the account- 
ants; the store-keepers; the door-keepers; officers-in-charge of the house 
hold etc. {Senabovas, Kotharis, Praliharis, Manevergades etc.) 

84 S.l.l Vol VII. Nos. 185, 218, 274 & 354. 

85 Ibid Nos 274 & 354. 

86 Dhaimandtha Pttrana of Bahubali, Ch. 12-composed in A, D . 1352 - Balui altydgi 
tanna magalappa Sringiiravalidevi podasopantu kunchada - adapada - da<.akinii - hannadya- 
bSnada - pariyanada - padigada - pmugeya palaiumterada. Bahaltara-mjoma, kamtmnha- 
mam rmamisi. 

87 .1 R. No. 325 for !952-’53. 



B. Under the' Vijayanagara Rule 

The importance of Tulu-nadu under tire Vijayanagara kings is seen 
not only from the fact that it formed one of the most well known provinces 
of the entire empire, but also from the fact that sometimes it included 
Hayiga and Konkana 89 . Tiiis permanent interest of the Vijayanagara 
sovereigns in Tuluva was both for the purposes of defence and trade and 
commerce. Tuluva provided to them the best opportunity to have 
trading contacts with the West. It was for this reason that the best men 
were appointed as governors for the two provinces into which Tuluva 
was normally divided. These governors were invariably high dignitories 
of the empire. They were either of the rank of Mahapradhanas or of Maha- 
dandanayakas, or of Dannayakas. They seemed to have enjoyed salutory 
powers in regard to the safety and tranquility of the country; but their 
rule could hardly be arbitrary in view of the fact that the local admini- 
stration had the tradition of long-standing existence. 

The governor had his court and assembly at the capital - Barakuru, 
Mahgaluru or Honnavara. And was assisted by the Pradhanas, the Adhi- 
haris, the bahattara-niyogis , the halaru (perhaps a body of municipal 
councillors), the nakhara and the nadu, in various aspects of administration. 
Apart from the above bodies and officials, three more had the privilege 
of being present in the court. They were the kdla-balis , the ballalus and 
the yelames , Reference to a few epigraphs may be given to have a correct 
appraisal of the court and assembly of the governor in sitting. One of 
the Barakuru inscriptions 90 , dated A. D. 1399, of the regime of Mahapra- 
dhdna Nagarasa-Odeya seems to fix the boundaries and regulations {mere 
matin katlale) of Tulu-rajya in consultation with the following : The sixteen 
settikaras of the ten keris of Barakuru, the 770 e lames, the hanjamana halaru, 
the Tolahas, the Mudilas and the Nidamburas, the sixty ballalus, four 
gramas, four nadus, the ndyakas and all those who belonged to the samasta- 
kattales. The Kodiyalbail epigraph of Mangalore 91 adduces importance 
to the samasta-kaltaleyavaru under Baichedannayaka-Odeya as well as to 

89 S.I.I. Vol. VII Nos. 351 & 342. The Tulu-maharajya which was ruled by the 
governor, Singanna-Odeya, in A. D. 1392 must have included Haivc (Hayiga) 
and Konkana-rajyas - Ibid No. 244. 

90 S.I.I. Vol. VII No. 350. 

91 Ibid No. 182 - The Bangas, the Cha^us and Ajilas weie the feudatory chiefs and 
their co-operation must have been sought by the governor, in general administra- 
tion. The kaUahyavam were those who represented the various communities, that 
preserved their own regulations. 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

the Bangas, Chautas and Ajilas during the administration of Tammarma- 
Odeya, who was the governor of Mangaluru-rajya. Likewise, during 
the reign of Vitharasa-Odeya, who was the governor of both Mahgaluru 
and Barakuru-rajyas, the association of the Bahgas and the Chautas and 
the hattaleyavaru in administration is clearly seen 92 . 

It is superfluous to state that there "were senabovas and karanikas to 
maintain accounts; bhanddris in charge of the Treasury; kolharis to supervise 
stores and tolaras for defence. Collection of tolls was in charge of an 
official who was called sunkada-odeya (sunkadarheggade). He could be a 
hereditary ruler of a nadu as well 93 . The messenger who was to carry 
the royal orders and messages to different places was called volekbra 94 . 
An inscription of Putturu of South Kanara, dated A. D. 1431, mentions 
one Devarasa of Mulivura, the buddhivanta manushya of Annappa, the 
governor of Mangaluru-rajya 93 . We may suggest that the personal 
secretary of the governor was known as buddhivanta. 

Let us examine the role of the adhikdri in the administrative set up. 
A few epigraphs throw some light on the nature of the function and the 
status enjoyed by the adhikaris. An adhikdri may be a village official or 
a high dignitary. He could as well be a religious superintendent. An 
epigraph of Putturu, South Kanara, specially states that the adhikdri 
is a possessor of definite administrative authority. It is clear that adhikaris , 
holding authority of executive funedon, were appointed for different 
purposes, in different spheres and that they were largely responsible for 
the day-to-day administradon of the jurisdiction and departments 
entrusted to their charge. 


Local administration may be studied under three broad heads: 
(1) Administradon of a J\ r ddu, (2) Village Administradon and (3) Municipal 

92 Ibid No 194 

93 S 1. 1.. Vol VII No 194. 

91 Ibid No 384 

95 -I R No 344 for 1930-’31. 



idmmistration of a Nadu* 6 

A nddu as stated earlier, would comprise villages, the number varying 
3etween two and thirty two. The nddu or rdjya of Maramma-heggade 
)f Yerumala, Udipi taluk, Soutli Kanara, perhaps had only two gramas . 
rhis sub-division, nadu, was administered by a chief who was variously 
mown as arasu, dore , balldla or pergade ( heggade ) and he enjoyed status and 
exercised political power in accordance with the political jurisdiction, 
[n most cases, the ruler of a nddu held power by hereditary right. Aiamane 
>r bidu ( budu in Tulu) was the name of the place of his residence and they 
vere called sime-ai amanes or bldus 91 . A list of these cliiefs, who were the 
'ulers of nddus or simes, is given in the Itihdsa of M. Ganapathi Rao Aigal 98 . 
rhe freedom enjoyed by these chiefs or rulers of the nddus was simply 
imazing. The epigraphs of Kapu-sime wliich comprised a few gramas 
Duly, state that Mada-heggade (the name of the patta of the ruler of this 
nme) was ruling with all happiness and strangely enough there is no mention 
af the imperial suzerain in the records". Although the Heggade of the 
Yerumala was the ruler of two gramas only, he became an arbitrator in a 
compact between the Chautas of Puttige and Pandyapparasa of Karakala, 
dated A. D. 1543, both of whom were were relatively bigger powers 
amongst the feudatories 100 . 

The place of assembly of a sime or nddu was the chavadi and it was 
here that the chief, seated in his simhasana (throne), held the meetings 
and conducted court deliberations. The officials appointed by him 
bore the names and designations almost similar to those of the provincial 
governor - the pradhanis, the koiharis and the senapatis , the tanubhogas 
( karanikas ), and the purdhilas. To cite an example, the Mudabidure 
Hosa-basti epigraph, dated A. D. 1482, mentions that Devarasa, the 
senabova of Amna-Samanta-heggade of the nadu of Mudaradi, belonging 
to the Barakuru-sthala, drafted the sasana, which made provisions of 
charity gift to Chandraprabha-svami of the basti m . The epigraph of 

96 Since direct and regular epigraphical evidence is not adequately available how a 
nddu Was governed, there is no alternative but to rely on the account given in M, 
Ganapati Rao’s Itihasa. The above account is a brief summary of the administration 
of a nddu, divested of unreliable material, corroborated by epigraphical sources 
wherever possible. 

S.I.I. Vol. VII No. 275. 

98 Aigal’s Itihasa, p. - '- 

99 S.I.I. Vol. VII, Nos. 275 & 276. 

00 Aigal’s Itihasa - p. 442 - copper-plate inscription.’ < 

101 S.I.I. Vol. VII No. 198. 

158 Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

Santisvara-basti of Enuru, dated A. D. 1538, states that Adya Devarasa 
of binnani-bali was the pradhani of Salva Pandyadevarasa alias Ajila'°\ 

The most distinctive feature of the Tuluva local administration 
(especially in the district of South Kanara) was the division of the grama 
into guttus. The possession of a guttu had definite functions linked with 
it and the guttedar (holder of a guttu ) enjoyed power by hereditary right. 
In a nadu or sime at the time of the coronation of a chief, it was the privilege 
and also die right of the guttedars to lead the chief to die coronation chair, 
to offer him die sword, to fix the signet ring, and to announce the name 
of the palta i.e., the official name of the simhasana. The guttedar invariably 
belonged to the Bant community. He is said to belong to the community 
of masadika Jaina' 03 . He had to come to the aid of the ruler of the nadu 
whenever enjoined to do so. Especially in times of danger, the guttedars 
had the direct responsibility of the safety' of this chief and the defence 
of the nadu. 

Each chief of a sime or nadu was, perhaps, known by the number of 
alus (warriors) 104 possessed by him. We, therefore, hear of innurd la 
(possessor of 200 edits), munnurala (possessor of 300 alus), ainurala (possessor 
of 500 alus), savir&la (possessor of 1000 alus), eradu-savirala (possessor of 
2000 alus), muru-savirala (possessor of 3000 alus), and of aidu-sdvirala (posses- 
sor of 5000 alus). The last three perhaps, were the ranks of larger nadus 
such as the Bhairarasas of Karakala, the Bahgas of Bahgavadi, the Chautas 
of Puttige, the Ajilas of Enuru etc. This reminds one of the mansabdari 
system, so markedly prominent in the Moghal administration. 
These alus were equipped witii different kinds of swords, sticks and shields, 

102 Ibid Nc 256 

105 Aigal’s Itihasa - Copper -plate inscription - dated A. D. 14-10, p. 429. 

104 The following are a few of the cpigraphical evidence: 

a ) Innuralavatta belonged to the rajya of the Ajilas of Enuru. 

(S.l.I. Vol. VII, No. 252). 

b ) Amna Savanta-heggade of Madaradi, a sub-division of Karakala kingdom 
seemed to be the possessor of 500, 1000 alus (Ibid No. 198). 

c) Maramma-hcggadc of Yerumala-nadn of the Udipi taluk, was the owner of 
1000 alus ( Ibid No. 269). Accoiding to another record, he seemed to have 
been, the head of 5000 alus (Aigal’s llihasa - copper-plate inscription dated 
A. D. 1549 p. 442). 

d) The elder sister of Dugganna Savanta of Mulki-nadu possessed 3000 alus 
(S.l.I. Vol. VII No 262). 

e) The chief of Arkula was ndnurdla and that of Ammunaje was dr nurd I a {Aigal’s 
Itihasa -Copper-plate inscription p, 439). 

In the light of above corroborative evidence, the account given bv Sri Aigal may 

be taken as fairly reliable. 



and bows and arrows. It looks as though the communities of the Billavas 
(Biruvas in Tulu) and the Holeyas supplied the major section of the rank 
and file. The guttedars, skilled in warfare, were the commandants. 

The rulers of the nadus were responsible to their immediate overlord 
and they were entitled to a stipulated revenue. On particular occasions, 
they were also entitled to certain payments to be made to them by the 
people. It seems fairly clear that there was no gross attempt at forcible 
extortion of money nor at arbitrary increase of rents. This was the cause 
of the fact that every thing went by previous custom or 
kattalr - which had to be honoured, by any ruler and changes required 
the consent of the people, as they formed themselves into different groups 
or commun ties. 

The role of the temple in the administration of the nadu was a factor 
to be reckoned with. An account of the temple administration is given 
in a separate chapter. It is enough to mention in this context, that a 
sime or nadu temple was a regulator of the morals of the people, a place 
of social harmony and understanding, sometimes a court where final 
judgement in cases of appeal to the ruler was decreed and ultimately, a 
refuge of the soul. Inscriptions abound with instances, which record 
the judicial role played by the sime temples. Any breach of the nadu 
regulations or community traditions or any act of violence or vandalism 
would be followed by the imposition of fines on the culprit, to be paid 
first to the sime temple and then to the ruler. In certain cases, the wrong 
doer was prohibited from taking any part in any of the activities of the 
sime temple, which happened to be a serious social disability. Prohibition 
on exchanging hot words, drawing the sword out, striking with the sword, 
etc., within the temple boundaries and fines for such breaches are men- 
tioned in some records’ 05 . Protection to those who seek shelter under 
a particular stone is also recorded. 

It is very difficult to say when exactly this system came into existence. 
We can only surmise that it was the product of gradual evolution and the 
Vijayanagara times witnessed its systematisation. 

105 No. 341 for 1930-’31. 

Ibid No. 340 for 1931— *32 etc. 

S.1.1. Vol. VII, Nos. 226, 227. 228 etc- 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

Village Assemblies 

The most significant aspect of village administration (rural govern- 
ment) was the prevalence and recognition of village assemblies, that 
played a very conspicious role in all aspects of rural administration. The 
general assembly of the entire village was called uru or grama. The people 
of an uru, who constituted the assembly were called uravaru. These people 
assembled in particular numbers for deliberation (perhaps in representa- 
tion). The following are a few examples of such assemblies : 

I. The thousand of Si valid 06 (Sivahya sasirbatlu - C. 8th century 
A.D.)The three thousand of Sivalli' 07 . 

2 The thousand of Kota 108 ( Kdtada sasirvaru- A. D. 1254). 

3. The thousand of the village of Handadi 109 ( Handddiya grama 
sasirvaru - (C 14th century A.D.) 

4. The three hundred of Kudikura" 0 {Kudtkura muniiru —A.D. 1261) 

5. The three hundred of the Hdkala-grama' n (Hakala-grama 
munnurvaru- C. 12th century A.D.) 

6. The three hundred of the Sthamkara-grdma ,12 . 

7. The hundred of Sivapura-grama 1 ’ 3 (Swapurada gramada nurbaru- 

• 8. The fifty two of the tint 114 ( uru aivatteradu okkalu - A.D . 1526). 

9. The fifty two praje of Giliyara 115 ( Gdiyarada uru ndlvaru aivatteradu 

10. The thirty' of Nenagundi (Jdeiiagundi miivattu) U6 . 

II. The thirty of Chahkare" 7 ( Chakkare uru muvattu — A.D. 1364). 
12. The fourteen of Niruvara (also the sixteen of Nmmard) m . 

106 S 1 1. Vol VII, No 279 

107 A R. No 570 for 1929-’30 
105 A R No 509 for 1928-’29 
,m Ibid ' No 600 for 1929-’30 
1,0 lend No 370 for 1927 

111 Ibid No 239 for 1931 -’32 
1,2 S I I Vol VII, No 231 
113 A.R No 336 for 1931-’32 
1,4 S 1 I Vol IX Part II Nc. 520 
115 Ibid Vol VII No 345 

1.6 A R Nos 328 and 329 fot 1931-’32 < 

1.7 S I I. Vo! IX Part II, No 407 

"* .4.72 No 492 for 1928-’29 Ibid Iso 499 for 1928-’29 

Administration 161 

; 13 . The twelve of Hanka 119 ^ - Circa ; : : ; 

:• ; ? v- i y ; • 12th century A.D.) p/TpA-TV; ■ ?C C 

X( 14. The ten prqje of Kapara uru n0 (Kapara urn hattu praje - A. D. 1357 
Wyfe) and; A.D. 1380). %' ■ '■ • • ' . / ) ; • 

V ; 15. The eight of uru Pijamugura 121 ( Pijamugiira uru.enln -A.D. 1383). 

16. The six of the village 122 (Ufa druvaru - A.D. 1379); " : ; A- 

• . : These assemblies seemed to have continued for centuries both during 
the Ajupa and Vijayanagara periods. The precise nature of the powers 
held by these bodies does not become evident through epigraphs,-' but 
their consent had to be obtained even by the lung, before anything signi- 
ficant: connected with the grama could finally be decided. An epigraph 
df, Udipi taluk, South Kanara, dated A.D. 1431, states that 
the grant of land made to one ICavi Sankara Bhatta by the governor of 
Bafa.kura-Tulu-rajya received tlie consent of the villagers of . Sivapura 123 . 
Similarly, a nddu was represented by a body of a definite size. An epigraph, 
dated A.D. 1480 124 , registers a grant of land made by eight persons of 
Bayidura-nadu amongst whom there were also women. The Uppugunda- 
hadu of the ldngdom of Vira-Katarasu 125 is also stated to have had an 
assembly of eight representatives (Uppugunda nadentu mandi manisaru): 
An inscription of Mtuiddlli, North Kanara, dated A.D. 1446, specifies 
the representation of nddu and grdma n$a . It states that the management 
of the gift to the Durga temple was left in charge of the nadu, nakhara and 

grama, the witness to the record being Kanchanadana Baleyarasa repre- 
senting the nddu, seltikdra Manakana-setti on behalf of the nakhara scad. 
Damodara Bhatta on behalf of the Sangatocha-grama. The significance 
attached to these local assemblies of grama and nadu is reflected in another . 
epigraph of Barakirru, which registers a compromise between the Nadavas 
of Paduva-Kona-nadu and- others ' arrived at, in the presence ofiSiTMarA^h 
icartdesVaradeva and Narasimha-Odeya, the governor of Barakuiru; yvith^-t 
the consent of the following which fixed their signatures to the record as : ; • 
^witnesses;.; Kandavurada-grama, Kotada-grania) Brahmura-grama. f. 

H'XJbidNo,239 for 1931 -'32. ■ ' -/ ' - - ' " ' X-r-k 

: V 120 S.1J. Voi. IX Part II, No. 405. 

- No. 334 for 1931-’32. 

; 122 Voi; .VII No. 316. \v , 

- 123 A .R, No! 284 for 1936-’37; ; 

. : : 124 A M 547 for. 1 929-’30. . :Vv A A ' 

■‘.,125 a „r> Tt lit:, n-.e ■' a . 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

grama and Paduvah5na-?tat/« t2S . Another inscription dated A.D. 1449 127 
records the signature of the 74 okkalus, who formed a body of the grama of 
Badaga-kaipadi, for an arrangement made in connection with a gift of 

Another local assembly was the jagattu. Whether this body belonged 
to any particular community or whether it represented the entire citizen 
bod) of the grama , we can hardly decide in the present state of our know- 
ledge. We may surmise that a jagattu was subordinate to the general 
assembly of the grama and that it might be more Brahminical in composi- 
sition 123 . An inscription of Coondapur, South Kanara, dated A.D. 1425 129 
states that the grant to god ICundesvara was made after due consultation 
with the grama , jagattu and mukkalattis. The Nilavara inscription of the 
Udipi taluk, dated A.D. 1407 130 , registers provision made by the adhikari, 
grama hadinaru and jagattu munnuru of Niruvara for the daily offerings 
to die deity. Another epigraph, dated A.D.1398 131 , refers to the sale- 
deed of land made under certain conditions to Lingarasa of Mugitali by 
druvdra jannis and the fifty jagattu belonging to Nalkuru of Kanyana, part 
of Rajadi of die same taluk. Kota-grama, which was reserved as the 
bhandara-sthala of the Barakuru palace, is stated to have had in it the ten 
diousand maliajagatlu, to which was gifted money, out of the siddhaya, 
collected from that village as dhartna sasana (A.D. 1520) 132 . This ten 
thousand maliajagatlu to which was gifted money is also referred to in an 
inscription 132 ” of Saligrama of the Udipi taluk, dated A. D. 1469, in 
connection with some charity made to die people of Kota by Vitharasa- 
Odeya, die governor of Baiakuru at the request of the sixteen adhivasis 
and heggade , representing the ten thousand maliajagatlu. The Mudukeri 
inscription of Barakuru 133 , dated A.D. 1431, specifies die function of 
jagattu along widi the halaru, uru to investigate into die breach of law' 
and impose punishment accordingly. 

™ S 1 1 Vol. VII, No 385. 

127 Ibid No 337. 

128 There aie some grounds to coimcct this body with the Brahmms, for even to this 
day the Kota Brahmins speak of this body and they have their registered body 
known as Kutn-mahaiagattu ( Kuja-Mahajagaltu ) 

125 A R No 365 for 1927. 

Ibid No 498 for 1928-’29 

131 Ibid No 259 for 1930-’31. 

132 Ib.d No 515 for 1928-’29 

' )2n Ibid No 514 for 1928-’29. 

133 S 1. 1 Vol. VII No. 311. 

.ff The Brahmins had their own organisation laiowri : as Liyo mahajanas.', W 
The hundred mahajanas of : Brahmavara, Udipi taluk, received a gift -by fj 
Vira-Tandyadevalpcndra in A . D . 1255 134 . ' The same Idng ; is stated . 
to have made a gift, to the 300 mahajanas of Niruvara of the : same taluk 
in A . D . 1 259 135 . The Varamballi inscription records , a gift of land by . f 
purchase to the mahajanas by Maleya-dannayaka 1 - 6 . Another epigraph 
records that the mahajanas of. Brahmavara should pay 700 gadyanas to the 
king once in three years as tidduva-samuddya™ . : : • / "f "(r 

Local Officers and Dignitaries • . 

We may reasonably surmise that th o grama had its chief official, who i 
was called the gramani. We are unable to comment on the precise nature 
of his work, but inscriptions, sufficiently help us infer that a gramani 
held substantial power in his relation with his grama or a section of the 
grama. An epigraph 538 of Niruvara, dated A. D. 1258, mentions in, the 
record the third position enjoyed by the gramani ( arasinge , pradhdnaringe, 
gramanigalinge). It is stated in another inscription 139 . of Kota.-grdma 
of the Udipi taluk, that its gramani Amna-Karanta consented and caused 
for the gift of a bdlu (A. D. 1578). That a sub-division of a grama would .. 
also have a gramani in attested to by an epigraph of Nilavara, dated / : . 
A. D. 1528, which refers to the mulada balu of the gramani of the eastern 
adhivasa of Niruvara 140 . Anna - Udupa, the gramani of Kandavura of j ; ■ 
the Goondapur taluk, is stated to have made a sale-deed to one Timmayyay i 
setti 141 in A. D. 1554. Another litliic record, dated A. D. 141 7, belonging .- U- 
to Varamballi of the Udipi taluk, registers a gift of- land to. Bichal^deya^y:- 
son of Sovarasa of Bhdradhvdja-gotra by Narana-OrambalH, who was they/ ;- 
gramani of the western portion of Brahmavara 142 . It is stated in one. of y 
the epigraphs of Kotesvara, Coondapur taluk, that the gift reebrd made/hi; ■ 
by the governor of Barakuru in A. D. 1551 was signed by Anni-'Hathfa.ycy 
(Amni - Hatvara) of Kotesvara-^rama. Evidently, 1 he was tire gramani. f : \' 
of that place 143 . An interesting case of a woman, called Amna Ilebbarati .: 

. 134 

; 13S 






f.>; ; 143 

A.R. No. 484 for 1928-’29. 

Ibid No. 190. 

Ibid No. 602 for 1929- ? 30. 

Ibid Rio. 486 for 1928- ! 29. 

A.R . No. 490 for 1928-’29. 
S.I.I. Vol. 

A:R. No. 494 : 

•S'././. Vol. 

h ..R.vNo. 601/fbr 19292’30. " 

•S' . /. /. Vol. IX; Part II No. 623; 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

being the gramani is had in an epigraph of Kumbhakasi, Coondapur taluk, 
South Kanara 144 . These epigraphical references go a long way in throwing 
much light on this office of the gramani which, according to traditional 
accounts, seemed to have been universal in the district of South Kanara 145 . 
We do not know whether this gramani had anything to do with the gramadhi- 
pati, who used to be appointed by the king to collect revenue from the man, 
who holds a contract from the government. Perhaps both these offices 
are not similar. There may not be any doubt that this office of the gramani 
was an ancient one. In the Rig-veda the term grama often meant a clan 
of kingship group rather than a settled tillage and it retained the special 
connotation of a group in later Sanskrit. Thus, the gramani appears 
to have been originally a subordinate chieftain rather than a village head- 
man. He was certainly a vaisya and this post was one of the highest 
which a member of that class could aspire. The exact position of the 
gramani is not clear. While he was the tillage headman, Law believes 
that he was the village headman of all the realm and had additional 
military dudes 146 ( Political Theory of Ancient India - John W. Spellman; 
Ancient India Polity - N. N. Law, p. 88) 

Epigraphs make frequent references to adhivdsas. The dictionary 
meaning of the term adhivasa is a habitation, an abode, a settlement 147 . 
It may be inferred from the context of the records that an adhivasa was a 
sub-division of a grama and its supervisor or chief man was an adhivasa. 
In regard to the number of adhivasa, a grama could have, there seemed 
to be no fixed principle. Perhaps, it depended upon the size of a particular 
grama. The grama of Sivalli in the Udipi taluk was a very large one, 
consisting of twenty adhivdsas, as an epigraph of Bailuru 148 of the same 

taluk, dated A. D. 1336, informs us. (Sivalliya grdmada ari ippatlu 

adhivasada-olage). The Niruvara-grawa of the same taluk, seems to have 
had three adhivdsas 149 (Niruvarada gramadalu muru adhwdsadolage ) and 
perhaps Kandavura-^ra/iw of the Coondapur taluk consisted of two 
adhivdsas' 50 . 

144 Ibid No 675 

145 In the Puttur taluk of South Kanara, there are still certain families, that function 
as the gramams m the village At present their role is chiefly religious and they 
receive honours on certain occasions of ritualistic importance 

146 Gramam-Headman (A Short Glossary of Indian Political Terms— S V Visvanathan- 
0. J M S. Vol 38, p 26) 

141 Kittcl, p 54 

148 A.R No 583 for 1929-’30 

147 A , R No 492 for 1928-’29, A D.1333 
130 A.R. No 408 for 1928 A D.1400 

_ , ......... . . V ' i ■‘AaUt • Adptinisiraiion^; j Ufy U ; . • y ; T 65 

U fit is also iiitcresting to find aiiotiicr meaning, that seems lo be conveyed 
3V this term adhivdsa hex, ■ a jurisdiction or' a : settlement over which the 
Occupant ; exercised exclusive authority, which ;was connected iyitli occu- 
pation or profession.; - ■ This was' what was ; known a.s purohilddhivasa. . Here, 
'mrohitddhivdsa essentially means the. jurisdiction Over - which a person or a 
family would have the right of conducting ' paurohityd l5 h It also becomes 
'airly clear that the rights of these jurisdictions Could be transferfed hy 
>ale and purchase and needless to say that these rights and privileges 
toiild be conferred on families by the state authorities. . 

; . It camiot be said that an adhivasi alone was the official in an adhivdsa. 

There appeared to be others also. They were the jannis (jananis) whose 
functions are explained at the end of tins chapter. The purdnika had to give 
a repital of the purana in the adhivdsa. The Handadi inscription 1 S2 of the 
Udipi taluk, records the grant for the recitation of purana in the. adhivdsa. 
From the above instances, we may infer that an adhivdsa had a politico- 
socio-rcligious role to play. A surprising information that is revealed 
in an inscription found at Saligrama of the Udipi taluk, is that the Kota-, 
grama had ,1620 adhivdsis m ( nura ippattu mandi adhivasigahi). . .The; 
same epigraph points to a representation , made by the sixteen adhivasis, . 
along with others to the governor of Barakuru, Vitharasa-Odeya. 

Another officer of considerable local importance was that of a madh- 
yastha. The etymological meaning is clear enough. A madhyaslha is a 
mediator, an arbitrator 154 .. It is obvious that it was his duty to arbitrate 
disputes between two or more than two parties. Just as the office of an 
adhikdri was significant from the local, to the. provincial - administration, 
it appears that the office of the madhyaslha also figured prominently. The 
madhyaslha of Saguri 155 , an adhivdsa of Sivalli-grawa, Udipi taluk, would 
have liis higher counterpart in the madhyaslha of nadu. An epigraph of 
Baiduru of the Coondapur taluk, dated A.D. 1524, mentions the madhyaslha 
of nddu, nakhara with whom the regulation should be confirmed (nddiy 
nakharada madhyasthanalli koltami . sthitikarisikondu) I55 . Ah epigraph of 

: : 15V at.T?. No. 287 for 1931- ! 32; Ibid. No. 428 -for 1928; Ibid No: 266 for 4931-’32e- 
Kundapurada purohiindhivasadalli Jfarasimhadcvara devasvadd bdlu. '<-■ ■ - "A /-CXV-A-V 
•-, 132 VI .7?. No.. 599 for 1929-’30. ' A.D . 1542. '-' V Jk V. A , ' C vV-;A:A VV ’ VjJVy 

.V 153 A^Nd; 5 1 4 for i928-’29. A.D. 1469/V.f AV--. '/ AUAA 

: 1S< * Kittei, p 1203. - AAv:; - . V 1 VV.U ; 

: v: >55 s.I.T. -.Voltyri. No. 296; A. D . 1438. Af-V AA; v /A.vf • AAAAACr 'AT 
l- 156 A . Ii . No; 539 for 1 929- ; 30. aAAAAAAAATAvvA 

166 Studies m Tuluva History and Culture 

Barakuru, dated A. D. 1502, states that the sdsana was made after the con- 
sent of the madhyostha of the village was obtained 157 . A comparison 
between the two officers of the adhikari and the madhyaslha may not be 
irrclavcnt. The former was mostly an executive officer and the latter a 
judicial one. This office of the madhyostha was much in evidence throughout 
the Vijayanagara empire 158 . 

What exactly is the position or power enjoyed by the official tantraluva 
is not clearly known. That a village or grama had an official called, 
tantrala or tantrdluia is evidenced by the same epigraph of Barakuru, dated 
A. D. 1475, which refers to the tantrala of Mana-uru 159 

Each grama had its own accountant known as harana 160 . Perhaps for 
religious consultations and also for priestly undertakings, each grama had 
one purdhil, who was known as grama-Bhatta' 6 ' . In conclusion, therefore, 
we may generalise that a grama may be said to have been governed by the 
adhikari, the madhyaslha , the gramani, the adhivasi, the harana, and thejanni 
(Jannani) -with the consent as the case may be, of the uravar ( uru ), the grama, 
the jagattu and the mahajana. Amongst these officials, it may be remarked 
that the adhikari, and the karana (the executive and the revenue officer 
of the village) were directly answerable to the state. 

One of the singular features in recording grants to a corporate body 
or to individuals was to include responsible outsiders (Jioraginavaru) as 
witness to records. Two outsiders were invited to fix their signatures 
in a grant of Rajadi Kanvana 162 . Two important records of grant 163 
made by the high dignitaries, officials and corporate bodies, during the 
reign of Vira Ballala III hi Mudabidure and another of Vlra-Bukkarava, 
five outsiders were included. An inscription of the time of Vira-Hari- 
yappodeya states that the grant recording charity to Kantaiadeva was 
made in the presence of outsiders ( horahinavaru ) along with other digni- 
taries 164 . Likewise, five outsiders were included in another grant of the 

< 57 5 I I Vo! VII No 345 

133 T. V Mahahngam - A & S Lift of Vijayanagara p 237. Since this office was 
invanabli held by Brahmins, the surname madhjastha has continued unto the 
present day amongst the Tulu Brahmins 

159 S / / Vol VII, No 346 

160 .4 R No 600 for 1 929-’30 

131 Ibid No 639 for 1927 

m S I I Vo! VII, No 336 

167 Ibid Nos 211 &. 213 

161 S.I.I Vol VII No 231. 



year A.D.1390' 65 . This suggests an indication of a high sense of justice 
borne by the authorities. The presence of tire outsiders is a cheek or 
bulwark against fraud or injustice. 

The Parivdra, the E fames and the Balldhs 

The exact position occupied by the body known as the parivdra is 
not known. It seems to bear two senses. An inscription of Mangaluru 166 
dated A. D .1419, stales that Timmanna-Odeva, the governor of Mangalur- 
rajya, sent his parivdra against the hanjamdna<; of the town. Obviously, it 
means the army (solidary). But another epigraph of Barakuru states 
that the three thousand parivdra of that town fixed their signatures to the 
record 167 . The grant record of the time of Annappa-Odeya, governor 
of Mangaluru and Barnkuru-rajyas, dated A .D . 1440, was signed by 
the panvara of Barakuru' 63 . Still another inscription, dated A. D. 1431, 
mentions the parivfn a of the chavndi of Barakuru 169 . Perhaps, this would 
mean the general assembly of the town of Barakuru. The two hundred 
parivdra of the adhikdri, Devarasa of of Ti]ugadi-nadu of the 
Puttur taluk, dated A. D. 1431, figures prominently in one of the inscript- 
ions' 70 . Perhaps the three thousand parivdra mentioned in a copper-plalc 
inscription of jKukke - Subramanya also points to the general assembly 
of the town of Mangaluru 175 . An epigraph of Kulai, dated A. D. 14-14, 
registers a gift of land and money for feeding Brahmins by the parivdra m . 

The following are the references to another body called e femes 17 \ 
whose meaning still is not known. 

Eight settikaras and four elamegah m . 

Sixteen settikaras and three hundred and sixty six clamcgaf.u m . 

Sixteen settikaras and three hundred and sixty clamega!u m . 

1 65 Ibid No. 223. 

166 Ibid No. 182. 

167 Ibid No. 318. 

» 08 Ibid No. 313. 

^ A.R. No. 284 for 1936-’37. 

170 Ibid No. 344 for 1930 -’31. 

171 M.A.R. for 1943 No. 46. 

172 A.R. No. 471 for 1928-’29. 

173 The term clnme ( yelamc ) occurs for the first time so' far as we know until now in two 

epigraphs of Sravana-Belgola both of which arc dated in A. D. 1274 ( Ep.Car . 

Vo!. II (revised) Nos. 244 & 247). 

174 S.I.I. Vol. VII, Nos. 226 & 227. 

175 Ibid No. 256. 

m Ibid lAo. 257. 

168 Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

Sixteen settikdras of the two Leris of Barakuru and seven hundred and 
seventy c lames 1 ' 11 . 

Three settikdras and hundred and fifty elamegalu of Murukeri 178 . 

The form eiave is also found in one of the epigraphs 179 . 

A vague suggestion may be offered here. These elaves may be com- 
parable to the velamas, an agricultural class of the Telugu country. 
Thurston writes, “The Velamas, or as they are some times called yelamas, 
arc a caste of agriculturists, who dwell in the Telugu country and Ganjam” 
and “The Velamas seem to have come south with the Vijayanagara kings 
and to have been made menkavalgars , from which position some rose to 
be poligars m .’” 

The other body was composed of balldhis or ballalas, who figure quite 
often in inscriptions 181 . They were the strong men of the localities, who 
later assumed the title permanently, which came to remain as a family 
surname. More about them will be dealt with elsewhere. 

In local administration, all die above mentioned local officials, 
corporate bodies and assemblies and personalities constituted what was 
known as kallaleyavaru , those who belonged to the different kattales (tradi- 
tions) and also tiiose who were empowered to change the kattales, modify 
them in accordance with die altered circumstances. Serious deliberations 
were needed to bring into vogue new systems or modify the old ones or 
amalgamate one with the other. Purva-kattale and puroa-mariyade must 
be respected in social and political life 152 . Each grama appeared to have 
had its own kattale m . An inscription of Matpadi clearly states tiiat the 
mdnya •was made as a result of the grama meeting in an assembly. The 
gift of land, made by Basavannarasa alias Banga for the maintenance 
of two perpetual lamps in the temple of Janardana at Pcraduru and for 
making a lampstand in bronze was left in charge of the assembly of the 
village 184 . The responsibility of grama in rural administration is attested 
to by an epigraph of the time of Vlra BaUala, which records that a fine 

177 Ibid No. 350. 

378 Ibid No. 340. 

< 7 ’ A.R. No. 606 for 1929-’30. 

1,0 Thurston - Castes and Tribes of Southern India , Vol. VII p. 337. 

181 S.I I. Vol. VII Nos 275, 350 etc. The term ballaltana occurring in one epigraph 
clarifies the point that a ballala held power in local administration {Sasana-Panchaia 
p 35). 

182 A.R. No. 405 for 1928. 

183 Ibid No, 475 for 1928-’29 — Omailjura kafalha satakna urabaru munldcu 

184 A R. No. 502 for 1928-’29. 

'V'** Administration - " / , 169 

)f 101 gadjwjd would be' imposed upoii' any one, ;cliargcd v>dtli tlic. breach 
)f regulations for tlic investigation to be conducted by the grama™ 5 .'':'- An 
nseription, 'dated A . D . 1 43 lj,. during the: regime of Chandrarasa-Odeya,' 
lie : governor of Bar akfwu-Tulu-rajya, states that the authority ' of framing 
rharges against any one who would violate the provisions of the: record 
lay with the uru, palam and jagattu and the punishment would he: expulsion;. 

rom the village 186 . Another epigraph dated A. D-14-33f records fhat;thhh-f 
consent ( vachana ) of the people belonging to the sixteen katta ks was obtained 

n a grant of Kantara-nadu 187 . The importance of the local assenibly; ,; , 
is -further evidenced by an epigraph of Iiattiyangadi, dated A . E) . :-lf>'7.4, 
which registers the gift of tax on certain lands belonging to the temples. ,: 
in the villages, Gulavadi and Kudikura in the territory of Harunadu-sime • 

by the chief Baiikiyarasa Honneya-Kambali-Odeya to the temple of. 
Lokanathadeva at Hattiyangadi and that its ratification was done by .. 
the rasidents of the whole Harunadu-sime m . 

The Role of Jannis or Jananis in Tuluva Administration , : f. 

Throughout the epigraphical records of Tuluva, we come across a 
distinct body of people called jannis or jananis , whose function appears: y 
to be of social and political importance. We can hardly have references - ;-y 
to this body outside Tuluva. The origin and exact powers enjoyed, by 
this body are still a matter of speculation. In Tulu-nadu . there are still , 
jannis , invariably Brahmins, who claim and do receive the , first, ; hpnbiit.-dv 
in some of the temples during celebrations. And the term jatinifstili':-'}', 
survives as the family name amongst certain Brahmins. But as. isgoingyri 
tp be made clear below, the inscriptions do . not give us any proof jarmisf 
necessarily to be Brahmins, for there were jannis amongst the. jaihas : ;ahd- 
perhaps, in other communities too. It becomes fairly clear, Therefore , jjf 
that the term janni is purely an official one and that it whskaSso-Gia;ted' ry;.'‘ 
with, certain functions, relating to the organisation of society^iiahdvlbcm^d 
administration. Most of the epigraphs that speak of this body of people 

belong to the Vijayanagara period, especially between the 14th? and : f 
15th centuries. 

085 V 0 I...VII No. 232. 

A 5 A«?No. 311;. U'fj ‘if- 

: d;-; !87 ^»^No.'23:o. Ay-Ay; v ; ' if 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

The term j anna or janana may reasonably mean an area or a jurisdiction 
over which one possesses exclusive rights. Taking janana as the nucleus, 
it may be surmised with a degree of reasonableness that the janni orjarni 
could be one who was in possession of certain powers and responsibilities 
in relation to a janana. This interpretation may be corroborated by 
references to jamna in an inscription of Barakuru, South Kanara. It 
states that Sanhara-Handc, son of Demanna-Hande vested the right of 
administering the gift made by him with the halaru of Manigara-heri 
and that the gift comprised ura-jamna, jamna of uppina-agara of the brahmaddya 
possessed by him. It proceeds to say that this gift became the jamna-samasa 
of the sthananda kaltale of Hande. It is indeed very' difficult to detail the 
nature of this functionary but hypothetically, we could infer that he had 
to organize the various activities within a janana, bear witness to important 
records, look after the religious ceremonies and rites in temples and the 
like. That a janni could be of any higher castes is evidenced by the fact, 
one jatnni is maintained as belonging to the Nayaka family, another to 
the family of Koti Tammi-setti and still another to the family of Kambali. 
In the Tuluva society, the first Brahmins (Sivalli, Kota and Havika) do 
not assume the family titles such as nayaka , kambali and setti. The latter 
two are popularly assumed by the Jainas. The Bant community also 
has these family titles. 

That the term janni is an official one is supported by an epigraph 
which refers to the mulada jamna belonging to jamni Nandi-Karanta, son 
of jamni Narayana-Karanta (A.D. 1472)' 90 

The social history of Malabar introduces us to janmi or janmakaram 
meaning proprietor or land-lord, the person in whom the janman title 
rests. Janman denotes (1) birth, birthright, proprietorship, (2) free-hold 
property, which it was considered disgraceful to alienate. Janmablwjan 
is the share in the produce of the land which is due to the jamni 191 . We 
are yet unable to know' whether the jamnis of Tuluva had anything to do 
w ith this janmis of Malabar. 


Tulu-nadu abounded with a good number of towns amongst which 
Mangaluru and Barakuru may be said to compare with modem cities 

™ S 1 I Vol. IX Part II, No. 465. . 

1,1 Thurston - C & T S India, Vol II, p 452. 

f. Administration 

yin. extent, administfation, complexity of life and vigour of political, social,- 
fecbhbni^ r eligiousf ' actwitiesi?;f Gertaiii;f corlspictic)iis features are ■ 

available in the epigraphs concerning the administration of these towns. 
T’hesc -facts'- may be studied .under- the following heads : (A 

> ; ^ (1) Town Planning » 

:TyWw :; ' (2) Town Officials . y Wy" y-'Vyy 

’yV-y (3) Representative Bodies. ■ v ;y ; . : 

Bdrakuru (Barakanuru, B dr akany apura) y.., 

The historic city of Barakuru of Tulu-nadu was known in the undated 
inscription of Hosahalu found in front of the Durga temple as Barakanuru. 
This. epigraph is assigned to the 9th century A.D. by Dr. Saletore and 
. it records a fight between Tuyya and Tummana and the setting up of the 
memorial stone in honour of Duttakara who fought and died 192 . In the 
existing state of our knowledge, we may say that the name Barakanyapura 
;:(Barahakanyapura) was first applied to this town by about A.D .1070 
during the reign of Dattalvendf a Sri-Mara, who according to an epigraph 
seemed to have made a charity gift at his palace ( periyaramane ) at Bara- 
hakany apura 193 . The importance of this town was so cognisant that the 
Western ;Ghats corresponding to the geographical frontiers of Tulu-nadu 
were referred to as Barakamra-Ghatta, as pointed out earlier, in the 12th 
century A.D. Hoysala inscriptions. ‘ fy ; A 

For more than 500 years, Barakuru was one of the reputed political . 

. centres of Tuluva and it was developed into an excellent urban area. .; 
That it was divided into ten keris (streets) as far back as the 1 1th century A.D. 
is proved by one of the epigraphs of the town 194 . This inscription states 
. tliat when the king EUattalvendra Sri-Mara. with his queen Oddaihadevi 
; Was ; ruling from Bar ahakany apura the lialaru of hattu-keri made a gift of 

S.r.j. Vol VII, 388. 'i ' 'y>. -•-uvT;'-Wpi ; A : 

Bi AySaletore — History of Tulttba,'-ipp. 226-227 . , . , ; yWy^'TsW 

. Barakuru now stands about three miles ihland-but was probably originally’ a coast '/>■ 
town on the joint estuary of the Sitanadi and Svarna-nadi, the little port of 

: ; .-i94 

of the earliest name Barakaiium. • The short form of this name could be Barakuru . 
as it :has continued to be in, usage till the present day. The traditional; account : 
has- it. that Bhutida-I’andya married 12 jaina .girls anil, lienee the town took its ; 
name , accordin aly. (Manual of.Madras Administration \Afo \: ^ ' :, V 

: yol.:VIl,-;Nc; 3l4.dv:y; y . -gfA AT^Ty 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 


□ pot 










<Cr \ m 


;T e hi O| 


&S Z I 


K \> \ , TtMPLt 




-' r — 



"55 <1 • ..... 


aa I I" fl TEMPLE ^ 


/ feHIPH HAHU** ANTMA * ] 

I OLD ' s ^» /f ^ 

f FORT G3 / Ikotekcri 

AREA / | | C 


K O T E K C R I 



^MUDUKtRI « ,‘L^ 






3 fi MA N At m a ” ' " 

*, TEMPLE *. 


/ IKOTtlStK. j f0ND 

1 | i 

kotekem I 




C. 8™ TO I6™CENT.AJ>. J 



charity of land to one Gagana-Sivacharya of the lineage of D urvasamuni 1 95 . 
Ever since tliis period, the ten keiis of Barakuru played a significant role 
in the variagated activities of the citizens 196 . Each keri seemed to have 
had the habitation of a particular group of people, as the names suggest. 
An important feature of the town was the construction of tanks in each 
of the keris. ■ These tanks supplied water for agriculture to the surrounding 
regions and also catered to the diverse needs of the people of Barakuru. 
Tamhula-keri and Kellangere 197 bear marked reference in epigraphs. 

The ten keris of Barakuru were represented by two prominent bodies 
known as the halaru and the sixteen. settikaras m . The halaru must have 
been the councillors of the town responsible for general administration. 
A complete discussion of this role is made at the end of the chapter. The 
sixteen settikaras of the ten keris were, perhaps, heads of trade guilds (liaitu 
keriya halara setlitana ) 199 . Each keri, in turn, was represented by a body 
of setiikaias and halaru as mentioned in some of the epigraphs 200 . An 
epigraph gives us a clue to infer reasonably that the town of Barakuru 
was under the supervision of a chairman, who was known as sthanapati m . 
This inscription, dated A. D. 1407, states that the sthanapati Chikkanna 
of the ten keris of Barakuru made a representation to the Vijayanagara 
soverign, Bukkaraya-maharaya, on an issue of malpractices and injustices 
done to the halaiu nakhara hanjamanas etc., of the ten keris. In response 
to this appeal, the sovereign seemed to have directed Bachamna of Gove 
to visit Barakuru and set right matters after investigation. 

Furthermore, each keri had its own kattales - regulations and customs - 
that had to be observed in regard to social and economic activities. In 
cases of disagreement and differences of opinion, re-approachment used 
to be effected by compromise and arbitration. One example may be 

19s B. A. Saletorc assigned this king to the 10th century A. D., but we have proved that 
his date must be about A. D . 1070, based on contemporary records and the language 
of the epigraph. 

196 The ten keris arc: Kote-keri, Eradu-ken, Mihti-keri (also Mudu-ken ), Manigara-keri , 
Chauli (Chauliya) -keri, Patisala-heri , Bhandara-keri, Hosa-keri , Balegara-ken and Rafigana- 

197 A.R. No. 274 for 1931- 5 32. 

198 S.I.J. Vol. VII, No. 350, A. D. 1599. Barakura hatlu keriya hadinam mandi sei{i- 
kararu; Ibid No. 3 1 4 - Haltu-keriya halaru. 

199 Ibid No. 349 - A .D . 1406." 

200 S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 340- A. D. 1431. Chattlikenya awant-halaru Muiu-kmya 
mnvarti setlikararu; Ibid No. 312 - Muru-keiiya Miivaru settikararu 150 dame muniagi. 

^ 201 Ibid No. 349. ' ' 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

cited in this connection 202 . When Chandarasa-Odeya was the governor 
of Barakuru in A.D.1431, the representatives of the Chaulikeri and Murukeri 
of the ten keris of Barakuru entered into an agreement by mutual consent 
in connection with the kattales that should govern trading activities. Here 
the statement — nammolage aikyamatyavagi odambattu barasida sila sasana — is 
very significant. It is a welcome aspect of municipal administration that 
in the town every important commodity or article of food had to be subject 
to certain regulatory measures. An epigraph of Mudukeri of Barakuru 203 
interesting enough refers to the serious disagreement between the setjikaras 
of Murukeri and the lialaru of Chaujikeri in regard to trade in sugar and 
consequently to the entire trade imbalance that set into bussiness. It 
further states that the governor of Barakuru, Chandarasa-Odeya, sent 
for the representatives of both the keris , inquired into the whole issue of 
conflict and persuading them to set aside their misunderstanding, caused 
them to settle the dispute amicably and to prescribe the regulations of 
trade in the Mowing commodities - sugar, rice, wheat, bengal-gram, 
i ac gram, green-gram, gingly, sugarcane, ghee, jaggery, spices and 
pulses. The record ends with the agreement that thenceforward all 
disputes should be settled by mutual discussion and common under- 
standing and not by taking retort to violence 204 . 

Each Am had its own presiding deity to which all the residents of the 
respective kens had to pay homage and make monetary payments. To 
i ustrate: Vinayakadeva was the presiding deity of Chaulikeri 205 and 
oomanatha or Somayyadcva, of Murukeri 206 . God Markandesvara, to 
w tom the earliest mention is made in all the epigraphs of Barakuru 207 , 
was the divinity of Koteyakeri 208 . Patasaligeri had Gopmatha as the chief 
■♦ini. ^ C ^ 5 N5rS Y a h a * s stated to be the divinity connected 

210 /n- Cn *° W ^ 10in ^ 1C entire town had to pay spiritual allegi- 
ance . {Bar akuru hattu keriya saluva hattara Nardyana devara staladalli). 

204 ° f thc . P** I s the^si^nmeni ^inactivities to 

MOrukS only m fabric and sarls was he conducted by the 

206 Ibid' 1 ' V0l ‘ VII> NoS ‘ 309, 336 ctc ' 

™ 381 A.D.I140. 

» w - - *, No. 315 for 1931— '32. 



In. the imprecatory portion of janolher . epigraph,- it is .recorded- 'that for 
any breach of regulation, the sin would be: that of extracting the image 
of Narayanadeva of hattu-keri 2a . ' ; .. A; kp'f 

By the reference to the three thousand ptfmwra of Barakuni, who 
attested the record of a gift in A . D . 1 440, we may suggest that there; was 
a general assembly of the town 212 . • 

The foregoing discussion leads us to the inference that in the gover- 
nance of the tonui of Barakuru, the sthdnapati , the siyLtzzn seUiharas of the 
ten her is, the halaru of the ten, the representatives of each of W\q. keris, 
the nakhara and the hanjamanas (whose note will be explained separa tely)yi 
the elames and the parivara could be taken into account as to comprise;- 
the body of kaUahyavaru of the city of Barakuru 213 . The administration 
of the city appeared to have been wholly in the hands of the elected Bodies';', 
and the provincial government interfered in the city adminis tration; only; 
in cases of acute disharmony and crisis. 

Basaruru (Basuruni) 

Epigraphs also throw some light on the urban centre of Basaruru 
of the Goondapur taluk, South Kanara, traditionally known as the capital 
of V asu-Chakravarti 214 . The pattern of this town may be said to lie on • 
the lines of the city of Barakuru. The ancientness of this place ;iiiUy moiA 
be questioned, for it is considered to be the Barace of Ptolemy in; which 
case, it is known since the middle of the 2nd century A . D . -“About a f 
mile inland from the present embouchure of the coondapur river stands :, 
the town of Baracelore the supposed Barace of Ptolemy, a place of great 
traffic, in former times with Arabia and Egypt and which is supposed, 
to have stood on the old embouchure of the river before the land gained f 
upon the sea 215 .’ 5 Perhaps the earliest epigraphical reference to this 
town is had in the inscription belonging to the reign of Kaviyalupcndra 
. dating A . D . 1 155 216 , wherein it is referred to 

; 2,1 S.I.I. Voi. VII, No. 340. ■ ' ... • -v ' • aTA 

:v : 212 Ibid No. 318. : . , : •- ... V , y c f 

. 213 //uW No. 296. ■ ., ^ T:' 

214 We are yet in , the dark who this Vasu-Chakravarti was.‘. :; InScnptions do hot y,. 

C; enlighten us :in any -way. B. A. Saletores. identification of this .■.legmdaty.ffi^'uffe' 
%>.:£* with the imaginary Alupa king., is questionable - //U/op of .Tuhwai-k 

‘K-; 2 . ts ;:Setveli.«.X,w#- df.Jnliquarmn --Itetmins-of-ihe PresidencyofMadras.Yol. I, p. 230,Captni?i- 
•: ip.Xcw. Bald- in ■ JM .P.S. XV, p. 2267 A 
216 S.I.I Voi; IX Part I, No. 393. 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

Tliis is suggestive of a reconstruction of the town on its old remains. 
Perhaps, Basaruru was named as Dharmapattana as is revealed by one 
of the epigraphs dated A.D.1444 217 . 

The town was divided into seven Leris whose names still survive, no 
doubt in some altered form. The following are the names of these Leris: 
Kotcyakeri, Choliyakeri, Hosakeri, Saligarakeri, Murukeri (Mudukeri), 
Paduvakeri and Devarakeri 218 . These Leris were represented by the 
halaru and the settikdras 2I9 . And each Leri had its chief presiding deity, 
along with other minor divinities 220 drawing tire spiritual allegiance of 
its inhabitants. An epigraph, dated A. D. 1455, records an agreement 
between the settis of the two streets (Paduvakeri and Mudakeri) in Basaruru 
regarding the boundary and the rights of their respective localities and 
the paths through which the settis of each locality had to take sheep and 
arecanut trees to tire temple of Devi on festive occasions. The interest 
of the inscription lies in the amicable settlement made by the people 
themselves to avoid bloody religious feuds 221 . The tanks of Basaruru 
must have been a great source of irrigation. Like Barakuru, the town 
of Basaruru was interspersed with the tanks which must have served more 
purposes than one. There are indications of megalithic culture in Basa- 
ruru, assignable to the 1st century A.D. 

M tidabidurc 

The town of Mudabidurc, which was famed as the visishtha nagara 
of Tulu-dcsa 222 ( Ttilu desakke visishtha nagaramappa Sri Venupuram) had 
its own administration. Two keris ( Dettakeri and Mddalahgadikcri) are 
mentioned in inscriptions 223 and it is probable that there were others 

217 /WNo. 450. 

218 S.I.I. Vol. IX Part II, Nos. 525, 448, 457, 476, 444, 448, 424: S.J I. Vol. VII 
No 389; A. JR. No 410 for 1927-’28. 

215 S 1. 1. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 450. 

220 The principal deities were: Maliadeva; T uluvesvara Nakharesvara-KimdaneWara; 
goddess Devi. 

An example may be cited: An inscription records a gift of tax-free land in two 
villages oi Haru-nadu for worship and offerings to the god Mahadcva of Paduvakeri 
(A. It. No. 410 for 1927-’28). b 

221 A. JR. No 405 for 1928. 

“ ^ 7 °\ 1 No. 202 A.D. 1429. According to inscriptions, rt was called 

Bidtre and Venupura or Vam&pura (in which venu or vatiisa is the Sanskrit cquiva- 
bidaru; a bamboo and belonged to the province of 'Tulu-defa (G.O. Nos 
_ /G2, 753-250. July, 1901 Cpigraphy p 3) ' 1 

S 1. 1. Vol VII, Nos 226 & 227; A. R. No 4 for 1940-’41 Appendix A. 

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too because of the fact that Mudabidure was a busy town of trading acti- 
vities. This town was represented by eight sctlikaras and halaru belonging 
• to four elames 224 (Snmat-vanisa-purada enlu praje scUikararu vdlvaru elame-. 
galolagacld samasta halaru , Bidircya mgarada ehlu mandi sMikdraru : halvarifk 
;y larricge- o lagada samasta halaru). As the epigraphs reveal to us, this body 
of eight settikaras and four e lames was very powerful and it had to be con- 
sulted before any decision was, taken in matters relating to the town of 
Mudabidure. Two inscriptions found at Bettakeri lay the injunction 
tliat. nobody was permitted to build any structure to the east of the new 7 
house put up by . one Mainda-gauda 225 . This inhibition was imposed 
by the eight sctlikaras and four e lames of Bidure. The epigraph No. 227. : 
of S.I.L Vol. VII, is vaguely suggestive of the whole town being under 
the supervision of a headman known as Gauda. But a final inference 
cannot be taken in this connection. . The famous Jina-Gliaityalaya, 
Ti'ibhuyana-tilaka Chudamani was constructed with the consent of tins 
body of Bidure 220 .. vf /v-^f ’i PkrPi. 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

Mangalum ( Mahgalapura ) 

The original name of the town of Mangalore seems Mahgalapura 
and it may be said to be as ancient as at least the 8th century A.D., as 
evidenced by an inscription 227 . Tins name Mahgalapura occurs quite 
frequently in epigraphs even until the 14th century A.D. 228 A portion 

^ Journal of Mythic Society Vol XIII (Oct. 1922) pp 448-455 

in A ' V ° VI r N ° S 177 > 185 etc - The name Mangalajnira took the form Mangatuni 

, Administration 

of Mangalapura (Mangaluru) is known as the whole 

of the town of Mangalore is known to tlie people as as come across ' 

in an inscription dated A .D . 1422 229 . . Ignorance of this fact has led to 
. the erroneous inference that Kodiydl is the modem native name, - which 
is taken to be the corruption of Goriyal, mentioned in Mir Hussain Alils 
Life of Haider 230 . Mr. S. Silva in his booklet Mangalore commits the 
same error 231 . There ai'e reasons to believe that this town may have 
been known in the first centuries of the Christian era. Nitria, mentioned 
in the work of Geographike Hugphegesio of Klaudios Ptolemaios, belonging 
to the middle of the 2nd century A.D., has been identified with the river 
Netravati of Mangaluru 232 . While describing the ports on the Western 
Coast, Ptolemy mentions in detail those of Arike and relates that ‘in -the 
midst of the false mouth and the Barios, there is a city, called Maganur’V 
• Evidently, Maganur could have been no other than Mangalore 233 . Kosmos 
Indikopleustes, author of the Christian Topography (middle of the 6th 
century A.D.) also refers to the port of Manga, routh. This also may, 
be identified with Mangaluru 234 . One of the earliest references to thisy 

port by the Arabs is found in an Arab Mss, of the beginning of the 7th 
century A.D. In this Mss. Mangalore is mentioned 235 . In later Arab 
accounts, tliis town was known as Manjarur 236 . All these indisputably;': 
prove that Mangaluru must have been a vigorous centre of political and 
commercial activity from early times. / Jfyfykf 

We suffer from an acute paucity of source material to dilate on the 
manner in which the city of Mangaluru may have been governed. At 
any rate* it was the capital of the Alupas for several centuries. The advent;; 1 
. of the Vijayanagara rule witnessed emergence; of this town into great 
fame, as to be recognised all over the empire. It was the ■ capital of the e 
Mangaluru-rajya. But no epigraph of this town gives us any information 

229 Ibid No. 

230 Hobson 


Glossary of ' Colloquial Anglo-Indian Words arid Phrases and . 

■* i . : . r- bn J A oh p.ccnvv 

Salelore.- v; 

f ''Ptolemy , and Western' India (Reprinted from Journal of Indian History . Vol. fttgf 
■ ; : Part I (April 1962.. Serial No. 118): pp. 51 & 52 - M. .G.ovmda Pai - Aviic\c : Tulu- v 

. nadu, Purva-smriti- Tefika-nadu, Ip.: 20. O'ykf'ffyffSyy 

n. ^Jobson p i; 552 ;: 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

about die town-plan nor of any representative or corporate bodies to 
which powers of administration were delegated. It may be surmised 
diat centuries of political importance of this capital town may have caused 
for die division of the town into keris (streets), similar to those found in 
Barakitru. The following names still continue; Gollara-keri , Basti-keii , 
ICasayi-galli, Gtijjara-keri, Basavanagudi-keri. An epigraph of Kadri 237 , 
dated A. D. 1475, states that Kadire was the adisthana of Mangaluru-rajya. 
By the term adhisthana, we could mean two tilings. It may be that Kadire 
was the first capital of Mangaluru-rajya 238 or that it was one the most 
ancient sacred places of the Mangaluru province by virtue of the temple 
of Manjunatha, situated in Kadire which is referred to as the pine Saivite 
( suddha Siva-sthand) centre 239 . It appears that Kadire was under the 
control of four sthanikas, namely, Ravala-paliya, Ganapatma-Aluva , Rayara- 
senaboia and Gomma-senabova 24 °. It may only be surmised that the city 
administration of Mangaluru could not be on different lines from that 
of the rest discussed above. But there are no indications of such self- 
governing institutions in Mangaluru holding power and influence as found 
in the capital city of Barakuru. 


Udayapura (Udiyapura or Odevura) was an early capital of the 
Alupas in Tulu-nadu 241 . Its history, at any rate, commences from the 
7th century A.D. with the first known king of the Alupa dynasty, Srimat- 
Altwarasar. And it continued to be the capital of this dynasty till the 
10th century A.D. Inspite of these long years of political importance 
attained by it, we do not obtain sufficient information about the manner 
of administration. Most of the epigraphs are memorial stones and are 
meagre in information regarding the life of the people and how it was 

One of the epigraphs 242 says that the uru should protect the charity 
regulation ( vjavaste ) made in respect of the Chembukallu-Bhattaraka 
and we mayjust imagine that the whole town of Udayapura had a corporate 
body to fun ction in general interest. It is also not unlikely that this 
237 S.I.I.Vo 1 VII, No. 194. 

^ *' x0 * t'langalura-rdjyal.kc adistanavaha Kadirc\ a sthditikarum 

*" Ibid 
240 Ibid. 

2i ' f o |^ No - 531 for 1932-33; 5././. Vol. VII Nos 283, 284, 279; Ep.Ini. IX, pp. 17 
' 4 - S - 1 ' 1 Vo1 - V!I No - 281, 8th century A.D of the time of Ranasagara. 

Administration \ TyS/:';, 

to\\Ti' was the centr.e Of tlxe : 18 iriciaXioH^ in the sarire Epigraph. £ 

"We are unable to make out /whether the 70 famines’ 

to in the epigraph of .&/;/?tfhAluvarasar 243 (8th /century A . D . )? represent 

an assembly of the town, for it may also be : interpreted as forming the.- 

merchant guild of Udayapura. We are not sure how far we can interpret 

the -term Udayapura-nayaka as the leader of the town of Udayapura or its. 

chairman, responsible for its. administration; it is really one, of .uncertainty? 44 .;,^ 

It is doubtless that Udayapura in the 8th century A 

and that the Alupa king was directly conscious of the immense, need to. 

regulate the activities of the town. / ■.•> A ■■' : - : j) r cTyTpy 

The Halarus and Municipal Administration 

The body known as the halarus occurs very frequently and prominently ' : 
too in the history of Tulu-nadu. The dictionary meaning, which is quite : 
simple {liala-halaru-halabam - many or several persons, Kittel p. 1 638) 
does not take us far in understanding the history and function of tliis/body 
which is rather conspicuous in the epigraphs of Tulu-nadu. : This body 
of people does not figure so prominently outside Tuluva, although its/;/; 
role in other places is not totally absent. '.V'- 

It is befitting to give a list of the most significant inscriptions which 
refer to the halaru of Tuluva. - . ./■A.UyAA-vpw/l 

1. Barakura haUu-heriya halaru along with uduvara-baliaiid eradukola-P ' 
ball. (A.D.1334) 245 . ■' - '■ . ; 'A/h '.y ^ 

f 2. Nagarasa-Odeya, the governor of Barakuru, .the. siMeen;;settikdfasrU 
of the ten keris, 770 elarnes and hahjamanada-halaru •(A : .DiI399.) 2 .vV'c-. : f55 : 

'Ja 3. Gift of land by the donor from out of the kanike etc., paid by the .; y 
halaru of hattu-kcri and others 247 . > , 

4. Refers to arasugalu , pradhdnaru, Kdrakalada-halaru /andv Mp’a- \ •/ 
; nanadesigalu (A.D. 1 334) 248 . 

5. Thfe eight setlikards of Venupura : '_(!Miudabidufe)j-Aa»iayto'_ 
belonging to the four e lames (A.D. 1429) 249 . ; 

V 243 S././. Vol. VII, No. 279. 

• ; 244 Ep.Ind. Vol. IX, p; 21. 

A 24 * A .72. No. 262 for 1931-’32. 

246 .S’././: Vol. VII No. 350. o-\ ; : 

V /^biAtf. No:' 303 for 193 1- 5 32. • A '. 7' . 
A 248 S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 247. r V 
A 249 Ibid-No. 196. v r veAW-'-AVA;' 



Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

6. Construction of Tribhuvana-Chudamani (the thousand-pillared- 
basii) by the eight settikaras and samasta-halaru belonging to the four e lames 
of Venupura (A.D. 1429) 250 . 

7. An agreement between the 16 settikaras of the ten keris, samasta 
halarus of nakhara-hahjamana of Barakuru, six ballalas etc., regarding the 
boundaries of their lands situated in Vodevura of the TJdipi taluk 
(A.D.1474) 251 . 

8. Gift of a house, situated near the tanks of the pujaris lying to the 
south of the basadi to the priest, performing gandha kutiya-piija by the halarus 
(A.D.1476) 232 . 

9. Charity with the consent of the eight settikaras and the samasta 
lialaru belonging to four e lames of the nagara of Bidire (A.D. 151 5) 253 . 

10. Mentions the matha of 5000 halarus of Karakala in connection 
with the grant of a hundred gadyanas made to Lalitaklrti-Bhattaraka by 
the sravakas 254 . 

11. Registers that the third story of the Tribhuvana-Chudamani was 
constructed with the assistance of the halaru (of Mudabidure) and that 
with all glory, it was shining 255 . 

12. Record of gifts of land and garden with the consent of the halaru 
of Belatangadi (A . D . 1 5 1 0) 236 . 

13. Charity made with the consent of the bastija-karta and samasta 
halaru of Karakala (A.D. 1592 j 237 . 

14. Mentions while describing the boundaries ( gadi ) of a gift of land- 
east of the gadi of Sarikalinga-sctti and south of the gadi of tantrada halaru 

The examples cited above lead us to the following inferences : 

(a) Most of them occur in the towns of Tuluva and therefore, they 
may constitute a body of municipal councillors. 

(4) They were fairly influential and popular and their consent had 
lad to be obtained for grants and gifts. Mostly they were in charge 

250 Ibid No 204 

231 A. It No 57 for 1929-’30 

232 5 / / Vol VII, No 209. 

2 3 Ibid No 212. 

233 Ibid No 243. 
f 5 Ibid No 206 

233 -4 /i No 480 for 1928-’29 
“ S I I. Vol. VII, No 244 
A It. No 267 for 1931 -’32 

A/ yT L-AhA ■ \ : : ;Ad?nmstraiio)i [y;' : rry/.'.yyr,r:y J : A- 183 

: ;of the managements of charity gifts and grants as indicated in a number 
•of inscriptions. • ' • V \ .."‘ v ;V' ■■ : '-yA [ V A.V:/ '.TAyAy AA. 

J 'v{;'0 ; ^1jever^ be the religion' to which they belonged elsewhere, it 
becomes evident from the above records that they were Jainas and there- 
fore, this body of th t haldru, predominently Jaina, suggests the preponder- 
ance of the Jaina community in die society of TulUva. This inference is 
corroborated in the above epigraphs which repeatedly record sravaka-halaru , connected with and responsible for the construction' of basadis 
and conduct of rites and worship in them. An inscription of Basaruru 
records die gift of 8 gadydnas made to the halaru for the conduct of ashta- 
bhayapiija. This kind of ritual is connected chiefly with the Jainas. 
(SJ.I. Vol. IX part II, No. 540, A. D. 1531). By the expression hanja- 
i manada halaru, it could either mean the representatives of the hafijamdna 
group or halaru having control over th e hafijamdnas . 


•aTa ■ ( Local Agreements ) 

■A Ay From very early times the feudal characteristics in the political sphere 
seemed to have been deeply rooted. The division of die country into 
a series of self-contained and autonomous political units with sovereignty 
•v almost wholly recognized in so far as matters of internal administration 
were concerned, as well as their external relationship with the neighbouring... 
like-states received the stamp of historical tradition. This resulted in 
local- compacts effected between two or more such states, ruled by chiefs, 
for purposes of defence and sometimes, for the promotion of goodwill 
and mutual concord. Unless the political issues amongst the principalities . 
became a matter of deep concern putting the safety and transquility of 
• the country as a whole to jeopardy, .the suzerain, whoever he may, be, 
did not appear to have interfered in their affairs. ; Below arc given some 
of the important political agreements entered into by such chieftains and 
; : these reflect clearly how regionalism got perpetuated in the polity of Tufu- 
nadu, which was at once a blessing and a curse to its general progress A : A 

Ay'-': (1)-: The earliest jqidwn compact of such "a character is afforded by 
the Bantra inscription of the Puttur taluk of South Kanara, which is 
ascribed to the 8th-9th centuries A.D:, on palacographical grounds. 
Tt appears to be a political agreement entered into by four persons ~ 


Studies in Tiduva History and Culture 

Narasinga-Dugataja, son of Balle-Odeya; Rachamallan-Dugaraja, brother 
of Vilarittaliyarasa; the Kadamba ruler whose name is not given and 
Nripamalla-raja himself - to the effect that they should discontinue mutual 
enmity and refrain from violence and fights. The epigraph refers to two 
idjyas namely - the rajya of Nripamalla-raja and Prithivlrajya of Kadamba 
kulodbhava (both these rulers have remained unidentified) 259 . 

(2) The Kuttupadi epigraph of about the 12th century A.D. of the 
time Bankideva, the Alupa ruler, records a socio-political compact entered 
into at Mangodu near Udayavara of the Udipi taluk, between two parties 
in the presence of the Mahdpradhana Narasimha-heggade and others. The 
specification in this agreement that there ought not to be any violence 
is greatly emphasised 260 . 

(3) An undated inscription of Atradi of the Udipi taluk seems to 
register an agreement entered into by Maliamandalesvara Ballamadevarasa, 
Naranaluva, the adhikari, the Mudilas, the three hundred of the Hakala 
village and twelve mahajanas of Harika regarding the enjoyment of certain 
incomes and the bedungula. This epigraph may belong to the close of 
the 13 tii century A.D. 261 

(4) Another agreement is found in the inscription from Simanturu, 
near Mulki of the Mangalore taluk, dated A.D. 1411 between a certain 
Chennaya-melanta alias Kunda-heggade and his nephew, Bemmanna- 
heggade on the one hand and Kantu-heggade on the other who has been 
estranged over the possession of some lands which states that thenceforward 
they should bind themselves to keep their respective lands and should not 
encroach into each other’s portions 262 . 

(5) An inscription of the 14th century A.D. found at Bantakallu 
of the Udipi taluk, gives us an exciting information of mutual agreement 
and compact amongst three parties (representing the three chieftains) 
to take offensive against the fourth. It proceeds to state that Kunda- 
heggadc (of 1 elluru-sime or magane) and Kinnike-heggade belonging 
to the Niduburatyatr/w took an offensive on Yermala and that as a conse- 
quence, the Mudila-/»a/us/«z with the assistance of the 5000 alas of nddu-baU, 
liavingjrrought Pandyappa-Odeya of ICarakala from the manorial house 
of Sural a to that Belu-nadu, dishonoured him, the leadersliip being, 

A.n. No. 351 for 1930-’31. 
A.R. No. 569 for 1929-’30 
Ibid No. 239 for 
Ibid No. 339 for 

1930-3 1. 

Administration 185 

assumed by Yelluru Kunda-heggade. The place name Bantakallu, 
which still remains, appears to have come into vogue after this incident, 
which is recorded in the inscription, the stone bearing which having been 
set up here. The epigraph ends with a compromise 263 . 

(6) An epigraph of Ujre of the Belthangady taluk of South Kanara, 
dated 1469 A.D. mentions that Vitharasa-Odcya, the governor of Mahga- 
luru, gave the village Ujiri as umbali to Kamiraja-arasa and Devanna- 
kothari as a compensation for burning their palace at Kodiyala (Mangaluru) 
and the village Nirumarga and records the order that the latter gave to 
the residents of that village directions regarding the payment of taxes, 
which were to be thereafter paid to him. The interest of tire inscription 
lies in the fact that it emphasizes that there should be no enmity and 
fight within that area thenceforward 264 . 

(7) The political pact of the year A.D. 1475 is still more specific 
and binding. It was entered into amongst the chieftains of four nddus, 
namely, Kunda-heggade of Yelluru, Kinnika-heggade of Yelinja, Marclda- 
heggadeof Kapu and the Chautas of Yeradu-nadu. It records that mutual 
defence and assistance should govern their relationship and that any 
expenditure incurred for that purpose of extending military aid to the 
rest in time of danger should be met by the concerned state treasury. 
The most conspicuous part of the pact is that for any violation of the pact 
a penalty to the temple of the respective nddii by way of land gift of two 
hanes must be paid and thus only the aggressor could regain his place 
in the alliance 265 . 

(8) The Pallipadi inscription gives us another agreement of mutual 
reciprocity between Ponamna-arasa and Bommanna-arasa in A.D. 1471 
for mutual defence and harmony 266 . 

(9) In A . D . 1485 Vlra-Bankarasa and Kunda-heggade (the devaradiya ) 
of Yelluru ( sime ) entered into a mutual agreement in the presence of god 
Mahadeva at Yelluru of the Udipi taluk regarding the dispute that arose 
in connection with two pieces of land 267 . 

(10) Another agreement between Devaradiya alias Kunda-heggade 
and Kinnika-heggade was effected in A.D. 1490 in the presence of 

263 A.R. No. 370 for 1930-*31- 

264 Ibid No. 482 for 1928-’29. 

265 S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 304. 

266 A.R. Nos. 385 & 386 for 1927-’28. 

207 Ihd No. 391 for 1927~’28. 

186 Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

Mahalinga at Yclluiu to live amicably for ever without molesting each- 
others’ lands 268 . 

(11) Similar agreement may be alluded to between the chiefs of 
Yclluru Kunda-heggade and Madda-heggade of Kapu in another epigraph 
at Muluru of the same taluk, to render to each other faithful service at 
all times against the enemies 269 . 

(12) An epigiaph from Kapu of the Udipi taluk, dated A. D. 1499, 
registers a mutual political agreement between Kunda-heggade and 
Tirumalarasa alias Mada-heggade of Kapu, regarding mutual help and 
accord m case of attack from outside. All misunderstanding between 
them should be settled, the record says, by reconciliation and non-violent 
means. The compact emphasizes that the armies of both the sthanas 
or nidus should be equipped with bows and arrows, food stuffs and various 
other commodities by the respective parties themselves and that in case 
of any conflict of interest settlement of differences of opinion should take 
place by mutual understanding 270 . 

(13) Two other lithic records are of considerable importance. The 
Simanturu inscription, dated A.D. 1512-T3 of the time of Ratnappodeya, 
governor of Mangaluru and Barakuru-rajyas, is a record to register a 
political agreement between Tirumalaraya Chauta (of Mudubidure, 
Puttige), Kunda-heggade (of Yclluru) and Kinnika-heggade alias Tiru- 
malarasa (of Mulki, Simanturu). This record insists upon mutual 
concord, help and unity, in defending one another’s territory in case of 
aggression It states that the three sthanas should stand united 271 . 

(14) A mutual and amicable agreement amongst the chieftains 
( doregalu ) of the three sthanas — Yclluiu, Aikala and Puttige in A.D. 1512 
regarding unity in case of attacks from Bhayirarasa of Karakala u'as 
effected stating clearly that there should not be any internal feuds among 
these three sthanas , that in case of aggression from outside (especially from 
Karakala), they should act in unison and fight against the enemy equipping 
themselves unth all necessary armed forces, spending out of their own 
treasury and that this pact should be valid for generations (so long as the 
sun and moon v'ould last). The importance of the pact is manifest in 

268 Ibid No 393 for 1927-’28 

270 | C y y 11 n !^ uanan Remains of the Madras President}, p 232 

271 A.R No 340 for 1930— ’31 



the imprecation that its breach would result in the lihga of Visvesvara 
(of Yelluru) and of the entire region ranging between Govukarna and 
Kamjatlrtha 272 being destroyed (incomplete). 

(15) The Sujeru epigraph of the Mangalore taluk, dated A. D. 1528, 
registers another pack between Tirumalarasa alias Chauta of Puttige 
and his followers - alisavira and balisavira - on one side and Vira-Narasimha 
Banga of Bangavadi and his five thousand followers and their neighbours 
on the other defining their respective rights and privileges under the 
arbitration of Vedananda-Odeya. the disciple of Krishnanda-Odeya 
and of Tirumalarasa alias Kinnika-heggade who acted as intermediaries 
in the settlement 273 . 

(16) The copper-plates of the district of South Kanara also record 
such agreements of mutual concord and help for purposes of protection 
and social security. One such plate registers an agreement given to 
Keravasi Pandyapparasa by Tirumalarasa Chautaru by which both the 
parties pledged themselves to permanent alliance to help each other 
against enemies and not to entertain traitors from other’s camp. The 
witness to the transaction was the nadu-bali Maramma-hcggade (of 
Yermala). A similar agreement was given by Pandyapparasa, son of 
Chandaladevi to Tirumalarasa Chautaru. This certainly is the under- 
taking reciprocal to the above. The Jaina spiritual teacher Lalitaklrtti- 
Bhataraka is mentioned. Both the records are dated A.D.1543 274 . 

(17) Another copper-plate registers an agreement given to the Chauta 
chief of Tuluva and nalina Tirumalarasa by Tirumalarasa Kinnika- 
heggade and nalina Kinnika-nimittaru entering into an alliance both 
offensive and defensive. The compact was made in the presence of 
Srimatu Krishnananda-Odeya. A reciprocal agreement as the above was 
given by the Chauta chief of Tuluva and nalina Tirumalarasa to Kinnika- 
heggade - Tirumalarasa and nalina Kinnika-nimittaru. The records are 
dated A.D.1528 273 . 

(18) A settlement pact amongst the Chautas, theAjilas, the nadu-bali 
5000, Desihgarasa, the arasu of Sisila, the halara and perhaps, Kava-heggade 
of Karakala is recorded in an epigraph of Hire-Nermsvara-basti, Hiri- 
yahgadi, Karakala. It seems to point to the injustice done to the kola-bali 

272 S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 228. 

222 A.R. No. 336 for 1930-’31. 

A.R. No. 4 for 1921— ' ’22 p. 9, Appendix A; A.R. No. 5 for 1921-22, p. 9. 

5 A.R. No. 6 for 192 1— s 22 p. 9, Appendix A; A.R. No. 7 for 1921-22, p. 10. 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

5000 by Kava-heggade and suggests remedial measures, how the Lola-bali 
5000 and Malaha 5000 should be treated and protected. This was in 
late 16th century A.D. 276 

The above recorded documents give us ample proof of self-centred, 
centrifugal and autonomous tendencies of feudal character that had 
deep roots in Tulu-nadu. The Annual Epigraphical Report for 1927-’28 277 
says that in the last years of the reign of Virupaksha, the Vijayanagara 
king, the confusion in politics of the empire seems to have been felt also 
in South Kanara and proceeds to say that the inscriptions copied at Yelluru, 
cited above, recording the political agreements are a reflection of political 
chaos at the imperial centre. It is not without reason that this remark is made 
in the report. The same opinion is advanced by Dr. T. V. Mahalingam 27 *. 
At certain periods of Vijayanagara history when the central government 
was not strong enough to put down cenrtifugal tendencies, we see the 
influential people of a locality making compacts among themselves to 
strengthen their position and to prevent any encroachment in their rights 
and privileges by outsiders. This activity on the part of the people for 
the preservation of their rights was not without a good side to it. But 
in regard to the history of Tuluva, this is only partly true. For, the instance 
cited above pointedly draw our attention to the age-old system of feudal 
character that was responsible for such compacts and it is evidently clear 
that instances of such pacts were not merely confined to the troubled 
period of Virupaksha. The chiefs who were the participants in tire various 
agreements were: the rulers of Karakala and Keravase (Bhairavarasa- 
Odeyas), the Chautas of Mudabidure and Puttige; Kinnika-heggade 
of Mulki, Simantnru; Kunda-heggade of Yelluru; Madda (Marda)- 
heggade of Kapu-slme; Banga-ruler of Bangavadi etc. All these were 
the hereditary rulers of their respective principalities (known as nadus 
or states or rajyas ) and these agreements are fully suggestive of the soverc- 
ignty enjoyed by each chief over his territory and his vassalage to the 
overlord (either the Afupa ruler or the governor of Barakuru or Mangaluru) 
was only nominal. 

Even during the reign of Krishnadevaraya such political agreements 
were undertaken. We may remark, therefore, that imperial suzerains 

f 6 S.l I Vol VII, No 245 

277 A R for 1927-28 

278 Mahalingam — A S L V pp 229-230 

zplf. V •; / V’ Vf ? ' : [ A-: T89 ', 

•-• \yere not much conccriicd about the a-clministration of these principalities, 
> that these chieftaincies were allowed/ to manage their own affairs and to 
enter into political relations with, ohe another and that •intervention by 
the imperial powers or by. their representatives is seen' only in acute, cases 
of political disharmony and danger. Such; local arrangements . were 
;; Very useful in as much as they ensured, peace in the locality and . relieved 
the central government of a great detd of responsibility for the maintenance 
V of law and order. . . ' /: '"-'V-s- > 


ftvvvvv'::;.'; : military organisation 

. Concept of Law 

fyy^yThe concept, of law that inspired rulers in administration was like 
.. the one that prevailed elsewhere. The first source (and also the chief 
: ..source) of law was the scripture of sdnatana- dharma and the second, custom 
; (kattallcgalii). The primary duties of the state were the preservation 
•Jof society and prevention of conflicts of interests amongst the various; 
y castes and communitics in the state- v. 

§§j'*V : Inscriptions lay down clearly that punishing the evil-doers and, pro-,: 

. : tecting the good was the task before the ruler and that he virtually strove 
%£ hr^fiiifihhent' of the same during his feign 279 . ( dushla nigraha sishta paripala - : ; 
'ykardgi): i That the aim of the prosperity of the kingdom was kept before 
; the king is also amply proved by inscriptions 280 (rqjydbhivnddhipr avardha- 
manairi). The Vij ayanagara epigraphs in particular inform us that the 
y: protection of the chaturvarna 281 (Brdhmna, kshatriya , vaisya and siidra) was. 

{ '. the ruler’s dharma (sakala varndsrama dharma). It becomes clear the division - 
of . society . according, jto chaturvarna was an accepted fact. This is what 
is known as - ndlkujdti - as come across in. epigraphs 282 . It is also obvious 
that great veneration was. adduced to the Brdhmanas in society, which can 
•y bc made out from the imprecatory portion of epigraphs; It goes without;’ 
^ saying great sanctity was attached to cows! But a few epigraphs strangely 
{. . .record importance to bulls that come down the eight Ghats. They inform :, 
V. • us that for the breach of the provisions of -the record, one would ' 


™ Voi; VII, No. 177 ctc.,;V; O 

0 Vol. VII, Nos. 22, 237 <tc. .V 

ypbid(N6.f296eic }/ "v 
? n '-Ibid No. .185 etc.; v ydV Vy ; \V;/v;-;y 


Studies in Ttiluva History and Cultwe 

into the sin arising out of the killing of bulls that descend from the eight 
Ghats 283 . This was perhaps because of the fact that these bullocks were 
indispensable as beasts of burden in the transportation of goods from 
above the Ghats to Tuiu-nadu. 

Sivalli of Udupi had attained a position of great sanctity as far back 
as the 8th century A . D . and that it was almost considered as equal in 
importance to Banavasi or Varanasi is manifestly clear in the early epi- 
graphs 284 . As early as the close of the 8th century or the beginning of 
the 9th century, the importance of the asvamedha sacrifice seemed to have 
been recognised by the rulers as indicated by the inscriptions found at 
Bantra, Puttur taluk, South Kanara 28s . The Udayavara epigraphs of 
the 8th century also speak of the five great sins associated with the destruct- 
ion of Sivalli and Varanasi and Banavasi and Sivalli 286 . 

Each locality had its own specific regulations, based on social orga- 
organisation and religious beliefs and tendencies, the preservation and 
furtherance of which became the particular dharma of the locality. Further- 
more, each community or caste had its own traditional customs or practices, 
codes of observances, which constituted its dhanna and a faithful adherance 
to them was considered an imperative pre-requisite to be an integral 
part of the community or caste. In the economic sphere, the guild regu- 
lations and professional rules constituted the dhanna , which had to be 
scrupulously safeguarded. Honouring the provisions of the contract 
meant to be a part of social dharma. 

Courts of Justice 

V e do not have direct evidence of graded courts of justice set up by 
the state. But from the study of inscriptions, certain broad inferences 
could be drawn. 

(a) The representative body of the grama (may be called grama- 
paiichaj at) was perhaps in charge of conducting original enquiry into 
complaints and thus issuing decrees. The grama-chavadi was the place 
of assembly. Tliis body would comprise the gramani, the rnadhjastha, 
the joint, the heggade (invariably th eguiteddr) and some respectable members 
o ic village. The session of die grama-panchayal was related to the 

283 Ibid No 273 etc 

as Ep Ind ' Vo1 Ix > PP- 19-24. 

" .Addmiistration \ jy ;. : . vi 91 

^settlement of issues of general importance only, for each community 
would have its own assembly under' the leadership of gurikara, responsible 
for maintaining justice and order within the community. •. f c./-' 

;• , (b) The decrees of the grama-panchayat would be reviewed by the 

.’ cohncib of a sime or magane in which case, the ruler of the nddu or sime would 
be 'the head of the council. The deliberations would be conducted in 
. the simc-chavadi. Corresponding to the grama caste or community com- 
ymittees, there appeared to be bodies on the sime level. These were to 
; receive appeals from the lower courts. 

(r) Appeals could be made to the court of justice in the provincial 
headquarters, but such instances seemed exceptionally few. The tendency 
. was to finalise issues in the lower two courts only. The role of the madhyastha 
was rather of importance in all these courts, for his duties were more 
. connected with adjudication and arbitration rather than administration, 
ivv';,: (d) In urban areas such as Barakuru, Mahgaluru, Karakala, Basaruru, 
Venupura, etc., the lower court of justice was, perhaps, the body of the 
municipal councillors, known as halaru , presided over by the adhyakshd . 
This council would deal with cases relating to general administration 
f of the town. But disputes pertaining to trade would be settled by a body 
of: the settikaras, who represented the guilds. Only in extreme cases, 
j already mentioned disputes used to be taken to the king or provincial 
■governor. ' y. ; ' f ;J • 

Punishments- " ■ • . V- ; - 

. Punishments for guilts and breaches of regulations were of two kinds,? 
... namely, (1) tappu danda { fines) , and (2) kattu (excommunication). ■ Death 
punishment may be said to . have been unknown. We do: noti have a 
single instance of death punishment in. any of the epigraphs of Tuju-nadu. 
.yyiheSvWefe .both prohibitive and corrective in nature.,. A fe\v. instances 
may be cited: i ; .•«•;. • • ; •* V-v Air 

Reference Nature of the crime v :- . . i . Rate, of fines AW ’ 

S.I.I, Vol. VII Tor refusing to accept the provision of the y -'A V; AAAAA 
;• , No. 1 77 V gift grant. . pY. ; ■ tv.-l '-"pi , V,f .//• V ■ ’ 51 :• gadyanas to the' king 
y /Zi?^ N' o , .213.. yy.y Fornhreatening. to vioIate;by -dra\ving;the;.-’: : C. .K>: • Y:Y iy 

yAAPA i TAC -YYvi sword half ■ ■(■;:>%.gadyanas • . ' : ... - . '.•• • 

Ibid Nos. 210 & 229 A tA-AWAY A. 500 padyanasJ,'.-} / Y '/■{ 

yJbidNo. lJQ j yicvFotwiolating the' giant ;2: t 'iy'df.^OQ^i^adas .W-A-AA'A 


Studies in Tultwa History and Culture 

Ibid Nos. 210 For threatening to violate by drawing the 
& 229 sword completely 

Ibid No. 1 89 Breach of grant made to Manjmathadeva, 

S.I I. Vol. VII For building structures in forbidden areas 
Nos. 226 & 227 

Ibid No. 325 For occupation (encroachment) of prohi- 
bited regions 

Ibid No 340 For breach of trade contract 
A . R No 345 for Penalty for violating the prohibition of 
1930— ’3 1 fishing in the tank of Huttura devalaya 

(12th century A.D.) 

1000 gadyanas 

1000 gadyanas 

1200 gadyanas 

1000 gadyanas 
1200 gadyanas 

100 gadyanas 


Ibid 343 for Double penalty of 51 gadyanas to the deity 

1930-31 and 101 gadyanas to the king for violation 

of any sort connected with the gift of 
land by Devarasa of Kumara-mangala 
(A.D. 1199) 


Triple fines for the violation of the grant - 
500 gadyanas to the deity, 500 gadyanas 
to the king, and 500 gadyanas to the 

fil'd No 232 For the same cause as above 101 gadyanas 
to the deity, 101 gadyanas to the king 
and 101 gadyanas to the grama. 

A record of Udayavara states that the penalty for putting any obstacle 
on the way of dharma to be conducted in propitiation of Vinayaka, the 
Nandalikc-ffatha and the Ninjakora— .Datoa, was the cession of lands 
yielding 24 mude of rice a year. This punishment was so crushing and 
prohibitive that no body would dare break the regulation 287 . One of the 
epigraphs, dated A.D. 1325, found at Kapu village states that tire penalty 
for striking a man within the demarcated area would be 500 gadyanas 
and 1000 gadyanas for murdering, which must be paid to the king 288 - 
Here two inferences are possible. The payment of 1000 gadyanas was 
too heavy during those days to commit any murder actually and secondly, 

SJ I. Vol. VII, 
No 231 

death . piinishment was rarely imposed.' Another epigraph • seems to 
state' that the . murderer were to be a life-long slave or bondsman of the 
lung for his crime 289 . A .■ ; ■ .’!;V 

One of theAlupa epigraphs is very elaborate, and distinctive in des- 
cribing the nature of punishments 290 . It seems discriminatory but the 
impact of the punishments is not less severe one from the other. The 
following are the punishments for violence attempted on the padamulis 
of the. temple. 

•Ay (1) Excommunication from the four castes for a Brahmin. 
^^P^cpftihmnication from the trade guilds for a tradesman ( setti ). 

iOOO honnu per head for a cultivator. The same epigraph specifies 
the fine for any dereliction of religious duty as follows : 

; :^y}pp^%'Tantri ■' 
pirf.-lyf- ..Asrana 
j-Cyy .’>:}■ p Assistant to Asrana 
: Adhyakshd 
''Sinava . 

\ A" Adhikari 

Pipers and cleaners 

10 (perhaps honnus) 

1 dhare 
10 dhares 
5 dhares 
10 dhares 
10 dhares 

double the daily wages etc. 

yicAAThe most stimulating part of the record is the nature of the punish- 
' ment meted out . to the criminal charged with murder. It states that the 
'murderer was enjoined to be with the family of the murdered for a period 
of seven days. . Perhaps, this meant most degarding. Another inscription 
of Basaruru imposes a fine of a portion of the tool-revenue raised in the 
village, to be paid to Mahadeva of Basaruru on the nakharas and settis of 
Dharmapattana, for the . crime of committing murder of two men. Although 
;the punishment seems light, it is corrective in consequence in that god 
himself was invoked for expiation of the sin and that. there might not be 
recurrence of the same crime in future 291 . - . , ' : '■ A;Ayyy: 

Scnse[ of Justice : ’■ v. : ,■ yAyy'yA 

. ( a ) Response to Representation: V r ' V.; • ■- 

Bither. during the reign of the Alupas or of the Vijayariagara kings, 

. the government was sensitive to the grievances of the people and instances 

w^lhid M:-: 2 1 AAk A U\A v X; ; AA 

mf °-^^'No.'i85.hA £■ AP-Jy: 

Adfs.ix.Vohix Part i^ivo. 450. Ay: -/A AAAUaiaAA' vAAyyAy 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

of justice, conferred on the people for the representations made, are come 
across in inscriptions from time to time. 

During the reign of Vira-Sdyidevalupendra, the people of Bannanje, 
a part of Sivafii, seemed to have submitted a memorandum to the king 
containing five demands, which was accepted and accordingly 30 gadyanas 
and an underwood (padi) and one gadyana to god of Taregude (Talegude) 
was granted 292 . 

An epigraphs of Hattiyangadi, Coondapur, taluk, states that des- 
truction was wrought on the basadi by fire after a long time, which resulted 
in the decay of the Jaina orthodoxy in the region and Virugappa-dannayaka 
made a grant to the basadi on the representation and advice of Abhaya- 
clrarya 293 . 

Another epigraph, dated A. D. 1469, found in Saligrama records a 
grant of 300 kati-varaha gadyanas from out of the siddhaya tax, due from 
the village of Kota, on the representation and request of the 16 adhivasis 
and the heggades, representing 10,000 mahdjagattu, to the people of Kota 294 . 

Still another instance of representation is had in one of the Barakuru 
epigraphs and this was in protest against the governor of Barakuru by 
sthdnapalhi Chikkanna, made to the emperor of Vijayanagara, for the 
injustice done to the town of Barakuru. The appeal was heard and justice 
conferred, after due enquiry 295 . 

( b ) Compensation: 

A record of Surala, dated A . D . 1 383, registers a gift of money income 
of some villages by Mahdpradhana Jakkanna-Odeya, the governor of the 
Barakuru-rajya to Siva-Nidambura, as the latter ’s father Anna-Nidambura 
died in course of Ills official duties. The gift was made at the instance 
of the king as also Muddeya-dannayaka in the presence of Male-Odeya 
of Honnavara 29 ’. 

The Kodiyalbail epigraph, dated A. D. 1419, refers to the distraction 
caused by the governor of Mangaluru on the five mosques (J/allis ) of tire 
hanjamanas. On hearing this news, the emperor of Vijayanagara sent 
Bayiclrappa-dannayaka in order to investigate into the issue and dis- 
covering that injustice was done to the hanjamanas, he caused the patlis 

392 Ibid Vol. VII, No. 308. 

l n, ^V 0n ,^ d A-- 0 ' 138 8, read and copied by me on 9-7-1964. 

/i i-c iVa nid i nno mn ' 


: : . v The year A . D . 1 43 7 records the compensation given to Sivalli-grama : 

in accordance with, the direction giveit by Annappa-Odeya to Sihgarasa,: 
the governor of Barakuru, in view of the fact that the latter indulged in 
certain gross violence by conducting a military attack against Sival]q"J 
•. resulting in the complete abeyance of worship and customary rites of the 
temple of Sri Krishna in Udupi 298 . •; A ' . v ., 

^ An inscription of the time of VirQpaksha, ; dated A . D> 1 469, states 
;; that the village of Ujre along with the rights of collecting taxes was handed 
over to Kamiraya-arasa (the Banga chief) and Devanna-kotliari as com- 
y pensation for having burnt their palace at Kodiyala (Mahgaluru) without 
Improper reasons 299 . f-.fV : V ’V ; ••-'h 

Administration - ' 

reconstructed and the restored to their) former. 'status. 

compensat6ry;.igift • atsoywas^ihadh ' imMahgajuru 29 kA'A4 

A-f A Note on Military Organisation: \ v.' ; '' '• AVACy-AA 

The kola-balis, are frequently by referredbtp both in the Alupa; and • 
the Vijayanagara epigraphs 300 . Perhaps, they could represent the local ;' 
defence forces. That these kola-balis were of characteristic importance-; 
in Tuluva is proved by the virtual absence of reference to them in the 
epigraphs outside Tuluva. A number of inscriptions relate to the events, C ,; 
when the combatants equipped themselves with bows, arrows, sticks^ 
shields and swords and . fought 301 . Interesting incidents : are also come ; : 
across in proof of the allies equipping, themselves; with weapons yofcwaiA-t 
as .mentioned above, spending from their own revenues and coming ; to 
the aid of their friendly states when threatened by invasion. We do not 
; have any concrete evidence of any sort of other defence organizations A 
maintained by the state. There may not be any doubt that horses of the 
Arabian breed were imported through the instrumentality of the Arabs 
y and therefore, chavalry must have been a very . effective branch of the 
lighting forces during the V ijayanagara period. Yet, it is doubtful whether ^ 
. the reference made to Mahgaluru Naga-gauda as ‘lord of ships 5 in an i; 

. W/S.Mt VoL VII, No. . 182. 7 vAfA/A ; A : ;.:AA 

- 298 No. 296. V •' / : A '• . ; '.'A: V AA: 77 • >7'v?7 sf 

; . 299 ^./C.No. 482 for 1928- ! 29. .V-v 
;. - 300 5./,/; Vol.;yiI Nos. 245, 274,185, 354 : etc. A.R. No. 338 for 1931- 5 32;if./, Vol. I 

•WAv .'-Nos. ,41 and 61 '•'•It' : i : :iN ■ ' ■ 7 AXvVr-'v v-V A '• 

301 S,I.L Vol. VII Nos. 228, 273; A.R. No. 340 for 1930-’3l. , ' ' ' A * 

196 Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

epigraph from S or aba 3 02 is to Mangaluru of the district of South Kanara, 
for Mangaluru come across in the above epigraph is very possibly tire 
place of the same name in Soraba. Inscriptions are silent of any further 
information connected with military organization. 

301 r.p Car Vol VIII Soraba No. 467 




From the various gleanings through inscriptions, the economic life 
of the people of Tulu-nadu may be reviewed as follows : The epigraphical 
, sources earlier than the 11th century A.D. do not help us much in the 
fulfilment of this task to an extent as to be clear in our observations 
regarding the economic conditions of early times. This does not mean 
that the economic history of Tulu-nadu prior to the 1 1th C. A.D, is blank, 
because it is evident that from out of the political order, evolved by the 
Alupas and various other chieftains some sort of stability in the economic 
life of the people may be expected. From the 11th to the 16th centuries, 
we may find a basic unity permeating the life of the people. This seems 
to be conspicuously marked in agriculture. This unity continued until 
the advent of the British rule. 

About the economic conditions of the people of Canara, Buchanan 
in his Travels 1 writes “To judge from the appearances, the occupiers, 
of land in Tuluva are richer than even those of Malabar who are, no doubt 
in easier circumstances than those in Coimbatore or those above die Ghats”, 
It is, indeed, worth mentioning the remarks of die Compiler of the South 
Kanara District Manual 2 “Tenures and natural circumstances being 
.. alike favourable and the agricultural classes being generally industrious, 
a large number of ryots are in easy and prosperous circumstances and 
confort is probably more widely diffused than in most other parts of 
Southern India”. ‘Canara’ is particularly well adapted for the pursuit 
of agriculture. While the high Western Ghats intercept the clouds, the 
lofty forests arrest diem and cause them to precipitate their contents and 

1 Buchanan - journey from Madras through the countries of Mysore , Canara and Malabar, 
Vol. Ill, p. 34. 

r 2 South Kanara District Manual , Vol. I, p. 192 


Studies in Tuhtva History and Culture 

this joint action secures an unfailing and regular rainfall averaging 140' 
per annum. Famine is. in consequence, unknown in the country 3 4 . The 
coast-linc presents a sub-soil of alluvial deposit which is admirably adapted 
for coconut plantations, while the numerous valleys formed by the uneven- 
ness of surface in the interior are equally well suited for rice cultivation. 

Almost all occupations were paid by means of land grants on condition 
of making payments due to the state, which promoted the agricultural 
interest of the recipients and donees to an amazing degree. Cultivation, 
on a large scale, was undertaken by the land-lords, who possessed agri- 
cultural serfs known as alus. The gutledars (owners of gttllus ), the heggades 
of simes or nadus and the arasus of maganes owned a definite member of 
aUis, securing the appellation - innurala, ainurala, sdvirdla, aidu-savirdla, 
etc. These alus were men of low birth, especially the holeyas and also 
the billavas (in Tulu biruvasy. Since scrupulous attention was paid to 
cultivation by these serfs and since during peace time, it was their main 
occupation, much headway could be made in agriculture. 

A complete unit of an agricultural land may be termed as a balu or 
balike and in common usage it is known today as gbpddi. This unit of land 
had attached to it agricultural serfs called holeyalu, hennalu, gandalu and 
kurutas 5 . Further, it had the subsidiary and adjacent lands and object 
known as belli i, title, hakkalu, hadalu, hola, nela, jala, pasana, nid/ii, nikshepa , 
mane, bavi, kere, kana, makki, mara, nekki, midilu, againi, angodu, angasali, 
nirudari, bana, biliru, anubhava, lokki, sarvangodu, etc 6 . It goes without 
saying that the serfs had to be paid their daily wages in kind. The unit 
of land of this character inherited from the ancestors is known as mulada 
balu\ An inscription of Amulinja*, Bantwal taluk, South Kanara, 
refers to the balike which w'as called hosa-bettu, owned and maintained 
by Banga-Manjuva and his ancestors. The rice payment that had to 
be made to Bhairavadeva of Barakuru was from a particular balike, whose 
descriptions are given in the inscription of Hosala 6 . The exact right of 
ownership of a balike or land is expressed in the term kuditare (now r known 

3 South Kanara District Manual, Vol. II, d. 223 

4 S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 365. 

’ S - I T - Vol- IX, Part II, No. 415. 

J L\V°> 51 I No - Vol. IX, Part II No 417; Ibid Nos. 407, 467, 470, etc. 

8 Ibid No. 460. 

Economic L\ 

as ktidtale) . .7 The kuditare; of the Baiikeivara ■: devasya is. mentioned in ' the 
epigraph of Vira-Kulasekliara Aipendra 10 . : & w -y f yW "■ -jigj v > K; ••'.v 

' • Okkalu is the common term used for a cultivator. It may not be 
unfair to suppose that because of the intrinsic interest evinced by the 
Bunt community of Tulu-nadu in agriculture, they, have ;beeU called 
okkelme 11 . Even now, we find landed proprietorship in this community.. 
When a land is leased out to another person, he becomes a tenant-at-will, 
genikara. That the system of leasing out lands for rent prevailed is evidence 
evidenced by inscriptions 12 .. A family of cultivatois is also known as kular 
Any act of granting a gift of land to any institution or a temple was followed 
by the separation of kulahcom the previous links, so that there could develop 
definite allegiance of these hulas to the new master (whether it be a person - 
or agency). 

Judged from the cultivable character of the lands, three distinct 
classes appear to have been made - bayalu, majalu and bettu 13 . The first 
class land is called bayalu and comprises all the low-lying fields which are 
abundantly supplied with water, the direct annual rain-fall, being supple- 
mented by water, brought by channels from rivulets or streams or raised 
from rivers by baling. If three crops are raised in a field belonging to a 
bayalu, it is called kolake-gadde H . Kolake being the last crop, evidently 
the field becomes congenial for the growth of the earlier two crops as 
karli ( enelu ) and suggi. Epigraphs are numerous that mention kolake-gadde . ; . 
.The same kind of land giving two rice crops annually, is merely called 
either bayalu-gadde or suggi-gadde. The majalu or second class of land 
consists of those fields in the higher parts of the valleys, which, though not 
entirely dependent on the annual rainfall, have yet a considerably smaller 
supply of water than those situated lower down. On the majalu areas 
two crops of rice or one of rice and another of some dry grain or pulse 
are raised every year. The tliird class of land is called bettu and comprises : 
those , fields which are entirely dependent on rainfall and those which ' 
have a supply of water only sufficient to last during the short break of the 
monsoon. If the rainfall is very abundant, one good crop is usually ; 
obtained from the bettu lands, where the soil is of a good quality. Frequent 

. ' 10 £././. Vol. VII, No. 185. ; : : 7w hw \ V:-; .'Wf 

. n ; ; Ivtaniier :Tula-English Dictionary , p. 89. :: - . ; : j 7 
- , : 12 S.LI. Vol. VII, No. 332. : V W W : .r,/-fr;Ty 

; "• b Ibid No. 251 ; IbidNcA. IX, Part II, No. 426 etc. C t- Wv/ 

• : , 14 Ibid Vol! VII, Nos; 323, .195 elcfWW 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

references are made to hosa-betlu, hosa-bettu-gadde etc. in epigraphs. This 
would mean that they are brought into cultivation much later than the 
the bayalu. Another particular kind of field on the west coast may be 
mentioned here. If a field in a bayalu is submerged under water during 
the south-west monsoons, it is known as patla (patela, pattala)-gadde Xi and 
such land gives us one abundant crop - perhaps corresponding to suggi 

Two terms are used to denote an extensive field - timaru and maru. 
Hence we come across such names as — kolake-timaru, paduvalu-tinuiru, 
pali-timaru, bajalu-maru, etc . 16 Another term that is in vogue 
and that is come across in epigraphs is balli. A balli is a bayalu field 
where three crops are raised as in kolake-gaddc. A balli is a field of fertility. 
A few examples of ballis are — nayaka-baU, sitim-bali, budivanta-baK etc . 17 
Cultivating lands, invariably the extensive ones, are divided into smaller 
units, each of 'which is called an udi (in ordinary parlance odi ). To illus- 
trate malla-gadde of the Basaruru inscription is stated to have mudana-udi 
and badagana-udi of the solving capacity of one mudi and two mudis respect- 
ively' 8 . 

The division and naming of cultivating fields based on topography, 
form of the fields, name of the cultivator, name of the crop raised or any 
particular land-mark, are prominently seen in the epigraphs. This 
phenomenon also may speak of fragmentation and division of land in 
Tuluva. In Canara lands of different kinds of unknown extents and 
l)ing often in different places and even in different villages constitute a 
holding 19 . ’ The following are a few examples 20 . 

Based on topography : 

Ad't-bagila-gadde (field in the low-lying area near the corridor) 
Aramane-gadde (field near the palace) 

BaUya-kanda (field of the balli type) 

Bana-gadde (field cultivated with rain-water only) 
Bettu-bdgila-gadde (field of the bettu type) 

15 focdaltWl V ?'- IX > Part H > No - 4G0 - This epigraph mentions a 

' 6 So! ^95? 22 9 etc CUU,Vati ° n * ,he ^< ala land ' 

17 Ibid No. 229. 

Is F/-™- IX ’ Pan Ir > No - 512 

Smith Kanara District Manual , Vol II, p. 224. 

These examples arc taken from S.I.I. Vols. VII & IX, Part II. 

. ; -ffr : A Economic V-. ;,ty py: f:.r 'f'.'f-. 201: h 

• -* '•■ kf :fkf Kfif-yf^ddbf - v -- • ;. 

': : ; ipuli-gaddc (field on a very low elevation) =/ ' : -' ■ . 1 V' r-T/ty i' : ; . , ';■ : 
j.-'.liaduvala-gadde (field on the level ground) ' -/ty • ■y'-f -ffy , 

Hoyigc-gadde (sandy field) • . -• " . v y. T- y’yf 

Kalli-timaru (rocky field) 

• Kara-bay alu (field receiving profuse water supply in the south-west ■ 
monsoons) . • \ *...• I; - ..... 

Eddiya-gadde ( field in the distant corner) , . ; . 

Kola- gadde (field near the lake or pond) . 

.Kudura-kanda- gadde (fields in islets called kudurus) 

Kulambe-ycmba-gaddc (marshy field) . “ 

" Kumari-yemba-bayalu (field of the kumari type) The cultivation of this • 
land of fields is mostly in vogue near the Ghats. 
l i ' Majala-gadde (field of the majalu type) 

k Makkeya-gadde (field of the makki type) , 

Mudiila-vemba-gadde (field near the eastern house) 

Murantu-maru gadde (field whose substratum is Jateritc) 

Pali-timaru (field near the mosque) 

Based on the nature of the crop grown: 

- Adiya-gadde (field meant for raising seedings) 

Biilantavemba-gadde (field where raw-rice paddy is grown) 

Hala-gadde (field where milky-rice is grown) 
yi Kabbina-gadde (field where sugar-cane is grown) , . 

/ Kadasalu- gadde (field raising a variety of rice) ■. -tyty ty., 

; Kattina- gadde (field cultivated by water supplied by an irrigation bund) 
dvy Kolakeya-bayalu (field where three crops' are raised) . - ityyty (field meant for raising horse-gram) . . ' V iff yv.yyi 

; . Jf.aiiya-timaru (field infested or overgrown by weeds) . 

: , V: Suggi-gadde (field where two crops are grown) : >V'i ’ \\v, vvj-:.;;' 

; ; 'XJddugalemba- gadde (fields where black-gram is raised) ; • ^ 

oased on belongingness : '-ty ; 'V 

; : Banddriya-gadde. (field belonging to a bandari) ffy ). -.•) 

:: Buddivanta-baU-gadde (field belonging to a buddivanta) y '. f y 
: 'ii: 'Devard-k'aliya-b'ayalu (field belonging to god) 

; '^ : f'GaU}iy'd-gadde. (field fielorigifig : to a :imlkmah) '-f. c f fl.f 0 ; 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

Hebbdra-kallina bayalu (field belonging to the area, watered by the 
laliu of Hebbara) 

Jogija-gdddc (field belonging to one Jogi) 

Kambaliya-gadde (field belonging to one Kambali) (low-lying region of one Mani) 
jVi mdana-balu (field belonging to one Nanda) 

Nagana-gudde (field belonging to naga) 
jVayara-gadde (field belonging to a Nayar) 

Tambula-gadde (field belonging to a Tambuliga) 

Based on land-marks: 

Kangi-timaru (field near arecanut garden) 

Kere-gadde (field near a pond) 

Kcreya-balina-gadde (field near the region of pond) 

Mamna-gadde (field near a mango tree) 

Pejalimaru-gadde (field near the wild-jack) 

Pongatimarvvemba-gadde (field having the Indian coral tree as the land- 

Puhmaru (field with the tamarind tree as the land-mark) 
Talitadi-timaru (field having the palmyrah tree as the land-mark) 
Tenka-gadde (southern field) 

Tdlada-gadde (field near the garden) 

Based on sowing capacity : 

Haney a-bagila-gadde (field of the sowing capacity, measured in banes) 
Kolaga-bayalu (field of the sowing capacity, measured in kolagas ) 
Miide-gadde (field of the sowing capacity, measured in mudts) 

Based on number: 

Iruvailu (Twin bayalus) 

Elu-bayalu (seven bayalus) 

Ombaltumaremba-gadde (nine bayalus) 

Based on certain peculiarities : 

Amavaseya-bajalu ( bayalu sacred for amavasya) 

Ande-yemba-kiru-gadde (small field with narrow boundaries) 

Arasa-gadde (great and extensive field) 
hom-bajalu ( bayalu of the entire village IConf) 

■ 'J .'Economic Life: r/ 


X ;.y Makeyemba-bayalu (field infested by a kind of bird A': 

hh^hMorabiha-gadde: (field- infested by a kind of weed); Yy A ';;' v vy •£{<;• 

' ; , That scrupulous attention was paid to , cultivation '• by bringing all 
types of lands under agriculture and that intensive cultivation was also 
resorted to are evidenced by the above classification. T? --- . 

proprietory rights over particular lands were enjoyed by land-owners, 
the association of the cultivators with those lands, as if in a permanent;, 
way, is clear from the system of naming the fields. Specialized production 
of crops dependent on the nature of the soil is also observable. All over 
:tlie district of South Kanara, certain fields, known as kambala-gadde 21 , : 
are ear-marked for the conduct of an agricultural tournament called 
kambala. _ This happens to be a peculiarity prevalent in Tuluva. Kambala 
is nothing but buffalo-race, which is usually conducted after the first 
crop (karti) i.e., in the months of October or November. . , ; 

AA-‘ The practice of leasing out. lands for obtaining monetary aid on loan . 
seems to have been fairly widely prevalent and such a land whose benefits 
Yare accrued to the person lending the loan is known as aruvara-bhumi 
((uruvara-balu) 22 . According to this transaction the owner of the land who 
ti eased out his land would continue to be the possessor of muli rights only 
and all the benefits of the land would go to the lender of the money for 
.the specified period. A : , • N 

A Frequent references are made to kala-bkumi in epigraphs 23 . This term 
Y; may reflect on the mode of cultivation especially on wet land - kala being 
an area square or rectangular in shape filled with water where cultivation 
is undertaken. It is obvious that kala-bhumi is a first class land, perhaps, 

Y comparable to ere bhumi. It may also be remarked that kala-bhumi .is 
conducive for the cultivation of rice. We cannot but be drawn towards 

' . the terms haravari, grama-haravari 2 * . An extensive area, preferably, level 
in elevation . may be taken into account as a haravari „ And the fact that? 
most Units of, cultivation ha d attached to -^hm^karavarisl reveals the im- • 
portance given to agriculture and the necessary accompaniments' of agri-A- 

. 21 .S'././. Vol. VII Nos. 333, 335 etc. ’ W y-Yv 

YYA 22, After obtaining the loan by the .aruvara] 'system,- if more' money were required subse- ■ 
^:‘v.t;. ; tquentiy, it would be. possible: to raise further lodri." by. antararuvara. VA ':?'•>■? AAA 

AA.>. {S.I.I. Vol. IX Part II No? 5 12)... A :V.:; A -eA?-;- aAY A? AA AA'AA? AA A ; " 

Y ■v;;?g-d;^/.//'yoI.;yii ) Nos; 177 :^ AyAwAvAWW -A 


Studies in Ttiluva History and Culture 

culture. Special mention must be made of the area, known to epigraphs, 
as tdru ( saru ) 23 . It is the low-lying area on either side of a stream or rivulet, 
best noted for cultivation, at any rate, equal in importance and production 
to a bayalu. 

Agricultural lands appear to have been measured in two ways. The 
common custom had been to specify the sowing capacity of the land or 
field ( bijavari-gaddc ). This may be said to be tire universal custom. The 
second method, which was more prevalent in Barakuru-rajya, is koyilu. 
A koyilu is the equivalent of one-tenth of an acre. The following are a 
few illustrations 26 . 

Hiriya-gadde 1 
Guddeya-gadde 1 
Kudura-kanda 3 
Konke-gadde 1 
jYaj ara-gadde 1 

16 koyilu (1.6 acres) 
8 koyilu (0.8 acre) 
8 koyilu (0.8 acre) 
10 koyilu (1 acre) 

1 koyilu (0. 1 acre) 
20 koyilu (2 acres) 

The prevalence of this system of measuring may be traced at least 
to the 11th C.A.D., as wc come to understand in an inscription of Padu- 
Alevuru, Udupi taluk. South Kanara 27 . The granary preserving grains 
especially paddy is built uniformally out of hay and is called (uppe. 

(Heavy and fluid measures) 

The following were the measures of capacity used in measuring grains : 
Mude, mudi, khandige ( ikkanduga , muganduga and nagunduga), koLga, ham, 
bat la, kudute, sidde. 

Mude was the biggest measure and it was in use in three capacities, 
namely, dodda, sanna and nadamudes. Dodda-mude was, again, in vogue 
in two capacities of forty ballas or banes and fifty ballas or hones 1 . Sanna- 
mude consisted of 30 ballas or hanes 3 . The term mudi was singularly used 
in Tulu-nadu and its capacity was the same as that of a mude. Perhaps, 

u 5 /-/■ Vol. IX, Part II, Nos 424; A.R. No, 574 for t929-’30. 

26 S.I I. Vol VII Nos 178, 229 etc. 

27 A.R. No 585 for 1929-’30. 

• S.IJ. VII, No. 302. 

1 S.r.I. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 694. 

Economic Life . 

the only distinction between them.; \yas in. form 
precise .capacity of a nada-mudi or made. Ayf 

We- do not ; kho\v tl 

The measure khanduga was in regular usage from the 12th . G . A . D 
Its .three popular multiples ..-were' Tour IdmjdUgds^idgandug as)) fthTdedc/idndugc 
migandugas ) and two hhandugas (ikkmdugas). •••• • A khanduga was the oapacit 
of twenty kolagds 4 . A kalagdw’ as a 'measure of capacity of four lidlfas zx\ 
hence a khanduga would measure 80 baltds. •% f/ f 'v- ; ; : A v ? " 

The commonest measure in popular usage was ; the banc or ihcbbdllc 
'Adages in grain were given measuring in:'Mne or ballet. ■) In^.thhTistory-e 
Tulu-nadu, the earliest mention of a balla (valla) is. Had in the epigrap 
fof the 8tli C.A.D. of the time of Ranasagara AlupendfaS'AWeh ktatc 
,Ahat the Bhattaraka of Ghambukkallu was authorised to. collect -af/th 

--•rate of one balla from the 18 pat tanas for the worship of the God. Normally 
a banc would be of 80 rupees weight and likewise . a balla. This measur 
■ . balla was also in vogue in the district of Bellary, as evidenced by th 
-■Epigraph of HarapanahaUi dated A.D. 1035 6 . We come kcrossdcanbhinc 

hdnc> and besides being made out of bronze, we do not know wlicthc 
j- this ham was different from the ordinary one. Perhaps, there was som 
?: difference. It looks as though, sometimes, separate /ttwer were xised t« 
'measure paddy and rice 8 (baitada-balla-hanc and kancldna~akki~-ham) Whethe 

by the term devara-hane ’, we. should mean' a different capacity, it is no 
possible for us to infer. Hiriya-hane 10 seemed to have been} In 'usCnht 
although we are ignorant of its capacity, that it was in voguc is provec 
by one of the Barakuru epigraphs.; Perhaps, the standard capacity o 
bane was nada-hane 1 1 . In one of the epigraphs the relation between kdnehina 
idMiiCj&nd. nada-hane is given as follows 1 ?; -Ten- 

.v (2 : 1); In the mode of measuring there seemed to be two variations 
Aham'ely,' ottada-hane . and nilike-otiada-hane™. 

.: Oilada-ham would measure only up to the brim or level to the fop 

And nilikc-otlada-hdne would have over the fop level. Spariiiglyythe.measun 

3 S.I.I. Vol. IX, Part I No. 397 £ Ibid V’oYWlb Nos. 247; 376. etc/ .:-/: 

• . 4 .ibid Voi. vir. No. ido.- .■ '• A . . t-woMAN/ AW-WWAAA: 

• ; 5 MA/. VoI. VII, No. 284.' • ■ Mr WA AAW M W mA'ANAA ; 
:•> Avl.ii. No. 93 for 1904. :.vA MAA-M-Mf;: MA 

•f : 7 S.I.I. Vol. VII ; Nos. 385 etc. A A-WA tWA-AAC -fAyff AWAA 
: :k 6 Jbid No: 316. M ;.W wr- :.A. A; AAA'v AAAA-vA 

• : No. 257 tor 1931-^2; •.9.7:/. Vof IX, Part II, No.'426. AMA'I | 

. ; 10 S:I. 7. Vol. VII,; No. 346 ' i ;AA, Af 
■ 'Idybigisio.^ss. kb, d:i 

1 ;;f '$ind-i$6.- .35 I : A lA A A AM A MM'AAWMAMAAWAMAAA-MImAHAM 

Nos: 341 A ;345 Ah A NoA 3 1 8. for 1 93 f f>32h- AA h Ay-fAjhi 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

mdna was used and probably, this was equal in capacity to the ham. An 
epigraph of Barakuru states that the asrana was the recipient of two nnda 
manas of rice 14 . 

The smallest measure was a kudute or sidde, four of which made one 
measure of an ordinary ham or balla ,s . 

In fluid measures, we obtain three capacities, namely, kudute or sidde,- 
hanc and hada. Kudute was of the weight of six tolas and hane of 24 tolas. 
Hada, perhaps, weighed one maund. 


Clothings were measured in malave; salt, paddy, rice, gingily etc. 
in herns and chillies, ginger etc. were measured in bharas' 6 . Taxes were 
levied based on malave, bhara and heru. That this system existed in the 
early 9th C.A.D. is evidenced by one of the Udayavara epigraphs of the 
Udipi taluk, South Kanara 17 . We do not have any further information 
about the weights in usage. 


The precise date of the introduction of coinage into Tulu-nadu is 
not known. Perhaps, during the 10th century A.D. the coin gadjana 
was in currency. Tliis is evidenced by an inscription discovered, at 
Byuru of the Coondapur taluk of South Kanara' dating about the 10th 
' * (according to palaeography) which enumerates gifts given to 
god Mogeri and seems to impose a fine of 50 gadyanas payable to the king 
on a person violating the grant. This happens to be the first reference 
ga y ana in the history of Tulu-nada. The name Pdndya-gadydna first 
occurs in S aka 1062 (A.D. 1140) in the history of Tuluva'in an epigraph 
o ara 'urn. South Kanara 2 , which informs us that one Sivananda-yogi 
r'rl : . 1 C anty (nivedja-sale) and placed it under the management 

°. °’ a ia Buraia and gifted 30 Pandya-gadydnas for the agra-puja of 

arka ^ esva _ ra deva. This was during the reign period of Bhujabala 
avi-Alupcndra. That dming the Alupa period two mints w'ere in exist- 
ence, one at Barakuru and the other at Mangaluru is evidenced by an 

!’ S I/. Vol. VII, No. 326 

A.i? Nos. 335, 338 for 1930-’3I , K.I 
S 1 1 Vol. VII, No. 177. 
n A 1 /\ VoL VII > No- 247. 

1 pp. 23 & 24 

2 Sect ’ on B. 
z.I.J Vol VII, No. 381. 

Vol. Ill, Part I, No. 78; 

. ;:f : , /Economic Life 

inscription. of A .D. 1205 of the time of Pandya-Ghakravarti Kuiasekharal- ’ 
yyy®ridra 3 ,:;- : y The -epigraph register^' a: grant; oG : 50 Bdrakanura-g'adjana and 
/ ‘ 50 Mangalwa-gadyana and some' lands to the Durgadevi of Bidurc, .Karkala 
taluk, South Kanara, for the conduct of worship and offerings. Thus, 
l^tHe'-'earllest coins that; can definitely be said to have originated -in this 
; region are the coins of the Alupas which bear their emblems of two fish. . 

; ; The obverse of these coins shows two fish standing erect under a canopy 
{ flanked by a conch and chauri or a water-pot’ and lamp and the reverse 
has a three- line legend in . either Nandinagari or Kannada characters 
;y reading $ri Pandya-Dhananjaya. : . 

y It is certain that the Alupas put into currency gold coins with the 
- legend Pandya-Dhananjaya and this may be in the 11th G.A.D-. This title 
Q. -Pandya-Dhananjaya was first, assumed by the Alupa king Udayaditya Pandya 
■{ Pattigadeva who seemed to have ruled in the last quarter of the 1 1th 
; f.;.llth G.A.D. 4 It is now clear that there was an Alupa ruler in the lineage 
of. the Alupas, named Pandya-Dhananjaya who may be said to have 

w.been in power between A.D.970 and A. D. 1000. Tins is evidenced 
■ by the recent discovery of an epigraph of this ruler in Beluru of the Coonda- 
pur taluk s . This happens to be the only inscription of this ruler whose 
•; name came to be assumed as a title by the Alupas who succeeded hiim. 
V Now, there is absolutely no doubt about the ascription of these coins 
to the Alupas and they are not of the Pandyas. And it amounts to no 
reason how and why doubts arc still expressed by some scholars regarding 

; / ^ this identification. 

f,iy. y lt is quite possible that the Alupas accepted and adopted fish as the. 

; symbol in the 10th century A . D ., if not earlier, for an inscription of Entiru, : ■ 
Karkala taluk, South Kanara, dated A. D. 967, refers to mina-rldnchana 6 . 
y Tire epigraph is incomplete and does not give us the name of the ruler. . . f . 

Perhaps, . it belongs to the Alupa king, very probably Kundavanna I, . 

: for in A.D.968, . he is stated to have installed the. image’ ''.of 
; at die temple of Manjunatha in Kadri ; of Mangaluru, South Kanara 7 ! : ; V A 
; . It is still unanswerable how and ' Why. the Alupas came to adopt the / ; 
fish symbol which was . the accepted state symbol of the Pandyas. Three ; : 

•v 3 uid No. 223 -■ • '• 

rp ; 4 A.R. No. 526 for 1928-’29 
m Elate; XIII /. 
v *.,<S ; : Vol; . VI I, No. 253. 

V ' -: 7 Ibid No. igi.uAyA'CAvV, 


Studies in Tuhma History and Culture 

hypothetical explanations may be given in this connection. If it is true 
that the Pandyas had defeated the Chalukyas in the battle of Mangalapura 
which is the same as Mangalore of the South Kanara district, then the 
Alupas as the vanquished (being the feudatories of the Chalukyas) may 
have accepted the subordinate position under the Pandyas by adopting 
their state symbol. In the state of our present knowledge, we are unable 
to say anything definite about this. Nor do we know whether any matri- 
monial alliance took place between the Pandyas and the Alupas. Secondly, 
it is quite possible that the fish symbol and the conch and water-pot were 
adopted by the Alupas because of their sacredness both to the Hindus 
and the Jainas. Thirdly, it may' be surmised that because of the influence of 
the Mtha-Pantha, which in the 10th century A. D. was gaining prominence 
in Mangaluru, as a token of reverence to Mlnanatha (Matsyendranatha), 
the fish may have been represented on the coins of the Alupas, who defi- 
nitely during the 10th century were under the influence of this new faith, 
w licit is proved by the installation of the Lokesvara image. Future 
research alone could reveal further information about this. 

Tractions of the coins — Hana , 1- hana and \ hana are also known. These 
weigh 400, 200 & 100 mgrms. respectively. The obverse design on the 
wurt is similar to the design of the gadyana , but on the reverse a single 
■Nandinagari letter is impressed in, vi and so are the letters we have come 
across so far. On the l and \ hams, sometimes there is only one fish - it 

!?, . C at ^ lc was t0 ° l a rge and the coin too small, and the other 
fish is off the glass. The reverse shows a sahkha. 

An interesting silver coin of the same size and weight as the gadyana 
las t ic sarne obverse and reverse as the gold coin, but a Nagari inscription 
reading gadyana can be noticed above the fish on the obverse. These 
silver coins arc rarer than the gold coins. Two other silver coins 
o gadyana have been discovered of late. The legend is in Nagari. 

The Vijayanagara Period: 

U - ^ C yy a y ana S ara period the coinage was divided into nuincr- 

Frorn ™ anc * C0 PP er - Silver coins were also in currency. 

that ttif r u " -° Stone anc ^ co PPcr-platc documents, it may be observed 
that the following coins were under currency. 

4 : Economic Life 

< 3 o Ifi : ] i ^ r^dyzyii/c ; b« « « ) ^ ^<2^2^; 

:AL (sanna-pratapa, hana i .hdga:Pd...yyr LaAL. : : f.-l-’ r Aa 1 

Silver: Gadyandytarak . ri\f AaL-A-W 'AAriA,A;A.A : A La a 'TaTa’aA:' A y 

3l3y3 L ':’ a iCk^perykEt&mpjiid^'duiMc. A -• : -.<: V. - V-A y. Ay.-' A :¥i3'3 , a ; aa : ,A 

There seemed to be four , varj eties of the coin gadyana : . ■ ' - ■ - ? , ■ f A /; ;•• >;' y > L A' 

: aLaLIa T Varaha-gadydm4(itijddha-gadyqna or nija-gadyana) vAA A AgA-L 
333'- JfDddda-vqrdha-gadyanq . /AA ■' \\. v/yyAA ;■ 

|||aA3 \ y.ICodanda-gadyam • • ‘ A , 1 , '• 

ydy^^i ^KdlmrPahhEa^ga^dna. . ...... .y ■;•. A-Ay yy/A 

y;.;%fTiie relationship between, dodda-varaha- gadyana and vardha-gadyanay is,.’ 
$rioty (dearly known. : R. S. Pancliamukhi 8 suggests that dodda-varaha 
Hyas :double; ; in weight and value of the ordinary gadyana. He writes that a 

iwd-h&ye got only one rare instance of this dodda-varaha in the double pagoda 
of 119.7 grains weight issued by the Tuluva king,-.Krishnadevaraya, which : 
fis^|ti^6d',Th‘ .IUiotV coins of Southern India PL III, No. 112. But the 
/inscriptions of Tulu-nadu point to the use of this coin earlier than the 
time of Krishnadcvaraya . An inscription of Basaruru 9 , South Kanara, 
dated A AD. 1482, records the personal loan of 82 dodda-vardhasgr&nted 
^\kai^pofplPiitimdladeva.- An epigraph of Kathari Saluva Immadi-Narasiriga- . 

; raya i0 ,; dated A/D. 1499, registers a gift of charity of 44 dodda-varaha to 

iNarasmihadeya by the governor of Barakiiru. There arc a number of A 
other instances of the use of this coin both during the period: of Krishna-; 
;i;jdcvat < aydV'and; .prior to -';his reign", ■ • - •’ . 47 • v ’-V ■ 

Qm .kdfirgadyand h usually found in the inscriptions of South 
yKanara whose exact relationship with the varieties mentioned above is 
.not. clean V Any way, '.the ratio between k ali-gadyana and gadyana docs A; 
riot: seem liked in all regions. An inscription which enumerates the coin 
/as kdli-gadyana 22, kdli-gadydna .1 00, kali gadyana 5 horinu, tends to show, that . 
ykali-gadydna is equivalent to honnu (vard/ia)'-.! But an epigraph Of Nagar 13 , L 
Simoga district, dated A . D . 1 463, informs us that four kalis went to mrike y; 
one . But an inscription, of Basaruru 14 , South Ivanara gives us- 

^pC\rM^1Us^i^a^ird'€mnmeifi6fdfnn Volume - Pthe Coinage of. the Vijayimaghra .Dynasty';* At 

A,3 *:s:.:i:nYoi. ix 5, No. 471. ; , -AAVyAA v/AtAyyAy^y AAyvcytAty 

'-A; :}° Mid Vol VII, No. 364. A .7 Ay-CyA' : AyyyAy'AyAAA Ay; v yAA7- V Af L;; 


SlIiL Vol. IX, Part'll, ' No.; 



Studies in Taluva History and Culture 

tlic equivalent different from the above. It is stated in it that 59 kali 
made up 23 nija-vardha and 6 liana. The Saligrama inscription 15 of the 
Udipi taluk of the same district states that when Vitharasa-Odeya was 
administering Barakuru-rajya under the orders of the king, the latter 
granted 250 kdli-gadyanas, while Vitharasa-Odeya granted 500 kati-gadyam 
counting in all 300 ghati ( ghatli ?)-vardha-gadyanas from out of the siddaya- 
tax due from the village Kota. If ghatti-varaha-gadydna is taken as the 
equivalent of nija-gadyana, we can say that the ratio between varaha and 
kati is 5 : 2. Another inscription 16 states that 80 kati-gadyana made up 
32 dodda-vardha in which case 2J- kalis were equal to one dodda-varoha. Here 
kail appears to be the same as varaha. 

The next type of gadyana was kodanda-gadyana. The lone epigraph 
that mentions this coin is found at Hosala of Barakuru 17 , South Kanara 
dated A.D. 1423 of the tune of Bukka III. It says that kodanda-gadyana 7 
liana 7 ubhaya gadyana 30 which work out roughly at the rate of four nija 
or suddha-gadyana to make up one kodanda-gadyana. We come across another 
type of varaha known as kathari-a nkusa-gadyana 1 8 and its relationship with 
suddha-varaha is not known. 

The next coin after gadyana was pratapa. We come across gold coins 
of the Vijayanagara period which are half and quarter of gadyana in weight. 
The half gadyana was probably known by the name pratapa'’’. Perhaps, 
sanna-pratapa mentioned in one of the Hosa-basti epigraphs 20 of Mudabidure, 
South Kanara, meant a quarter of a varaha-gadyana. Reference to sanna- 
prdtdpa is also made in an inscription found at Polali, Ammunje of the 
Mangalore taluk, South Kanara 2 ', which records that 10 sanna-pratapa 
w-ere gifted for the ushd-ptije of Polaladevi. 

Normally, 10 hanam made up one hont^— gadyana). This ratio is con- 
firmed by several records 22 . But according to an inscription at Harihara- 
pur, dated A.D. 1418, during the reign of Devaraya II, 5 panas formed 
one varaha 1 ’. We do not have much reference to pana in the epigraphs 
of Tulu-nadu. 

15 A.R. No. 514, for 1928-’29. 

' S I I. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 659. 

7 A.R. No. 266 for 1931-’32. 

* S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 229. 
n Vo! - m > Part I No. 78. 

20 S I./. Vol. VII, No. 209. 

' Vol. IX, Part II, No. 460. 

23 MAR Ep'Ca r . V, Arastkere 51 etc., 

mar 1932, No. 42, pp. 209-10, S.I.I. Vol. VII, No 225. 

' : ri' 1 : ^ V ib' 'r^^EcofldmiC • v y " j 44 v : ; V : " T;/ ;•. 211;. 

ypb At They : Basdmakkfi ^nsdxiption ' ofy'-BHatalcala, 4 North' rKaiiafan dated 
: A . D ; 1538- 4 refers : . to 30 gadyanas of silver and we do not know the nature 
of its equation with tlie gold coin That both the gold and silver 

) -gadyanas were in currency is evidenced by an - epigraph of Kaikani of 

A.D. 1542, which mentions chinna- 
;.y.* r '-. . . ••; '■• ".■•■■ ' : A 

-pAA'p Tara as/a coin occurs frequently in the inscriptions of South Kanara. 
v According to Abdiu* Razak, it was equivalent to l/6th of a fanaml while 
^laurhys reported by Maliaum was 1/15 of fanam and tare was equal' to 1 /6th 
l-. of according to Vartlicma 26 . The last two might represent .the 

Asame coinv. whereas the first appears to be a different coin, higher in-value.. . 
4;An ; ihsCription of Chaulikeri, Barakuru, South Kanara dated A.D.1372 27 
:^StipnIat(^vthat at.the rate of 13' taros per dium an amount of 55 gadyanas 
^0omk)jper annum was granted for some purpose connected with the feeding 
of Brahmins. This works out at the rate of 85 taras per gadyana. 4 

4/ tyfeThe copper coins of the Vijayanagara mint are vast. Abdur Razaks’ 
|;vrepprt refers to only one coin, namely, jilal. Perhaps the reference made 
i to/jitti-gadyana™ in an inscription of Basaruru, Coondapur taluk, South 
4; Kanara, dated A . D . 1444, may be to the same jital of Abduz Razak. 
4 The coin diiddu appeared to have been in popular usage in the northern 
( portion of Tuhi-nadu 29 . It was of the double value of a tdra (when it 
,/ywas; a:copper coin) the equivalent of 4 pies. 

mi •f +V»nr» v q re i -vs TlOTOO fl 

■yiarttp: prdtapa, sama-pratdpa, Bdrakura-tara, BarakUru-): 
^ gadyana /md . Mangalura gadyana. As gold coins have been accepted 
•4a4 ' tlieir; intrinsic value in areas outside the jurisdiction of the issues, it 
/ . pan be surmised that most of the gold coins were in this sense ‘current 5 in 

v of the paramount powers circulated in this region. It is also probable 
f pthat the .G^ showing the elephant on the obverse was current: 

;;p.:-:; 24l -irx/;:y 0 ];:m 3 Part I, No. 'll A- A ' /.V. v ; t/fv-b ■; -Y;-. 4 4 444 /d ■" 

.■ 25 y6fa / No; l^ Chinna-gadydna may be .1/8 ,'bf ' varaha, '- : ;V yy - i ' = : - ' 



Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

in this area and the pon refers to this coin known as ane-pon. This coin 
with its fractions turns up in this area often. The Chalukyan coins are 
much rarer, but a coin of Jagadekamalla with a lionon obverse and a three 
line Kannada legend on the reverse has been recovered in this region> 
along with its fractions 1/10, 1/20, 1/40. The Hoysala coins are rarer, 
but at least two specimen with the legend Nolambavadi-gonda are known. 
The Vijayanagara coinage is available easily and in large numbers a 
recent find at Panambur dining the excavation of the harbour basis must 
lave originally numbered a four thousand coins out of which 270 were 

recovered by the police. These were all Vijayanagara coins sarahas 
and pratapas. 

Coins of Hyder Ali, 1 ippu Sultan and Krishnaraja-Odeyar of Mysore 
a o turn up frequently in this region. Hyder’s Bahaduri-pagoda, Tippu’s 
oultam-pagoda, Farukhi-fiagoda , and fanams are known as also the silver 
corns of Tippu. Copper coins of Tippu and Krishnaraja-Odeyar are 

oun m arge quantities and the silver coins of Mysore also turn up, 


The Alupa Period 

Inscriptions of the Ajupa period are not adequately informative 
m connection with the_systcm of taxation instituted by the Alupas. One 
le inscriptions' of Aluvaraja Chitravahana I, dated A.D.694, men- 
10 ns imposts. The imposts and tods once granted by a ruler were recon- 
med either whole or half by his successor and that there were tolls 
{sun mm) ot l on water and on land is attested to bv the Udayavara 
inscriptions of the Udipi taluk. South Kanarah Derails of the dues 

J-- ° i^ 0U fr- m ° nC ° f the l<5amb!mka Hu records of the time of the king, 
j ' 1 / 3 . ararnina3 - It relates that the ruler confirmed the following 

ues o ie cities of Pombulcha and Udayapura as follow's: per double 
J° “ °ne and a half basket of grain; per malaoe of cotton - sixteen 

, J’!' 1 ° cotton > per load of arecanuts, three hundred nuts and per head 
pepper - sixteen palam of pepper. The customs dues were, therc- 

{ Ep Car XI Dg 66 

;A;.:'A ; A\/y' iT'kATA f y Economic : Life '/.■'■■■}■’ Ay- A A-AyfA y 2 1 3 ^ ••• ; 

yfore, 'paid in kind. One of the early inscriptions 4 * ; written in . characters : ' 
of the 9 th C.A. D •; ; from Hattiyangadi. of the Coondapur •. taluk, f ■ 
. South Kariara of the kingdom of Pulimiarasa, whose identification' is still : 
obscure; It records the remission of a moity of taxes due to the nagara 
^of Purigere from certain merchant settlements. That the 9th C.A.D. 

had a definite system of customs duties in Tulu-nadu is evinced by this , , 
y epigraph. > ..y AyA- y 

y Ay The; epigraph from Gauri temple, Mudabidure, dated A.l) .:1215h, ■- 
' mentions the customs duties of the town of Mudabidure {nagarada surika) ... , 

: and an . inscription of Karakala, dated A. D. 1334, of the time of Vira- 

Ballala HI and Lokanatharasu of Karakala 6 gives the account of the tax 
^(customs . duties) imposed on the following commodities: seleya malave: 

(perhaps bundle of cloth), uppina-heru (load of salt), menasma-bkdra .(load , 
ybf;’ chillies), suntiya-bkara (load of ginger), battada-hore (load of paddy), 
akkiya-hcru (load of rice), ye llu-heru (load of gingily). 

'•r/.V ' The next instance of a definite tax is had in an inscription of KStesvara 7 
> of. the Coondapur taluk, dated A.D. 1261 of the time of Vira-Pandya 
which records a sum of 180 tidduva-samuddya-gadyana and states in the 
y imprecatory portion of the record that neither the king nor the pradhani 
;■ nor the ddhikari nor the urdla could violate the mariyade. Another epigraph 
: dated A.D. 1254 8 records that the mahdjanas of Brahmaura should pay 
“;l7Q0 [gadyanas to the king once in three years as tidduva-samuddya . By samu- 
yddya-gadydna, it could mean the fixation of tax payment to. the state with ; 

■ the consent of the people in an assembly and this tax was not to be arbi- 
ytarily changed or increased by the authorities. The practice of fixing 
the tax in congregation is further proved by another epigraph of the. 
Alupa period, dated A.D. 1262, of Coondapur 9 , South Kanara, which . 
•registers samuddya-gadyam 140 for the grama of Coondapur. This was 
v fixed in the presence of Voddamadeva Narasimha-hegga de, Kotiyadaha, [yt: 

Allakheya-senabova, adhikariti Nachi and Desipumshas. The Padu- ; ; ^ 
y Alevuru inscription of A.D. 1292 10 seems to fix the amount of taxes 
..- in money to be paid to the state and to some specified officers./;. It alsoky 

4 A. . No. 557 for 1 929-30. 

i ; s d.T.I. Vol. VII, No. 222. : •: 

y • As:i.i. voi. vii, No. 247. - . ; : • 

VAi ' S-I.l. Vol. IX, Part I, No.: 395, 

A2:*' 8 d -R . No. 486 for 1 928-’29. : ■' , 

W C- T5..7./. Vol. IX, Part I, No. 396 

: 'A V.- 0 AR. No. 587 for 1 929-’ 30. ; V ,/ 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

mentions the tax bedungula. From the inscription of Kodavuru 11 of the 
Udipi taluk of the time of Ballamahadevi, dated A. D. 1287, it is clear 
that samudaya and bedungula were collected upon the land. It may not 
be possible to interpret the term bhukti-samudaya-gadyhna, that occurs 
in an inscription of Nilavara of the Udipi taluk 12 , South Kanara. It 
may be that the tax was paid for the right of enjoyment (bhukli from bjibjya). 

Dr. Mahalingam opines that siddaya was the tax collected in cash 
or realised revenue 13 . R. S. Panchamukhi seems to be of the opinion 
that it was the income-tax 14 . Dr. B. A. Saletore compares it to fixed 
rent 15 . Whatever be its nature, it was the chief source of state revenue, 
as is evidenced by frequent references to it in inscriptions. 

The revenue from the payment of penalty for breach of law or violation 
of inhibitions was known as tern or tappu-danda, which usually was paid 
in gady anas. 

During the Vijayanagara Period 

The chief revenue to the state was from the bhanddra-sthala. This 
was, as already explained, the crown land whose income or revenue was 
exclusively set apart for the expenditure of the palace. Siddhaya and 
samudhaya taxes were the regular sources of state revenue. Very often 
gifts of charity to persons and religious institutions were made out of 
sxddhdya-tax. Although the term kandaya bears only a general meaning 
today, perhaps, it was a military tax that was imposed during the Vijaya- 
nagara times. Kandachara referred to in the Peraduru inscription of 
A. D. 1431 16 must be a sort of military tax. This may be analogous 
to kandaya. 

Inscriptions speak out the following payments and honours normally 
expected of the people to be made to the coppers 17 : 

1 . Katlundere-gadyana 

2 . Uravara udugore kati-gadydna 

3 . U pachara-kdii-gadydna 

4. Marydde-gadyana 

11 Ibid No 577. 

12 Ibti No. 491 for 1928-’29. 

31 T. V. Mahalingam, A.&S.L. in Vimanaeara, p. 76. 

14 K.I.I Vol. I, p. 179. 5 1 

15 B A Saletore, S &P L. in Vymanaeara. p. 458. 

16 A.R 284 Tor 1936-’37. 

17 S.I I. Vol. VII Nos 315, 344, 348. 

Economic Life 


5 . Adhikara-maryade 

6 . Melukati-gadyana 

7 . Kula-upachdra-gadyana 

, 8 . Parivara-gadyana 

9 . Kulagrada-homm 

1 0 . Bidara-dharma 

1 1 . Sone-marydde 

12. ILadike-honnu 

13. Malbya-gddydna 

14. Kantha-kanike 

. 15. Bdlina-teru 

16. Aydna-vdrtane 

1 7 . Mariyade-gadyana 

18. Adhikara-maryade 

A great number of unintelligible terms denoting tax payment are 
specified in some of the epigraphs 18 . The following are the most important 
of them : 

Akara (Akaraf aniya , aimireti, appane , attantodi , anigadi , any ay a, bidard , 
bedettu , bhatta , bellahardne, bidu, bitta beludanda, dukha, devaradharma , isi, 
gayi, gadi } guttdge, hiranyd , jedu 3 kanike, keldgoda, kiidagani, kengoda, khaddaya, 
kayi, kudanji, meiidsu , meldgara, nolati okkalu, oppu, sese, tappu, vdradd i etc. 

It cannot be said that all these taxes and payment of honours were 
introduced by the Vijayanagara governors. At least some of them con- 
tinued from early times. Since for a full interpretation of these various 
terms, information is not available and because of the obsoleteness of the 
terms, we have to content ourselves with a mere mention of them as they 
' appear in inscriptions. Yet the following interpretations may be offered 
for some of them : 

t Akara — Tax on minerals 

Anyaya - — Penalty on wrongs done 

Bidara — house-tax 

18 A.R. No. 114 for 1935-36; Ibid No. 531 for 1928- 5 29. 

S.I.I. Vol. VII, Nos. 211, 322, 348, 349, 350. 

' Ibid IX, Part II, Nos. 408, 409. 

K.I. Vol. I, No. 53. 

Ibid Vol. III. Parti, No. 72. 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

Dukha — payment at the end of state mourning 

Bcdettu — agricultural sendee of ploughing animals 

Tern — ordinary tax 

Kanihe — payment of money to the royal court 

Mane-hana — house-tax 

Noga-hana — agricultural tax on yokes 
Okkalu-guttagc — tax on cultivating farmers 

Osage — payment to be made on certain specific days in 

connection with conveying tidings 
Ettu — tax on bullocks 

Gayi — tax on cattle 

Bldu — payment to be made to the memorial house 

Tappu — penalty 

Varada — money contribution 

Apardda — penalty 

Appane — payment as per royal will 

Bhalta — payment of paddy on harvest 

Land grants made for religious purposes were stated to be free from 
all of the above taxes on payments. 

(a) Trade Guilds 


The Settikaras ( $resh(is ) 

Trade in Tulu-nadu was in the hands of sreshtis who were known 
as settikaras'. Inscriptions are too numerous to be mentioned in particular 
Barakuru, as explained elsewhere was represented by 16 settikaias, perhaps, 
m matters connected with trade, both local and foreign. This signifies 
that this body of 16 settikaras was responsible for the regulation of trade 
and transaction in that town of political importance. Contracts were 
entered into between the various guilds or between the various keris, 
(streets) represented by the settikaras. Likewise, the guilds of the settikaras 
regulated and controlled the trading activities of such towns as Karakala, 
Mudabidure, Enuru, Mangaluru, Basaruru, Honnavara, Bhatakala, etc. 2 
Thcie is no doubt that these various guilds dealt in varieties of commodities 
and articles of daily consumption and ofluxmy. 

2 S vJ'~ Adm)' 11 ,’ I96 ,V 197 ’ 206 ’ 22I > 242, 309, 321 etc 

Administration - Municipal administration. 

^ ■>£ V’j;?- ; ; BcpnO. 

' rrT'o*r%l^c? ' <oro ri r/v/>r\1 \--Vi m An 

» .' . - ’• -. , ■ . . 4# , , t • . _ • ^ «■. : . .. •• . \ w. - ,<o> , ,. , •> - 

•ydtoV denote their, role in trade and commerce. .', > The .inscriptions of Bliata- 
kala and Honnavara also give importance to the sell is, 

'■ ' - THE ' BALANJUS j.r. r.r-i} 

iji;; Aiipther: group of traders was . that of the u Bdlanjus and this guild is' 
commonly known tlrroughout the . economic history of Southern India, 
and dilation on tliis body of economic importance seems unnecessary. Refer- 
ences to this guild are, no doubt, scant in the inscriptions of Tulu-nadu. 
But on that account it cannot be said that the Balanjus or Banajigcts were 
insignificant, for a record of the 15th century A. D. 4 states in the impre- 
catory part, that if any setti violated the provisions of the grant or record, 
he would be excommunicated from all associations of Batanja. Another 
epigraph of A. D. 1281 of Mudabidure seems to repeat the same punish- 
nent for the breach of the regulations 5 . . ' 

- r \ • • THE nanadesis. 

; ‘‘Just as the village panchayats presented self-Government in the 
ullages, the guilds preserved self-Government in trade” 6 . The ubhaya- 
lanadesis were members of such guilds. An inscription of Karakala, 
lated A. D. 1343, registers a grant from out of the customs duties to the 
lantinatha-basadi in the presence of and by the king, the pradhams^ the; 
alaru op Karakala and ubhaya.-nanadesis 7 . .. . • . 

THE GAVARES - . ./?; y.yh 

Another community of traders was ; that of die gavares. They were 
> r ell settled in Barakuru and Basaruru. Galling the gavarega the head 
f A^commerciaX. guild, Dr. B. A. Salctore confesses, that his. status is 
iikno\m 8 .' yTt is true their role still remains unexplained . ' In Barakuru, 

y 13 s.ij. Yoi vu, No. 197 . ■. ■ • - h , ;v : ■ v >. a- v- 
l^S.iy. : Vol. VII, No. 185. ■ •• - • i-A'AAy:;' vCyy:,/>: : 
■:.:pylbid No. 213c-. :yC;- v „: ; 


Studies in Tultiva History and Culture 


these gavarcs had set up their own temple known as Gavaresvara-devala) cf, 
which was granted a gift of charity in A. D. 1461 by one Annapa-setti- 


The w’ord nakhara ( nakara , nagara ) occurring in Kannada epigraphs 
is employed in the sense merchant guild. Nagara is defined in the Siva- 
Talva Ratndkara' 0 as a metropolis of imports and exports, a residence 
of various communities and castes and a seat of the king. Frequent 
references to nakhara in the inscriptions of Tulu-nadu reveal the fact that 
trade v'as also controlled by this body, known as the nakhara. That Udaya- 
\ara the earliest and the busiest town of Tulu-nadu, w'hose trade and com- 
merce were under the control and supervision of this body is evidenced by a 
number of inscriptions”. Another record of the 9th century A.D. found 
at Hattiyangadi registers a remission of a moity of taxes due to the nagaras 
of Purigere from certain merchant settlements by Pulinnarasa”. The 
importance of trade with the country above the Ghats in the 9th century 
A.D. near Basaruru of the Coondapur taluk is proved by this epigraph. 
The temple of Nakharesvara-deva of Basaruru may be said to have been 
built by this guild 13 . The term nakharadi-nalvaru which occurs in an 
inscription of Vira-Pandyadeva in A.D. 1397 conveys the sense four 
members of the merchant guild 14 . The expression Barakura pattu-keri)a 
nakhara-hanjamana dearly suggests that the merchant body controlled 
trade in Barakuru 15 . 


In the economic history of Tuluva of the medeival times the body 
known as the Hanjamanas figures in prominence. Concerning the Hanjama- 
nas, various speculations have been afloat. The Madras Epi graphical 
Report commenting on the mention of Hanjamanas in the Basaruru 

* S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 338. 
n - Cha Pt- VI, w. 15-16. 

“ A*. L l9 2 9--30 para 45 p. nakaraia-npatUrkkotu. 

MahaHn"’ad£va^° r A.D. 1155. This temple is known as Mahatobhafi 

'* Vol. VII, No. 221. 

/WNo. 350 -A.D. 1399. 

. Economic Life y l ffv.- ••> > W ;; . 4 T- y fP0 219 

inscription of the South Kanara district., attempts to connect these people 
with the Anjuvatinattai: of the .Tamil inscriptions and. collates, them with 
the live artisan castes and" with the Pachlamb am of Telugii land**. 
The futility of this iiiterprctation will become evident in the following 

X^I^DrpSircai*^ in his. note on the Hanjamanas confirms the above view 1 ’ 
‘‘since there is little possibility of the reference here being to Parsec settle- 
i nients, in the North and South Kanara districts, it is very probable that 
[haiijamdrm-hanjamana-hanjamana should be understood in the sense Pahcha- 
varnaof the Lexicans, the same as the Tamil Ahjuvannam . (Skt Panchavarna) 
understaood in the sense of the five artisan classes viz., goldsmith, black- 
smith, brazier, carpenter and stone-mason, who are also known in Tamil 
as'Ahju, Panchalattar, Panchalam, Pahchalaster and Pancliakammalar” 18 . 
-: : Dr. .Sircar’s conclusions seem to be arbitrary and he has not made an 
^examination of the various references to hanjamanas in the lithic records 
of Tulu-nadu. Moreover, he does not seem to have understood the 
^meaning; conveyed by a particular word palli associated with hanjamana. 
tfh'il': Ihicbntres, of political and commercial importance of the whole of 
. the district of South Kanara - Mangaluru, Barakuru and Basaruru - this 
• body, of people was well settled and emerged influential in overseas trade. 

This is .amply supported by a number of inscriptions 19 . 
ie:vf;VT;Therefore, ."-what Mr. Jivanji Jamshetji argued in one of his articles 20 
^tracing .the origin of the word to Persian seems correct. He traces; the 
^jm^othafyamaha, sometines also spelt as hanjamana to avestic hanjamana 
• and Persian anjaman and refers to the town of hanjamanas in the three 
; Siiahara grants of the 10th and 11th centuries A. D. The migration 
ipandisettlcmcnt of these hanjamanas from the Thana regions downwards 
; ; to the districts of North and South Kanaras as a trading and commercial 
y group becomes therefore fairly clear. Why Dr. Sircar doubts such . a 
..possibility, is un-understandable. The commercial contact between the 
|f|est Coast of India and the Middle-East is of antiquity and hence it is 
: no wonder that. settlements of the Persian Muslims should be established 

yy p. 62,=.. •> ..••".•.;.• .•• v -v. '•-■ 

j-jZ Ep-hd- Yol. XXXW, Paru VI, pp. 291-292/ r .W y V-W : ; ; W 
.’il/';':. . Third Epigraphical notes No; i 8 about hanjamana, Vol . IX. 1 . t : ' 

; . : Vol. VII, Nos.- 380, 350, 349; 182; Vol.. IX, Part II, No. 459. 

. /r./. Vol, I, No. 48 of 1939-/40. rWY-V •• ■ V-W W 

579 °r i929-’3o. ww- ywrwww : y.y • vwyv 

■■^PJnd.Ant. Vol. XLI pp. 173 to 19h'fV < T.V V;:.;; 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

on the West Coast with special privileges granted to them by the rulers 
That this community was prosperous and influential is revealed by the 
epigraphs specified above. Because of their trading activities they were 
almost with the other trading or commercial groups and they had to 
abide by the general regulations governing the towns where they settled. 
Although the exact date of their arrival and settlement cannot in the 
present state of our knowledge, be given, as mentioned above their acti- 
vities definitely commenced from the 12th C. A. D. It eludes one’s com- 
prehension how Dr. Sircar could think of distance as a factor of preclusion 
for the Parsee settlement on the West Coast of India. 

(n) Trade Contacts 


Archaeological excavations alone should reveal what kind of contact 
existed between the cost of Tulu-nadu and the Western countries. As 
a ready mentioned, that some sort of overseas trade and commercial 
relationship was maintained is evidenced by the mention of the inland 
City Olohhoira (Alvaklieda) in the Ptolemcy's Geography; Nitria (Netravati) 
m \ le J Wn y s account s ; Mangarouth (Mangalore) in the Christian Geography 
ai1 aoura (Honnavara) in the Greek Periplus of the Erythrean Sea and 
? 6 1 , e ' . ^ lus> ^ lc Greek and Roman accounts seem almost unmistablc 
m testifying to the vigorous overseas contact of Alvaklieda Malpe, Baraknru 
asaruru and Honnavara, which have been throughout the history of 
uluva vibrant with variegated activities. 

_ , ' Govinda Pai suggests 1 that in the Arabic classical works of the 

century A.D. reference is made to Mahgaluru as Manjaruru and tire 
at since in the Arabic language, there is no alphabet ga, all later Arabic 
works mentioned Mangaluru as Manjaruru. Seven wiiters Ibn Khurdadh- 

??TV (A Q ;?' 844 r A - D - 848 )’ Sulaiman (C . 9th Century A.D. ), Yaqubi 
( : -^-A.D. 880 , Ibn Rusta (C.903 A.D.), Masudi (A.D. 943 
T , IdnS1 ( A - D - 1154) and Dimisqui (A.D. 1325) mention 

a out ’ arii, which is the same as Korikan*. All of them speak of 
1C extensiveness of the kingdom of Konkan and pointedly lefer to the 
pio uction of teak. The country of Malibar (Malabar ? ) is introduced 

2 S. Muliammad' ^ ,,rva Soinh) — article pabhshed in Ttnka-nadn, p- 20 

Introduction, pp 1-20 S 1 ninar - ^ Tn b Geographers’ Knowledge of Southern India - 

.. A A; Economic. : ^ d • ; - ^ : AAA 221 

to us for the first time by the Arab Geographer, Yaqut (A, D. 11 79 - 

■ ' .'A' ‘ 7T90Q\ ; ‘ T'l a TV"! A/fo-niKoi' A ci O 4 r Ir-n'rsii’m"- ‘A, rt .4-1-1-^.^ .. 

Fida, :Idrisi and Qazwuiii mention Malibar. To the Arab Geographers, 
Tulu-nadu seems to be a part of the country of Malibar (Manibar). 
Konkan and Malabar countries being definitely known by the Arab 
• : Geographers from the 9th century A. D. Tulu-nadu too would, have been 
recognized as of considerable importance in contemporary times from 
, the point of view of trade and commerce. 

AA ;AYaqut (A . D . 1 1 79 - A . D . 1 229) and Dimishqi mention ■ Faknur, . 
rA which is none other than Barakuru (Barakanuru), the traditional capital 
of Tuluva 5 . Yaqut relates that after leaving Barwas (a big city at the- 
.. end of Kaubaya) and passing through a curve we come to the country 
> of jVIalibar, from where pepper is exported. Its famous cities are said 
to be Manjaruru (Mangaluru) and Faknur (Barakuru). Dimishqui mentions 
that Manibar adjoins Hunnur (Honnavara ?) and that it also is named 
as the country of pepper. There are many cities, the chief of them being 
Diinishqui and Abdul Fida both mention Hannur although 
each appears; to have independent information 5 . Hannur is modern 
Ifonnavar, the: head-quarters of the taluk of the same name. North Kanara 
; district 6 . Dimishqui relates that Hannur, situated on the sea-coast, 
; i( lias beautiful surroundings and has under its control ten thousand villages, 
y all, inhabited. Abdul Fida (A. D. 1273 -A. D. 1331) opines that Hannur 
y ds a small town with a number of beautiful gardens. Again, both of them 
:'w|iye ;us : information about Mangaluru (Manjaruru). Abdul Fida says - 
y hhat M^afuru is situated to the east of Sindabur, Hannur, and Basaruru. 
.••It is said that Manjaruru is the biggest town in Manibar (Malabar). 
v|dts king is stated to be. an infidel. He says that from Hannur to Basaruru, 
a sipall town and behind Basaruru is Manjaruru 7 . Dimishqi states that 
Wthe-city °f Manjaruru is situated on the river known by the same name 
. ‘i and: which empties into the sea, where there is ebb and low tide. There 

rd S. 1 Muhammad Husayan Nainar — Arab. Geographers' Knowledge of : Southern India - 
A introduction, pp. 33-34.. A ,<V AAA'A : A A'- A v A AAAAA' 

flbid <py34 A A AW V } ' ’ /V •; > y ■ '> A: A A .V , „ A y , •' : -i Ci f rf 

^Bombay Gazetteer, : Vol. XVj Part II, parill, Kanara, 7.. A:- ; 

dv V* Muhammad Hasayan Naiiiai- - Arab Geographers’ Knoivledge of Southern Iiidia, p. 28. 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

is a large quantity of pepper available here 8 . He also points to Harqilya 5 , 
which is supposed to be on the coast and has a big area. It is said to have 
under its control about 1000 villages, situated on hilly tracts, as well as 
the coast. Ibn Battuta (A.D. 1355) also refers to Honnavar in A. D. 1342 
and testifies to the fact of its prosperity through trade and commerce’ 0 . 

A few remarks on the accounts left by the European travellers that 
throw some light on the condition of the trade in the coastal regions of 
Tulu-nadu may not be out of place. It is noteworthy that Tulu-nadu 
received a large number of European travellers” from A.D. 1500 to 
A.D. 1675, whose accounts are really valuable in assessing the economic 
and social conditions that existed in this teritory during this peiiod. 

Barboza is of the opinion that many a ship anchored at the port of 
Bhatakala for which it was virtually an annual feature, from Ormuz, 
to take cargoes of ‘White-Rice’, of which there were abundant stores 
and powdered sugar for which country was renowned. He further adds 
that the foreigners took large quantities of iron ores from Bhatakala and 
this comprised the ‘principal cargo’ of the place. There was a regular 
trade in pepper and spices which were produced in plenty in the hinter- 
land and which were brought to the town of Bhatakala for sale. A special 
mention is made by the same observer about the wood ‘myrobalam’ of a 
\ery good quality, which was held in great demand by the Moors from 
Arabia, who paid a considerably high price for it. Bhatakala also occupied 
position of importance from the point of view of ‘trade in horses’. The 
doors brought Arabian horses of good breed to this town, which were 
supplied to the Vijayanagara empire too”. The same observer testifies 
to the large quantities of rice produced in Tulu-nadu and throws some 
light on. the method of cultivation 13 . 

8 Ibid p. 61. 

9 ffM P 4n 3 ^wlT^ r ? U ‘ lya J m , ay bc identified with Kasargod, 27 miles to the soutf 

'o £ i 11K J *1 formed the southern most part of Tulu-natlu. 

Shins J0Ur ,T y , fro , m Sindabur, is on a large inlet navigable for largi 

for P fmir mnn?^ l *-\ C pyshkal, which is the rainy season, this bay is so stormy tlia 
p 230 hS ’ 11 1S lm P 0SSlble to »H on it except for fishing” - Gibb's Translation 

11 a n°l SOR ar A ir Cabra i , ( Portu Sucsc) A.D. 1500; Ludovico Varthema (Italian; 
fPortiufn^l A f< S S ^m b .^ U ^? Ue ( Por tugucse) AD.1509-M5; Gaspar Correi 
Fred«-rir Tr ll^' 1 ? A 5 !-?"; Duarte Bar bozc (Spaniard) A.D. 1504-’14; Cacsai 
V-r, 111 57 Van Smschoten (Dutch) A . D . 1 595 ; Pietro Dells 

u (En g lish) A D . HOT ' 62 ? ; PCter Mundy ( En S llsh ) A.D. 1630 and John Lryre 

13 7ti l c?pp. Ba 9 r 2. OZa ~ A descr!pl,on of the Coast of East Africa and Malabar, Part I, p 189- 

f- 'Wv'V : /r VV^ 1 ', ; 'V:V;V :i ! V* ^ : _v : <r.;' 223- ■ 

'VAv Mangalore shared a good part of the sea-borne trade of Tulu-nadu. 
-The Italian Traveller j Ver thema, who visited India in A. D. 1506 says 
that he witnessed nearly sixty ships laden with rice, ready for. sail in the 
port of Mangalore 14 . Earlier we have in the accounts left by Ibu Batuta 

■ that the port of Mangalore (Mahjaruru). sold enormous ■ quantities of 
Ipepper and ginger 15 . Mangalore must have suffered serious set back in 
"trade towards the. middle of the 1 6th century A.D. because of the loot 

: and pillage by the Portuguese who seemed to have come into serious . 
;; grips with the Chauta chief of Ullala . Perhaps, tlie poor reference made 
to the trade at Mangalore by Caesar Fredericke in A.D. 1567 may only 
:Vbe attributed to this cause 16 . But the same observer gives us a glowing 
account of the rice trade in Basaruru. . Rice was exported to Goa in large 

-A ' r : v A- •' 

^li^r'Deila^sile' tells that saffron, brought from the European countries, 
y was brought in large quantities in this region, because it is said that the 

■ liatives of this country prized it most. They seemed to have mixed this 
.article . with: the sandal-wood paste for using the marks on their foreheads, 
for perfuinery and for a 'thousand other uses’. Della Valle gives us an 
account of his meeting with the Chauta queen who asked him questions 

i about the production and availability of article in Europe, in addition 
to other rarities,; and was given ah assurance that he would send her a 
.present as soon as he reached his native country 18 . The traveller 

.. writes that pepper was grown in large quantities in the Gerusoppe area 
; .and it; was weighed and sold in ‘sheltered places’. He gives his reason 
why the queen of Gerusoppe was called the ‘Queen of Pepper’ by the 
^Toftuguese 1 ?.- r V •; : . , 

.•/A" • f It looks as.though there was trade contact between Tulu-nadu and 
• tihina.:;vAn ^epigraph > of Hosa-basti, Mudabidure, dated A.D. 1429 
; mentions the purchasers of the ‘China cloth’ ((JhiTiambara-vikraya-priyakarijn), 


. : 0dadabidure) 20 . The- presence of the relief of the Chinese dragon on one 

l-j'. Vi vll ' di VerlKetna of Bologna, 50. > . ■ ; • ; ' ‘ . 

of Ibn Batuta, ?;V"- ■ ;/ W-’* r - 

A ^Mli^ttiirPosiktimiiSyX, p. 101 . V.-. :-:‘ r 'rSi '■ \ W, : .-''"--VC ; A'.-" ;i ' 
W : ;.yh ibid p.;iqiHAwf:RAA'" : g ; tv. '; : :A Av- A r . 

.‘/••’A.V vt >= : .';v ••’.C' ! y'i -V - : -A 

A/vf. : yot VII,'m^l98;. ff|v ; ^ A- ’ • 


Studies in Tiduva History and Culture 

of the panels of the basement freizes of the Bhairadevi-mantapa further 
supports this possibility of trade contact with China. 

Trade Contacts with Karnataka 

As already referred to earlier, one of the earliest epigraphs that 
mentions trading connections with the up-ghats regions is that of Hatfl- 
yangadi, Coondapur taluk, assignable to the 9th century A. D. 21 which 
seems to remit the taxes to be paid to the town of Purigere (Lakshmancs- 
vai a in the Dharwar district) by the merchants. The Udayavara epigraphs 
of the 9th C.A.D. inform us about the toll regulations both in Patti- 
Pombulcha and Udayavara 22 . The early Alupa rulers being in charge 
of Kadamba-mandala, as pointed out in the political history of the dynsaty, 
we have sound reasons to believe that definite trading and commercial 
links must have been established between Tulu-nadu and the regions 
above the Western Ghats. It has already been pointed out that most 
of the important feudatories of Tulu-nadu had hailed from the regions 
above the Ghats and established themselves in Tulu-nadu. This political 
phenomenon cannot but augment the trade-links with those regions 
contact^ of diverse forms must have marked the relationship between 
Tu]u-nadu and the Hoysala kingdom during the 12th and 13th 
centuries A.D. Even in the field of architecture, the Hoysala influence 
is clearly discernible. It goes without saying that tire direct rule of the 
ljayanagara governors over Barakuru, Mahgaluru and Honnavara- 
rajyas for a period of more than two centuries and half resulted in the 
creation of unprecedented ‘waves’ of contact between the empire and 
tins strip on the Western Coast. 

It is very interesting to take cognisance of three epigraphs "which seem 
to perpetuate relationship between the regions above the Ghats and below 
A C -n G i hatS ’ - ThC im P recator y portion of an epigraph of Puttige, dated 

’ ' it is stated that if any body violated the provisions of the 

sasam, he would incur the sin arising out of the slaughter of cows that 
have descended from the seven Ghats (ehi ghattadalli ilida lapile-lameratiya 

konda d5sha )T Likewise, another epigraph, dated A.D. 1545, repeats 

the same imp recation (i/u ghattadalli liva gougala Londopadty*. 

“ for 1929-’30, p. 86. 

“ Ep-Ind Vol IX, pp. 21-24 

” twx V o’ VI1 ’No 229. 

ceri ding from 0Ut of the Milin S of t!,e C0WS > d<S ' 

/’/•/ ■ : Economic : /> S/ ■: ";' -A //'■/::' -A '.,225 : 

//A/fThe third imcription,: dated A.D . 1544. speaks of the 18 Ghats and : 
the cows descending from them 2S . A few epigraphs rightly record' import-, 
ance to bulls that, come down the eight Ghats; 1; They inform us that for 
j1 “ “ r xl * ~ — - r fe record, one would be the victim of the 

•/eight Ghats {yeniu ghaitadalli iliva etlugala konda dosha) 2 *. These epigraphs 
; are significant in that they are not merely the. conventional references 
/ but expressions of facts relating :to the regular trading contacts estab- 

!lishcd.r"' ; ^ V;:Vj1 ' / 11 1 ^ • " ‘ v - 

/(///•/'/The epigraph of the town of Barakuru, dated A. D . 1431, states that 
/' such - commodities as rice, wheat, . bengal-gram, black-gram, ' green-gram, 
gingily, sugarcane, ghee, jaggery, ferngreek, spices and pulses were/being 
' ' ‘ r ""t * r 1 j1 '~' 1 Another record of the same 

>: plice and date refers to the above-mentioned articles and commodities 
being brought to Barakuru for sale 28 . Both the epigraphs record of agree- 
/niehtis entered into between the representatives of the Chaulikeri and the 
y Murukeri of Barakuru in connection witli the systematic and regulated 
sale of these and other articles. . These are, indisputably, clear proofs of 
/ regular /commercial contacts with Karnataka. 

■ : ion /comprised agricultural produce, mainly rice, coconuts, sugar-cane 
and /biilses of various kinds and pepper as the noted commercial crop 
///wHch/bfOught such Toreign exchange’ for the State. Teak and myrobalan 
/aycre accounted as of high value. For textile goods, Tulu-nadu depended 
/ on imports from Karnataka. 

Nos. 273, etc. Vlt goes without saying that the bulls: were the beasts of burden/ 
and commoditieK hronfTlit' from and taken to the uosrhat resrions on bullocks 



The Three Strata of Society in Tulu-nadu 

Social history of Tulu-nadu should begin with certain significant 
facts of three classes of its people enumerated below. These are: theBillavas 
and Mogers (Mogeras); the Nadavas and Nayars and the Brahmins 
and Jainas. This does not mean that the other classes or communities 
of people are unimportant in the evolution of the social and cultural life 
of this region. The importance of the above three strata of Tuluva society 
must be appraised in the fact that their role in the variegated activities 
of social and cultural life has been more marked than those of the rest. 
Hence a reflection of study. 

The Billavas 

The Billavas were numerically the largest community in Tulu-nadu, 
at any rate, in the district of South Kanara'. In the northern part of 
Tuluva, they are called the Halepaikas. The term billava seems essentially 
a generic term and it simply means, a bow-man or a hunter 2 . It is really 
difficult, in the present state of our knowledge, to decide whether these 
Billavas represent the hunting stage of civilisation, because there appears 
to have been much of blood inter-mixture. Based on their chief occu- 
pation of distillation until very recently, they have been mostly taken to 
be die same as die Tiyas of Malabar, who in popular mew, were said to 
have been the immigrants from Ceylon who were responsible for introducing 
the cultivation of coconut into South India 2 . But similarity of occupation 

Legacy of India - The World’s Heritage, p. 184 

C ^ Val ™, t word billava is birum, which also means hunts. . 

Vol TT „ TO ] \ orlds , Heritage -p. 185; Manual of Madras Administration, 

in Kana?; mil' Thc .P aI ™ cultivators in Malabar and Travancore are called Tiyas, 
norUiem Teluga districts Eidigavandlu The tradition 

"... hYfjf-yyjf : y ff:/ Society ■ and Beople '-T} '- • ■ '(■( Ct i.: ;;- 227 ' 

need not support: the common origin of both . . j Thurston, in his work 
Castes and Tribes of Southern India, has perhaps rightly remarked : “It Is 
worthy of note that the Biliavas differ from the Tiyans in one very import- : 
ant physical character - the cranial type, fdr, while the Tiyans are doli- 
chocephalic, the Biliavas are like other Tulu classes, sub-brachycephalib” 4 . , 

' Baidya and pujari are the surnames employed by. the Biliavas. The sur- 
name pujari is most fitting to this community, because the entire bhiita 
worship (devil-worship) appears to be dependent on them 5 . In any 
. celebration of the bhuta (devil or daiva), the presence of a Billava (pujari ) 
is essential. He plays the role of a patri (one who gets possessed of the 
bhiita, along with the devil-dancer). It may even be said that a good 
bpart of the practice of devil-worship, may be traced to this community. 

It was the two Biliavas, Koti-baidy a and Chennayya-baidya who, after 
?.: the;ir heroic end, were deified and these have been enshrined throughout 
the Tulu country in the sthanas known as Baidarkala-garadi 6 , (Shrine 

'where the Baidyas are worshipped) 7 . Amongst the principal daivas of 
Tulu-nadu, Koti and Chennayya have had a most marked recognition. 
.The story of these hereoes may be taken roughly to five hundred years 
back, since reference to Ballalas is made in the paddana. 

4 Castes and Tribes of Southern India - Vol. I, pp. 243-52. The Biliavas or Billara are a 
,4k. , Tulu speaking caste of toddy drawers mostly found in South Kanara, Manjirabad, 

Txrthalli and Mudigere. They speak Canarese in Mysore. The word billavds 
iff signifies bow-men and the name was applied to the castemen, who were largely 
j'h’vV 1 ,.. .employed as soldiers by the native rulers of. the district. But there is no authority 
fp: ./in support of this statement - Mysore Tribes and Castes Vol. II, p. 288. , 

5 . Wlule the Pujaiis are associated with bhuta worship in many cases, it is 'not. correct.. 
if.Mj. to say that the entire worship depends upon them. Certain bhiitas like Kodedabbu, . 
Sff s /. Koraga-Tahiya etc. are worshipped by the Mundalas without the intermediary ; of 
hr ; ih: the Pujari. So also in the case of Mogaras and Muggoras. ■ flyl' 

Kyf'Jf 'Garadis arc gymnasiums, where the Baidyas, are - Worshipped -as herpes. . •/ Not 5 .-all' - 
I VCs ■/,: 7. faradis have Koti-Ghennaya as the only, deities. There are Kanta-Bare, Buda-Bafe 
as. well. and Brahma is invariably .the main deity. .'(Kankanadi garadi is Brahma-; 
'■f\ ‘.;;Baidarkala garadi). ' .' . v \: 4. •• ; • y-y< v.;p 

f'.'.'rji Castes and Tribes of Southern India, p. 227. (Parts A & B) - Manner -Tiilu—Paddanolu. 
v. • pp. 34-52. . - . ' . • • ' :. 'T/ S'- f 

:}■ : 7 Mysore Tribes and Castes, Vol. II, p. 290; Every village in Kanara has its bhuta-sthana 
v or demon : temple, in which the officiating priest or Pujari is usually a ma r cf the , 
Billava. caste and shrines innumerable are scattered throughout the length' and • 
V- : breadth of the land for the propitiation of the spirits of; deceased celebrities, who 
V ; ; in their life time, had acquired a more than usual reputation, \yhetlier for good - 1 
?:; ' or evil, br' had met-with the suddeh : or violent death. , In addition tb tliese, there t';' 
^.v-areidehions of ffie-jiuigles. and- demons of the wasteV.demons who guard the. village 
;;;;;. : - ;V ; ;‘b°undanes and'demons whose only apparent ;vocation is that of playing tricks :- 
f : such as.throvving : stones oh lmusd?ahd;cau^ng}naischief^ geriejfally^vy :.y ■ 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

Baidya is a popular surname amongst the Billavas and this may be 
because they have had tradition of being vaidyas or physicians (there is 
no meaning in interpreting the term baidya as one who is a new-comer). 
“ Vaidyan or baidya, meaning physician or medicine-man, occurs as a title 
of Kshaurakas, Billavas and Pulluvans at times of Census and has been 
returned as an occupational sub-division of Paraiyans 8 ”. 

The term hahpaika employed in the northern portion of Tuluva, 
to these people is suggestive of their antiquity, for by the name hahpaika 
(which also is used in the upghat regions of Mysore), it could mean an 
old (ancient) man of PaSuka or Haiga, which was the territory surrounding 

In spite of the numerical strength of this community, epigraphs of 
Tuluva are few and far between in referring to them. This may be because 
of their inferior position in society. It is quite possible that they consti- 
tuted the chief ground for the recruitment of alus for fighting. Only 
two inscriptions make a mere reference to the Billavas. The Heruru 
epigraph of A.D.1444 mentions billa-biruva, which means the Billava whose 
chief work is with the bow 9 . Another inscription comes from Chokkadi, 
Udipi taluk. South Kanara, which refers to the work of Billavaru and 
also mentions Billa-gudde' 0 . 

It is not possible to decide whether Pandya-villarasa of the Udayavara 
inscription of the eighth century A.D. has anything to do with the Billa- 
vas 11 . How this community came to be associated with the work of 
distillation and how they became untouchables are not yet known on 
historic basis, (distillation is one of the occupations which is stigmatised 
in the saslras cf. the Manu-Dharma-sastra). In regard to their community 
organisation, the Billava caste has a head-man called gurikara whose 
office is hereditary and passes to the aliya (sister’s son). Affairs, which 
affect the community as a whole are discussed at a meeting held at the 
bhuta-sthana or garadi' 2 . 

The Mogers ( The Mogeras) 

The Mogeras are the Tulu speaking fishermen of South Kanara, 
who follow th e aliya-santdna law of inheritance. Those who are settled 

! ?')l r5 l 0 . n ~ tS Tribes of Southern India, Part A - p 227 
9 A R. Nos. 588 & 579 for 1929 to 1930. P 

Ibid . 

;; Ini Vol. IX -p. 19. 

hurston - Castes & Tribes of Southern India, Vol. I, p. 247. 


Society arid People 

in the northern part of the district would follow the makkala-santana system. 
The settlements of the Mogers (fishing community) are called the pattanas. 
For this reason, pattanadava is sometimes given as a synonmy for caste 
name. Like other castes of Tuluva, the Mogers worship bhutas , the princi- 
ple bhuta of the fishing community being Bobbariya in whose honour 
the kola festival is held annually. The pad-dana of this bhuta has it for us 
that Bobbariya was a Mapillah or Byari (Muslim), who, after death, 
became one of the powerful and also useful bhutas of Tuluva 13 , 

Every settlement or group of settlements of the Mogers has a Bobbariya 
bhutasthana. There is a religious head of the community called Mahgala- 
Pfydri, whose headquarters are at Bennekuduru near Barakhru w . 

For every settlement, there must at least be two gurikaras (headmen) 
and in some settlements there are as many as four. The office of the head- 
man is hereditary. The ordinary caste title of these people is Marakala. 
It is very difficult to decide, whether, in times of yore, people of their 
name-sake migrated into Tuluva from parts of Central India, for it is 
suggested in the Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency - Kanara, that their 
immigration into North Kanara might be possible because of these Mogers 
bearing different physical features from those of the natives. In the 
absence of further proof, nothing else can be said in this connection 15 . 

Although the name Moger or Mogheyar is late in epigraphical reference, 
their ancientness as the people of Tuluva can hardly be doubted. “The 
people of fisher-castes are either fishers or hunters according to the locality 
they live in. As fishermen, these castes confine their operations mostly 
to the backwaters, to the sea-shore or to the mouths of rivers. As hunters 
they frequent the forests and jungles of the interior (these are known as 
Muggers in Tulu) and some still live by the products of the chase although 
many have settled down to other occupations, since the forests have 

decreased 16 .’ 3 ■ 

. - - /* 

The two inscriptions that make, passing reference hearing the name 
Mugera or Mogeyara are (a) Mugera'gadde (field belonging to Mugera- 

13 Manner - Tulu Paddanolu, pp. 1-3: 

14 Thurston - Caste & Tribes of South India , Vol. I, p. 350. 

15 Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency — Kanara, page 345, 

16 Manual of Madras Administration - Vol. II, p. 231. f 

According to some, Muggers are not the same as Mogeras. Muggers are a sub- 
community in the untouchable group. 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

Mogera)' 7 , and (b) Mogeyara Vira-Nayaka (Vira-Nayaka belonging . 
to the Mogera community)^. 

Tlie Billavas and Mogcrs, therefore, may be said to belong to one 
group and perhaps, they may be said to constitute the first stage in the 
development of the civilization of Tulu-nadu. Both the communities 
possess the same balis, whose description will follow presently. It may 
be possible that die Satiyaputras come across in the Asokan edicts may be 
the Billavas and the Mogeras. 

The Nadavas 

The Manual of Madras Administration equates the Nadavas who consti- 
tute an important social group of Tuluva with the Nayars of Malabar. 
Nation of Tamil-nad is also stated to be an almost similar term, deriving 
its route from nadu and conveying the sense, the headman of any caste 
invested with the civil jurisdiction of a tract under the native administra- 
tion. Ndttar is described as the District Revenue Officer, whose duty 
it iv as under the nadve administration to superintend cultivation 19 . 

The South Kanara Manual gives us the following account of the Nadavas, 
The Bants as their name implies {Bant in Tulu a powerful man, a soldier), 
were originally a military class corresponding to the Nayars of Malabar 
and the use of die term Nddava, instead of Bunt in the northern portion 
of Soudi Kanara, points amongst other indications, to a territorial orgamsa- 
don by nads similar to that described by Air. Logan as prevailing in 
Malabar. But few traces of such organisation now prevail, great changes 
having been made, when the Vijayanagara Government introduced more 
than five hundred years ago, a system of administration under which 
the local Jain-chiefs, tiiough owing allegiance to an overloid, became 
more independent in their relations with the people of die country- 3 .” 

0r ^ n the Nadavas, it proceeds to say 

Nothing very definite is known of the origin of the Bants, but Tuluva 
seems, in the early centuries of the Christian era, to have had kings, who 
apparendy were sometimes independent and sometimes feudatories of 

overlords such as the Pallavas This indicates a constant stage of 

lighting which would account for an important class of the population 

" f 1 t Vol VII, No 26<t. 

" Vol IX, Part II, No. 457. 

70 Vol III.p 355. 

Kanara Manual , Vol I, pp. 156-’57. 

being known as Bantam or warriors, and as a matter ofcourse } they succeedec 
in becoming the owners of all the lands which did not fall to the shar< 

of the priestly class, the Brahmins 21 .” 

'v; , . Thurston, in his Castes and Tribes of Southern India, gives the following 

account of the Nadavas, “This is a caste of Kanarese-farmers found onl) 
in South Kanara. The Nadavas have retained four sub-divisions one 
of which is Bant and two of the other three are sub-divisions of Bants. 

the most important being Masadi. .1 have no information regarding 

the caste but they seem to be closely allied to the Bant caste of Which 
Nadava is one of the sub-divisions. The name Nadava orNddavaru mean? 
people of nadu or country 22 ”. And regarding their features and character, 
Thurston writes to say, “They still retain their manly independence 
of character, their strong well-developed physique and still carry their 
heads with the same haughty toss as their fore-fathers did, in the stirring 
fighting days,, when as an old proverb had it ‘The slain rested in the yard 
of the slayer’, and when every warrior constantly carried his sword and 
shield. Both men and women of the Bant community are among the 
comliest of Asiatic-races 23 . ■ ■ ' - 

Let us now examine the position and status occupied by the Nadavas 
as revealed through the inscriptions. The epigraphs of Tulu-nadu do 
hot give us much information about this community of people, although, 
as we are informed by the South Kanara Manual, that “the Bants are 
now the chief land — owning and cultivating class and are with the except- 
ion of the Billavas, or the toddy-drawers, the most numerous caste in a 
district 24 ”. Moreover,- even the few epigraphs that make mention of the 
Nadavas are come across rather late. The first mention of the Nadavas 
is in the Mundakuru inscription of the Mangalore taluk, South Kanara, 
;dated A . D . 1 293, which refers to a gift, details of which are lost.?' • The 
tenants and -the Nadavaru are stated to have, set up BommotiiydkaBu,' which 
may be the same as the stone on which this record is inscribed 25 . The 
next epigraph is of Barakuru, dated A.D. 1325, which mentions the violence 
and outrages of Paduvakona-Nadavaru 26 . Another epigraph of the same 

: Vc4, 1, p. 157. . ; . y... . v - • < 

22 Thurston. - (7a j/c <3? Tribes of Southern India,Vo\.Y, pi '134. 

23 7 w<f,voi..v,p. 149. : : ;■ --ky-f 

'• 24 South Kanara Manual, Vol. Iyp. 

: *T x a. R. No. 530 for 1929-’30. ; .. ■Ly.'-y.; 

V.;;- 26 sil l: y 0 i, VII, No. 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

place, dated A. D. 1399, includes the Nadavaru in the court assembly 
of the governor of Barakuru, Nagarasa-Odeya 27 . An inscription of Kaikani, 
Bhatakaja, North Kanara, dated A . D . 141 7, mentions the kutumba (family) 
of Mani-nadava and the donor ICalluga-nadava mentioned in the same 
inscription must be Kalluga-nadava 28 . The latter seems to represent 
uttarabali , among the twenty-four balls and was born in Bidiremannu and 
he was one of the donors for the maintenance of chailyalaya and an alms- 

But outside Tuluva, especially in the district of Simoga, very important 
mention of them is made of this community 29 . 

We are not able to understand whether these Nadavas were the 
original inhabitants of the above mentioned places, where the inscriptions 
are recorded, or they hailed thither from Tulu-nadu. Anyway, frequent 
references to them in the Malanad regions of the upghat country seem 
to have given them a place of vantage and considerable importance. 

The Tamil epigraphs make frequent mention of the Hat tars or Nattavats. 
Dr. T. V. Mahalingam opines that the Hal tars or Natlavars are the members 
of the nadu, inhabitants of the district 29 . There may not be any doubt 
the term Nattavar is the Tamil counterpart of Nadavaru in Kannada. 

From the foregoing examples, we have three hypotheses before us 
to decide upon their origin. Firstly, they may have been tire builders 
of nadus and as a warrior class, their chief obligation was to protect the 
nadu. Secondly, they may have been essentially an agricultural people 
and hence lived in families known as okkalus earning the name in Tujuva 
okkelme (an okkaliga). Thirdly, the term nadava may be applicable to 
all those who reside in the nadu. It may be suggested here that the term 
naiava is comparable to the other cognomen, such as aluva, senava, billava, 
malava, etc. and that its root may be nadu meaning ‘to plant’ and their 
early occupati on may be agriculture and later with the assumption of 

27 Ibid: No. 350. 

H -K-l Vol. I, No. 41 or l939-’40. 
fJZ wv ' Shik , ar P ur No. 1 8 1 , A . D . 1 1 70. 

Yr • D «y. anah 4!i No. 72, A. D. 1338. 
nf: Y° ‘ ~ £ r( t a!!i ’ No - 197 > A. D. 1362. 

n j y° ’.YI 11 . - J irthal !‘- No. 119 A. D. 1372. 

Ib’d. No 134, A D 1404. 

Ibid. No. 196 A D. 1405. 

30 p. No/sT'aTdTg^: Nos - 27> 29 ’ 3i - 57 and 58 - 

■ v. Mahalingam A & S. Life of Vijayanagar, pp. 85, 212, 216, etc.. 

. :r:;v> .... . ... .y'W Society and People : 233 

social influences, got associated with the. so-called military class. . > It may 
not be a vain conjecture to suggest that the bognomen nadava may, be 
taken to be the exact Kannada equivalent of Rashtrika. This suggestion 
does, not mean that the present Nadavas are the descendants of the 
-•Rashtrakutas to whom reference is made as the Rashtrikas or Nadavargaf’h .. 
Even if we are to venture to connect them with the Rashtraku talineage, 
it may not be far-fetched, because the familiar phrasc-Rashtrakutapramukhah 
kutumbinah - which occurs in a copperplate inscription, shows also that 
the, Rashtrakutas 'werekutumbigalu , the cultuvators who enjoyed a higher 
social status than others of their community 32 . We are still in the dark 
whether the first and the earliest mention made of the Nadavas in the 
Kavirajamarga of Nripatunga relates in any way to the Nadavas of the . 
epigraphs or whether it simply connotes the meaning, the inhabitants 
of this country. 

yi,' On inscriptional basis, we do not have fair grounds to identify the 
Nadavas with the Bantas . The term banta means either a warrior, a soldier, 
a hero or a valiant man or a servant 33 . By tradition, these people known 
as the Bantas have become a farmer caste of the Tulu country 34 . 

W'. The Udayavara inscriptions of about the ninth century A.D, refers 
to the thousand of Sivalli and th c. Bantas of Chokipali (a village five miles 
to the south of Udipi now known as Chokkadi) 35 . Whether these Bantas 
. are the same as the Nadavas, cited above, we are unable to - conclude . 
finally. Among the early inscriptions, another of the eleventh century 
A.D. of Polali, Mangalore taluk, refers to the bantavartane of Mafavadi 36 . 
The lower status assigned to the Bantas in historic times, is supported by 
a few inscriptions. The epigraph of Aruru, Udipi taluk, prohibits the;. 
Bantas from entering the palace for sometime 37 . Another epigraph, 
dated A. D. 1469, mentions the regulations relating to a gift territory, . 
wherein reference is made to b allala and banta 38 , '"''V-dky- v 

: ' : Until the advent of the 20th century, there was limited blood-relation 
. ship between the Nadavas and the Bantas, which indicates the difference 

■:-..‘,T-'}}y-Ktwirajamarga of Nripatufiga, Chapter II - Sianza 28; . , -/•/•..•.v/.yi'V' -.'1 

V 32 Ep.lnd. Vol. XI, pp. 342-M-3. ; v /W yf:; 

33 /unc/ - p. 1071. ■' . ^ d d : .\ 

54 ibid'.' . • :'r - ; ’ ... ■ -V/ ;v If 

s.iii. voi. vii. No. 279. . .. v V vfv- •. 

V 36 5././. Vol. XI, Part I, No. 398. : W Wh-V'T' 

W 3t .A.R. No. 590 for 1929-’30. -V 1: •' • : 

• 38 ibid. No. 482 for i928-’29.. -;'X w'.. ••/- 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

in tlicn origin. The complete fusion of the two classes seems to have 
taken place quite recently. 

The central position occupied by the Nadavas can be understood 
at the time of the death ceremony of one, who belongs to this community. 
“The Holeya conveys to the caste people the news of the death. A 
carpenter accompanied by musicians proceeds to cut down a mango 
tree for the funeral pyre. The body is bathed and laid out on a plank, 
clad with new clothes ; it is conveyed to the burning-ground with music 
A barber carries thither a pot containing fire. The corpse is set down 
near the pyre and divested of new clothes which are distributed between 
a barber, a washerman, a carpenter, a Billava and a Holeya. The pyre 
is kindled by a Billava 39 .” It may be argued that the Banta, being a 
gunkara or guitedara , was entitled for allegiance and assistance from the 
main occupational groups of the society excepting Brahmins 40 . Again 
the position enjoyed by the Nadavas or the Bantas is clearly explained 
in the South hanara Manual: “The Bants, however, may be said to be 
the land-owning and cultivating class par-excellence, both on account 
of their numerical preponderance in that capacity and their almost com- 
plete abstention from all othei professions and occupations.” 

The jYajars of Tulu-nadu 

A very puzzling problem deserves to be offered a solution in the 
society of Tulu-nadu and this problem arises only 'when the epigraplis, 
especially such of those as are confined to the district of South Kanara, 
aic studied. Many inscriptions make a distinct mention of Nayars in 
local and royal grants, made to Brahmins and these epigraplis seem to 
figure prominently between the thirteenth and the sixteenth centuries A D. 

A few epigraphs may be referred to in this connection : 

1. An epigraph of Barakuru, dated A. D. 1371, states that Krishna- 
mandacha, son of Kesava-mandacha, received the gift of grant from 
fhiggu-binnaniti and the halara of Murukeri with nayaramttld **. 

2. Another epigraph of the same place, dated A. D. 1392, mentions 
one Baliiri who had agreed to possess (lands ?) with nayarumula and to 

<0 T ln 5 s l? u ~ Ca J tcs ani Tubes °f Southern India, Vol 
South hanara Manual, Vol I, p 192 
“ S- 1 I- Vol VII, No 319 P 

168 . 

Society and People 235 

make the payment from time to time without complaining about loss 
or scarcity 42 . 

3. An inscription of Barakuru, dated A.D. 1386, refers to the 
cultivation of lands by adhikari Mallideva Vittappa with nayaramulct , the 
land belonging to the deoasva of Udupi 43 . 

A number of other epigraphs occur bearing reference to the grants 
made to Brahmins along with whom the Nayars are associated 44 . 

The above epigraphical references are clear proof of the community 
of the Nayars, who had settled or were caused to be settled in Tulu-nadu. 
When these people migrated to Tuluva, what circumstances led them to 
build their settlements in Tuluva and why they are mentioned along 
with Brahmin families are some of the puzzling questions that cannot 
be solved in the existing state of our knowledge 45 . To study their social 
role in Tulu-nadu in relation to the present set-up, we do not have definite 
evidence for their historical settlement. Any way the following inferences 
may be made. 

Firstly, since no inscription, hitherto discovered, of the Alupa period, 
makes any mention of them, we may surmise that they may have settled 
in Tuluva by about the early part of the 14th century A.D. Secondly, 
each epigraph specifies their role as the cultivators. Thirdly, the con- 
nection between the Brahmins and the Nayars is explicit in the epigraphs, 
but in the absence of any evidence, it becomes difficult to clarify tire nature 
of this connection. Fourthly, it eludes our comprehension why and 
how these Nayar families disappeared from the social history of later 
times. It is possible to surmise that they were absorbed into the social 

42 Ibid. No. 344-. 

43 Ibid. No. 351. 

44 Ibid. No. 356. 

A.R. No. 320 for 1931 *-’32. 

S.I.I. Vol. No. VII, No. 321. 

Ibid. No. 344; A.R. 545 for 1929-’30; Ibid. 318 for 1931-’32; 

Ibid. No. 607 for 1929-’30; 

45 The Brahmins could not take to other occupations except in times of distress. So 
they could not work the lands granted to them in lieu of their services by themselves 
and had to get them worked by the Nayars. Nayar may be connected with “ plough ” 
which is still known as nayar in Tulu. The Nayars around Barakuru have some 
balis as the Nadavas, 

t t 



Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

stratum of another community, known as the Nadavas, who have figured 
very markedly in the social history of Tuluva 46 .’ 

It is really fruitful to take note of the remarks found in the Manual 
of Madras Administration: “They appear to have entered Malabar from 
the North rather than from the South and to have peopled first the Tulu 
and then the Malayalam country. They were probably the off-shoot 
of some colony in the Konkan or the Deccan ” 47 “In Malabar and south 
of Kanara as far as Kasaragod, they are called Nayars and their language 
is Malayalam. From Kasaragod to Brahmavar, they are termed Bants 
and speak Tulu. To the north of Brahmavar, they are called Nadavars, 
and they speak Canarese 48 .” 

Fiom the stand-point of language, one fact seems significant. In 
the Tulu language, the plough is called nayer 49 . Here it may be surmised 
that these people, whose chief occupation is ploughing i.e. agriculture, 
are known as the Nayars. This interpretation may conflict with the 
traditionally accepted one, which identifies them with the military class 3 . 
The possibility of these Nayars getting fused with the Nadava community, 
it may be suggested again, cannot be ruled out altogether, because the 
chief occupation of the Nadavas is also agriculture, as the word okkeimt 
in Tulu connotes 31 . Any way this is only a hypothetical inference. 

Should we accept the hypotheses that the Nayars had immigrated 
into Tulu-nadu first, whence they proceeded to Malabar, it is possible to 
teace hypothetically their place of origin in Nayarkhand (Nagarakhand). 
lhe basis for this inference is philological only. The Prakrit form of 
nagar is najar and Nagarkhand was also known as Nayarkhand. It h 
wor iy of being investigated, how the meaning of the term ndyaka (leader) 

GrSmatoM, Lf "ru ^ have come from outside could also be known from the 
the KnHnT.U, fl i hC T V !u \ a5 ' 11 sa >’ s that al°ug with the Brahmins, Mayuravarnw, 
of the TWh™; "Her, also brought the Nayars to protect the persons and property 
the term^f^ u’ to thcm T b >’ Mayuravarma. The interpretation given to 

were called > thi t * u 5, er ' It sa ys that since they were the new comers, they 

historic vaL nf ih?r S ~ PP- 40-41. While admitting that the 

the NSv o l Gramapaddhah may be seriously questioned, the association of 

There are \ r n\nr* m ,!i nS men ^^ e d in it, is testified to by references in epigraphs 
river ton the-^ ln r and Barahuru-at least 10 families to the south of the 

« MnL/^r % ) htahrahvara to Barakuru). 

« “of Vo1 ' n - App ' nd,c “> pp- "- 100 - 

50 ^"S^b-Tutu Dictionary, p. 404. 

51 f ~ Nayar - Leader, soldier, lord, 
inner - Icnghsh-Tulu Dictionary, p. 89. 


' Society and People 

got connected with the word nayar, for no Lexicon offers us any analogous 
sense 52 . Perhaps, like the Nadavas, they may have become the military 
class, after they ascended in the social scale. 


The tradition in the district of South Kanara and also in North 
Kanara informs us of Brahmin immigration into Tulu-nadu from Ahich- 
chatra. According to one version, the Brahmins were introduced into 
Tuluva in the eighth century A.D. and Barakuru was one of the places 
at which a Brahmin governor is said to have been appointed 1 . But the 
unhistoricity of this' traditional view-point becomes clear, when we examine 
the epigraphs that have come to light in Tuluva. The Havika Brahmins 
of Haive (Hayiga) relate to the introduction of Brahmins into that land 
by the Kadamba ruler, Mayuravarma. Likewise, the Brahmins of South 
Kanara attribute their first arrival owing to certain families, being 
brought from Ahichchatra, on a special request made personally by the 
Kadamba ruler, Mayuravarma, the ruler of Barakuru 2 . This account 
is also Found in the Tulu Gramapaddhati h But in proof of this tradition, 
we do not have any other reliable evidence. Epigraphs of Tulu-nadu 
are absolutely silent about this alleged introduction of Brahmins by 
Mayuravarma. In the state of existing knowledge, it is certainly un- 
historical to say that any ruler of the name Mayuravarma or Mayurasarma 
ever ruled in Barakuru. 

- From the traditional account two things about Brahmins of Tuluva 
seem to be almost clear. Firstly, they were immigrants into Tuluva sometime 
in the past, although we are uncertain about the date of their arrival. 
Secondly, there had been some kind of proliferation amongst the Brah- 
mins sufficiently early after their immigration and settlement in Tuluva. 

' 52 Naya — a leader, guide; guiding, directing : 

(Apte - Sanskrit-English Dictionary, p. 285) 

Nayaka = a guide, leader; chief master, head; in rhetoric (hero). 

1 Imperial Gazetteer of India - Provincial Series — Madras II, p. 374 (1908) 

South Kanara Manual , Vol. II, p. 264. Kadaba in the Puttur taluk, South Kanara 
is said to have been the seat of one of the four Brahmin governors appointed for 
governing Tuluva in. eighth century A.D. ibid, p. 27. 

2 Manual of Madras Administration - South Kanara , pp. 144-’47. 

,3 Tula Gramapaddathi, p. 13-14. > ‘ 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

The Gramapaddhati testifies to the fact that there were uttama, madhyama and 
adhama Brahmins in Tuluva 4 . Tradition also informs us that die Haviga 
Brahmins too had undergone this kind of proliferation. But this seemed 
to have taken place according to sastra } . 

This problem of the date and historicity of the Brahmin setdement 
in Tuluva is one of magnitude and any solution at this problem seems 
hypothetical in the present state of our knowledge. 

The story that is being narrated by the Tulu Brahmins may be a 
reflecdon or a memory of what was recorded in the Talagunda epigraph 6 , 
which states that Mukkanna Kadamba ‘seeking with the desire in the 
region of die south and not finding any, without delay went forth and doing 
worship at Ahichchatra, succeeded in obtaining thirty-two Brahmin 
families, purified by twelve thousand agnihotras, whom, sending before 
him, he brought, and established in the outskirts of the city in the great 
agrahdra of Sthanagunda’. Even this tradition of the emigration of the 
Brahmins from die north is lacking in sound historical sense 7 . The agrahard 
of Kuppatturu in the district of Simoga was noted for the Brahmin 
and Jaina scholars as the Soraba epigraph gives us detailed information 
about its importance 8 . It may be surmised that the first immigradon of 
die Brahmins into Tulu-nadu may be from these two Braliminical centres 
( agraharas ) in the district of Simoga, namely, Sthanagunduru 
(Tajagunda) and Kuppatturu, where the first Brahmin setdement must 
have taken place with the initiative of the Kadamba king, Mayurasamw 

The contact between Tulu-nadu and the district of Simoga being 
very close from the earliest time of the Alupa rulers, it may be inferred 
that certain families may have moved to the Tulu country. It is also possi- 
ble, that during the early Kadamba period certain batches of Brahmins may 
have been stimulated or encouraged to migrate to Aluvakheda and Haive 
to settle down in those regions and cause for the re-invigoration of die 
Bralimm community, since the early Kadambas were mostiy Brahmins. 

The first mention of Brahmins in the epigraphs of South Kanara is 

4 Ibid pp. 31-37. 

6 North Kanara Gazetteer (1883), Vol 

7 {'. ^' :r Vol VII, Shikarpur No j 
Moraes - Kadambakula, p 1 7 . 

Car Vol VIII, Soraba Nos. I 

p 117. 
262 etc., 

come across in 'the A-^acldarse ; inscription of Aluvarasrir which belongs 
•to 'the middle; of the seventh century A . D . It records the gift of seventeen 
ka fichu and seventeen kilgaiichu to seventeen Brahmins (jmrvaru) 9 . Thus, 
we can definitely say that by about the seventh Century A.D. arid perhaps 
sometime earlier, Brahminism was prevalent in Tulu-nadu. It cannot 

be said that all Brahmins' simultaneously came to Tuluva and built their 
settlement. With greater and increased contact with Karnataka, different 
sections of them, may have been attracted to Tuluva for settlement. Hence, 
the Havikas settled in Haive and formed their own group. The Brahmins 

in the district of South Kanara comprising different branches, sought 
settlement in different places and- developed their individual characteristic. 
This may be the only safe inference we can: make about the Brahmins 
: immigTatioh into the Tulu country. It is interesting to find that the 
Havika Brahmins arc divided into four sections - Havikas, Kbtas, Sakla- 
■;;puris and: Sivallis 10 ,.' and among these the Kotas and the Sivallis are 
also found amongst the Brahmins of the district of South Kanara, who 
;by virtue of their settlement in particular regions are classified into five 
groups, namely, the Sivallis, the Kotas, the Kotesvaras, the Kandavaras 
and the Panchagramas. These names are borne by them from the regions 
where they established themselves. As a matter of fact there could be 
only two sections of Brahmins in the district of South Kanara - the Sivallis 
and the Kotas, the Sivallis who originally occupied the grama of the same 
; name, belonging to the Udipi taluk and the Kotas whose settlement 'Was 
: .at. a grama called Kota of the same taluk. Religious differences and 
social conflicts must , have been responsible for a schism amongst 'them 
pand so the other three sections must have separated themselves from the 
main two branches in course of time. - v-W; • 

f>;r;>:pThe; importance of Sivalli . Brahmins is recognised in the inscriptions' 
'pf Udayavara Of the time of Ranasagara-Alupendra who ruled Alvaklieda 
• in the eighth century A. D . M It states that for. the violation of the regu- 
lations,: connected with the eighteen pattdtias, the sin resulting from the 
>; destruction of Brahmapura of Sivalli, would befall those responsible 
. for. such a breach’ 2 . Likewise, Kota belonging to the Udipi taluk seems 
t to have been one of the biggest centres . of Brahminism as evidenced by 

• 9 >1./?. No. 29G for 1 932— ’33. t 
10 , North JCaiiara Gazetteer; V oh I, p'J 1 1 8 
V6L VII, No; 284VV ;•: Ww 
12 SvT/.yVoi, VII,. No. 284;; ;:•; •; 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

the inscriptions, which refer to the ten thousand mahajagatlu and 1016 
adhivasis' 3 . 

Judged from literature, we have good reasons to believe that 
atleast from the seventh century A.D. the Brahminical cult must have 
ourished in Tuluva. The Sankara-vijaya , composed by Anandagiri”, 
the direct disciple of Sri Saiikaracharya (A.D. 788-A.D.820) informs us 
that Sri Sankaracharya visited Kumaradri (Subramanya) and Kolluru 
in t le district of South Kanara and defeated in philosophical disputation, 
those who were the followers of the Saura, Sakta and Gampatya cults and 
caused for the spread of the Panchayatana form of worship 15 . It may be 
suggested that sometime before the birth of Sri Sahharacharya and his 
religious peregrinations, Brahminism must have well settled on the, 
Western Coast as to develop into pure forms of Saivism, Saktaism and 
the like. Based upon the study of architecture in Tulu-nadu, we have 
certain clues that may help us in understanding the antiquity of the 
ra lmimcal cult in the country. Sri Anantesvara temple, Udupi, appears 
to c a structure that must have been raised by about the seventh or early 
eighth century A.D. It is the temple dedicated to Lord Siva and it 
emg a great centre of Brahminism, the ancientness of the Brahminical 
cu turc m Udupi or there-abouts may be carried even farther back to 
e seven century. There are a number of other sections of Brahmins 
sue as tie tlianiha Brahmins, the Chitpavana Brahmins the Karadi 
ra nuns t c Konkanastha Brahmins and the Sarasvata Brahmins 
mongst t ese, the. Sthanikas have been none other than the Sivalli 
ms \\ o acquired this name owing to their continued managerial 
posi on in e temples. With the passage of time they formed themselves 
in o a separate class. The other sections of Brahmins hailed from Konkana 
* CSC , th o C _ Sarasvatas have two denominations - the Sarasvatas 
. aU - a arasvata s. The latter are a flourishing community and 
e numerically strong. They seemed to have hailed to the Tulu country 
by about the 12th C.A.D. if not earlier. 

'i4 X R j Nos 5I t and 515 for 1929-’30. 

15 ^i la D glri " Sankaramjaja (1881) p 81, 94 and 97 

mentions nvo P Il^ft!Lm fa |r 0 dh dlC9Ul ^ 0* R No 351 for 1930-’31) 

tical contract Kitkke k dL" d ^ a !‘ a 'P a t ta and Madhava-Bhatta of Kuhke m a poll* 
big centre of Brahminism . 1 , r o , nam S Subramanya, which must have been a 
beLTSu that M ° r 9th C< ? tury A - D (°» consultation, I have 

reasons it, the 8th ccntury^A D ^ CpiSraph coulti cvctl be assigned with good 

i V^yTlie early icon of Janardana at Kaldcunje, Sivalli, could give us an 
indication of its being assigned to circa 6th-7th centuries A . D . in which 
case the origin of Brahminism may be pushed backwards by one hundred 
years (Janardana is piir-devaia and all Brahmin agraharas invoke tlie grace 
of tliis deity). Tradition tells us that there are 360 Brahmin families 
spread over the whole of Tulu-nadu and in testimony to this, there appears 
to be 360 Janardana temples, each representing a family of a particular 
line. Further, the Narasimha image, that is being worshipped by the 
Kota Brahmins, possesses all the early features of iconography and as 
proved elsewhere it may safely be assigned to the eighth century- A. D. 
if hot to an earlier date. The Kota Brahmins must have settled in Kota 
and. in its neighbourhood by about this period. Likewise the worship 
of Ganapati at Idagunji in the Honnavar taluk, North Kanara and at 
Gcjkarna must have started fairly early about the same period as revealed 
by the two-handed standing image of Ganapati which is the deity of the 
Havika Brahmins. Future investigations alone should reveal further 
and fuller informations about the origin and development of the Brahmini- 
-cal cult in its early phase. 


A proper study of the society in Tulu-nadu will reveal to us the various 
■balis, that constitute social groups. A ball (as the form strictly to be 
written according to. .old literary rules) represents lineage (varhsa) and this 
term is a general Dravidian one. We have references to balls from the 
earliest times in inscriptional records of the other parts of Karnataka also'; 

1 /f./. Vol. I, No. 3 for 1939-’40. 

Ibid. Vol II, No. 5 for 1940-’41. 

: Ibid. No. 12 for 1 940— ’4-1 . 

Up . Car- Vol. VIII, Soraba No. 500. ' . : ‘ / gG; 

Anigeri - PaifadakalLu-gutfigaltiy-p. 17. .. . • '• . V ? 

At the very outset, it has; to be noted that, the group bali'ii prominently seen in the 
;Xihdnasjdc'otdfer ; of the Jainas., The Belgolainscriptions with pride _sdy; tarriong. those' 
Jipangkas, th e.ndndi-sangha an eye to the world has the three sub-di visions, 'gana, gachcha 
‘.y-'irV’/^and'.ia/f'aiid victorious is the lofty Ingulesvard-bali o f the' -pvix&’ptldaka-gacjich'a. 'of/tne 

that sangha’ {Ep. Car, Vol. VIII - Soraba ,254)i:. Hemachandra^ 
yfBhattaraka is stated to belong to the irnula-sangha, ‘'dSsv-gcafq-, -h^di^ondSm^ai'jMHakij, 
vy- . ] gachciha and ' hanasoge-bali (Ep.Car.'Vdl. III. ; Chamarajanagar No./ 153) ,lnit the 
pecidiarityi that is fotuid in the society of Tidu-n5clu is the system of. associating 
• all social groups and professions with the exception of the Brahmins with the baji. 
^;;?yv)i^'K;coiiidJ;be:ntffibu£ed : jfVia ^iin^ r e;is;^(^ihl,e.' tpThe'-Jaijto^nflviwce^&i^-H^s; 
y.L: prevalent in Tulu-rtadu from at least the eleventh century A. t 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

The people of Tulu-nadu excluding Brahmins seemed to belong to one 
bad or the other and this affiliation to a ball has given the people a cohesion, 
a solidarity in society and the balls reveal to us many interesting facts 
of association and groupings and also of migrations from outside the 
Tulu count! y. 

Based on the origin of these balls, the following groups may be formed: 

Balls derived from communities: Arya-bali; balagara-bali; 
gdvanigara-bad; tolahara-bali; kanakara-bali ; uduvara-balij kurum- 
bali, Chma-bali ; adiyara-bali; gujara-bali ; mftligaldlke ball; deviyara- 
bali; gangara-bali; nada-bali, etc., 

Bafis derived from personalities : Keyyaram-bali ; Iteggade-bali ; 
mavusettiya-baK; ponnisettiya-bali ; putra-bali; olakana-bali ; bermara- 
bali; bemmiya-bali ; bhagisettiya-bali ; killa-bali; binndni-bali ; 
binnaniiti-bali ; nereyana-bali; liuvabbeya-baU ; gogi-bali; etc. 

Balls derived from divisions : Kola-bali; eradukola-bali; batlukola- 
bali; elu-bali; bella-bali; ( Bala-baU , bara-balr); balisdvira; 
hadindru-bali ; hebbali ; nuru-bali ; ippattanalku-bali, etc. 

Balis derived from place: Kundageya-bali ; haravariya-bdli; 

bettina-bali ; patlana-baU ; holeya-bali; (Jioleya-bali), etc., 

Balis derived from divinities: Abbe-bali ; deviyara-bali ; devatara- 
bah; kuladevara-bali, etc. 

The above classification is not an absolute one nor is it a clear-cut 
division. There are indications of one overlapping the other in the sense 
that the ball taking its origin from a personality, showed tendency of 
stratifying itself in the form of a community. Moreover, every bad is a 
division by itself in social composition although special significance is 
attached to balis indicating numbers. Hence, the classification that is 
sho\m above is just a general grouping in accordance with the manner, a 
particular bad may have originated. The following are the most important 
of the balis found in Tu]u-nadu as discovered in epigraphs: 

Karnes of Balis 

1 Abbe-bad 

2 Adiyara-bah 

3 Ayana-bali 

4 Ada-hali 


S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 342 
A.R. No. 538 for 1929-30 
S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 374 
A.R. No. 267 for 1931-32 

ociety aria 

!• People:' y A-AA7 y- ' 77V 243 

• 5 Ariya-bali (Ari-bali) 7 - - 

v - t - # ‘ ^ r . . • 

A.' R. No. 579 for 1 929- , 30 ; - • 

' V 2 - *• * y “ 

S. I. 1. Vol. VII, No. 321 \ ; 

Ana-bali. (Am-baU) 

, . 

K. I. Vol. Ill - Part I, No. 74 A ; 

• ; 7 Atimuddana-bali 

V • 

S. I. I. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 450 

8 Atimarana-bali 

k ♦ 

Ibid. No. 620 ' v ' : . hr A7 

9 ; Anydntara-bali 

• « 

Ibid. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 450 

10 Ayidu-bali 

• • 

A. R. No. 579 for 1929-m ■ ; 

.11 Balagdra-bali 

• • 

A. R. No. 418 for 1928 

S. I. I. Vol. IX, Part II, 

Nos. 424 and 513 

/ 12 Bala-baU (Bara-bali) 

• . 

S. I. I. Vol. VII, No. 324 

N V 

Ibid. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 417 

A. R. No. 310 for 1931- 5 32 

VI 3 Bandivergade-bali 

• • 

S. I. I. Vol. VII, No. 259 

yl4 Bali-savira 

A. R. No. 503 for 1928- 5 29 

Ibid. No. 339 for 1931-’32 

15 Bilam-bali 

• • 

S. I. I. Vol. VII, No. 323 

;,.I6 Bilarana-bali 

> • • 

A. R. No. 315 for I931-’32 

17 Bermara-bali . ■ ' ’ 

S. I. I. Vol. VII, No. 321 . 

&18: Bettina-bali 

. » 

Ibid. No. 361 

A 19 ; ■'Bomiya-bali 

• • 

A. R. No. 281 for 1931-’32 

' . 20 : Bommisettiya-bali 

• • 

S. I. I. Vol. VII, No. 254 

21 .Bhagyam-baR 

. . 

S. I. I. Vol. VII, No, 254 

22 Bagisetti-bali 

• . 


• • 23 Badotiam-bali 

. , . 

Ibid. No. 350 

\ • ■ 24 Bdnkana-bali 

• » 

Ibid. No. 355 .- V. 7'7- 

25 ' Binnani-bali 

• *- 

Ibid. No. 256 . . , , - >• . ,77 

26 Binnanitti-bali \ 

• * 

Ibid. No. 256 • v. : -'-.77 7 r- 

2 7 • Bidaliya-bali : ~ V X7 ,* 

. ' ' 

Ibid. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 448 A. ;. 

28 Buda-bdli A . . 

Ibid. Vol. VII, No. 391 ; ; 7 ,. 

29 d.Chittana-bali A A . ,, 

• ' • . 

ibid. No. 320 , • / 

A. R. No. 269 for 1931-’32 VyA 

$0,.: : Chdra-bali (Chara-kula) i 

• • 

A. : R. No. 540 for 1929- 30 7 

'■?; ’’f y/ _ i - ’ j A* • . 

Ibid. No. 117 for' 1933- 5 34 A 

: 31 : Ghauliyaka-baU AA. 7. 

7. A 7 

S. 1. 1. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 419 f 

A ^y : D.akBya : bali:~ .. A'A 

• ^ ^ - A 

yC* v - 

S. I. I. Vol. VII, No. 315 ;VA ; : 

A Battalvara-bali . :7>>77 

A. R. No. 336 for 1931- 32 : A: 



S. I. I. Vol. VII, No. 317 



A. R. No. 555 for 1929-’30 



S. I. I. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 511 



K. I. Vol. I, No. 60 



Ep. Car. Vol. VIII, No. 55 

K. I. Vol. Ill, Part II, No. 74 





A. R. No. 526 for 1928- 5 29 

Ibid. No. 531 for 1928-’29 



Ibid. No. 583 for 1929-’30 


Eranene-bali ) 

A. R. No. 285 for 1931-’32 

(Irani-heggade-bali) ) 

S. I. I. Vol. VII, No. 264 


Gavanara-bali ( Gavanigara - ) 

A. R. No. 534 for 1929-’30 

bali, Gavani-bali) ) 

K. I. Vol. I, No. 35 



S. I. I. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 470 



Ibid. Vol. VII, No. 275 



Ibid. No. 424 



Ibid. No. 444 



Ibid. No. 346 



Ibid. No. 311 



Ibid. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 424 



Ibid. Vol. VII, No. 189 



Ibid. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 444 



Ibid. Vol. VII, No. 225 



Ibid. No. 334 



Ibid. No. 391 



Ibid. No. 259 



Ibid. No. 382 



Ibid. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 632 



A. R. No. 579 for 1929-’30 

Ibid. No. 247 for 1931-’32 

S. 1. 1. Vol. VII, No. 383 



A. R. No. 285 for 1931-’32 



K. I. Vol. Ill, Part I, No. 75 



S. I. I. Vol. VII, Nos. 320-327 



Ibid. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 408 



Ibid. No. 419 

; . ; oqcieiy ana reopie ' - 


Hiriakkana-bali - A. Uv ■ 

■ Ibid. Vol. VII, No. 391 •: - 


Hattigana-baU . ; 

Ep. Gar. Vol. VIII, S agar. No. 55 

■ " '/ . - - 

A. R. No. 248 for: 1931-32 


Hcdakeya-bali . . 

S. I. I. Vol. VII, No. 355' : , 


Holey arbali 

A. R. No. 545 For 1929-’30 


S. I. I. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 655 



K. I. Vol. Ill, Part I, No. 1 



Ibid. No. 74 : , ; v 



S. I. I. Vol. VII, No. 319 



A. R. No. 542 for 1929-430 

IC. I. Vol. I, No. 56 *'.A 


( Chorajara-baU ) 

A. R. No. 542 for 1929- 5 30 


: Kakkeya-bali 

S. 1. 1. Vol. IX, Part II, No; 444 



A. R. No. 7 for 1940~’41, App. A 



S. I. I. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 460 



Ibid. Vol. VII, No. 333 > : ■ 



Ibid. No. 255 



Ibid. No. 390 

A. R. No. 317 for 1931~’32 



A. R. No. 561 for 1929- 30 : VC 7 



S. I. I. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 476 


■ Kaudichi-bali 

Ibid. No. 383 ' 






Ibid. No. 461 


Keyyaram-bali (Kayra-vamsa) . . 

Ibid. No. 460 . A 

A. R. No. 379 for 1928 


Kila-bali . . 

S. I. I. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 465 



Ibid. Vol. No. 7, No. 244 : ;; '-A 


Kochala-bali -.. 

Ibid, Vol. IX, Part II, No.: 57.2 


Konga-bali .. 

' , Ibid No. 479 


Kola-bali : : ' . 

; A. R. No. 494 for 1931- 3 32 ; V - 

AA/vAvy ; '• . •'> /a 

. S. ' 1. 1. Vol. IIV, No. 245, ':etc. " 

a) Eradu-kola-bali < 

A. R. No. 238 for 1931 T ’32 v 

b) Hattu-kdla-bali : . ; 

r •• Ibid. No. 374 for 1930-’31 


: Kovari-bali;]- A ; ’ 

. S, I. I. Vol. IX/ Part II, No. 460 " 


Kovila-bali'KK ?:£■ Ky 

V; Ibid. Vol. VII, No. 264|;::v vy: V 7 

1 1 v-V v ’- : K ' ... 

Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 


93 Kottompoli-bati 

94 Kombetlu-bafi 

95 Kondalana-bali 

96 Kombisettiya-bali 

97 Kuladevara-baU 

98 Kudaiigcta-bali 

99 Kummeakkana-baH 

100 ICundageya-bali 

101 Kuleyara-bali 

102 Kuvelam-bah 

103 Kurum-bali 

104 Kudeyaret-bali 

105 Mayalalieggade-bali 

106 Mayusettiya-baU 

107 Macheti-bali 

108 Madiya-bali 

109 Mumdiya-bali 

110 MupuUya-bali 

111 Mumnavara-bali 

112 Miiligalalkc-bali 

113 Molaku-bali 

114 JYada-bali (Nadu-bali) 

115 Nercyana-baU ( Marayina-bali ) 

116 Had it vaclidra-ba! i 

117 Narabuna-bali 

118 jYdi-baU 

119 Ponnisettiya-ba!i 

120 Putra-bali 

121 Pallana-bali 

122 Pulliseltiya-bali 

123 Sayinara-bali 

124 Sala-bali ( Saliyam-bali ) 

125 Setliya-ba(i (Seftisetlij a-bali) 

Ibid. No. 199 
A. R. No. 74 for 1901 
A. R. No. 579 for 1929-’30 
Ibid. No. 66 for 1901 
S. I. I. VoL VII, No. 391 
Ibid. No. 264 
Ibid. No. 391 
Ibid. No. 264 

Ibid. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 572 

A. R. No. 376 for 1928 

Ibid. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 655 

Ibid. No. 449 

Ibid. No. 460 


A. R. No. 267 for 1931- 3 32 
Ibid. No. 317 for 1931-’32 
S. 1. 1. Vol. VII, No. 205 
Ibid. No. 204 
A. R. No. 238 for 1931-’32 
S. I. I. Vol. VII, No. 337 
Ibid. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 470 
K. I. Vol. Ill, Part I, No. 73 
A. R. No. 285 for 1931-’32 
S. I. I. Vol. VII, No. 390 
Ibid. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 525 
Ibid. No. 471 
Ibid. Vol. VII, No. 295 
Ibid. No. 317 
Ibid. No. 331 
Ibid. No. 327 
Ibid. No. 204 

Ibid. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 471 
S. I. I. Vol. VII, No. 254 
A. R. No. 579 for 1929~’30 
Ibid. No. 599 for 1929-’30 
S. 1. 1. Vol. IX, Part II, No. 511 
Ibid. Vol. VII, No. 204 

W ' id Society and PbopteA+yiAyd \> AV'-V ..• ' j A 247 A 

A A A^R ANd.-h 3 AfbAl 931 -’32; A'A? A ' 
:; , Ep. Gar. Vol. VII I, Sagar No. 55 
• A.;.RV No. 579 for 1929- 5 30 'AA;.: 
A. R. No. 555 for 1 929-^30 - A; A-' 
S. I. I. Vol. VII, No. 342 & 344 
. Ibid. Vol. IX 5 Part II, No. 423 
S. I. I. Vol. VII, No. 390 .-AAA 
Ibid. No. 204 . A-- ; A.A A. v.A'- . 
A. R. No. 531 for. 1928--29 . 

A. R. No. 281 for 1931-’32 • 

126 :T6laliara-bali {yColdhara~kuld ; 

A AAA ■’ WA A 
127 'i^fdankiita^imli ; AAvA ' if-'-i . 

1 28 : . ^ f ( C/ e/Kj&ftrdr- ) 

; AA ; h Oduvara-bali) . A ; A .■ " ■ : /, ) 

129 . Votakand-bali J • 

1 30 ; Vikrdntasettiya-bali ■ • 

131'; Temiya-bdli 

Certain Observations . ... * • .. V 

^Tradition: 'Has -it 'that these balls to which the people of Tulu-nadri 
belong, were organised by chiefs, who were called Balldlas . The Manual 
of Madras Administration informs us that the term ballala is derived from 
the Kannada word ball, meaning path and a/m, meaning to rule, with 
the conjoint sense ‘He who controls the course of descent 5 and that with 
the passage of time ballala became a class title.- It is also stated in it 
that a Ballala stands for a spiritual preceptor in Kanara, who exercises 
control over the sixteen balls or classes under aliya-santana lawi - But the 
appropriateness of this explanation is questionable. Etymologically^ A4 
the term ballala is derived from bal meaning strength, firmness etc. 5 and 
hence ballala. means the strong man. As is going to be explained later, ; 
these Balldlas gained importance in local .administration, after the matri- y; 
monial alliance between the Vira-Bahala III, the Iioysala .king and y 
Chikkayi-Tayi of the Alupa lineage. Their importance is recognised by . y 
; making frequent references to them in epigraphs of T ulu-nadu, especially :Vy 
when grants and charitable gifts were made 4 , y.A'AA AArA/VA 

It r A; Amongst the balis, the hola-bali, seemed to have assumed consider-;, 
able, power and influence and throughout the history of Tuluva, they are A 
•gome across .in their relation to political activities. ; It has not been, ; ? : i 
possible to interpret the term kola-ball hitherto and in spite of the fact 

. tlfcit ' ^ m n I *’ 1 ' -L. 1_ „ ^ « J ' * vi i n ' hVw r 

made to : an .official called Tasthidhara. His duty ;is .to . safe-guard thAA 

u AT 'd-T \ a yfi 'JA' A . a A A:' x r Ji . ttt dA'-czo T T’ A ' AAb : -A :.■* A. :V : 7 C Y A A AhT\VA;AAbA/:A. 

248 Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

interest of the assembly when it happens to be in session. It may be 
possible that the kola-baH may represent this office. Since this office 
was influential and one of dignity, it came to represent a separate group 
in society with its parivara or followers. The second hypothesis is that 
this group represents the fishing community, which from early times, must 
have been of considerable importance in Tulu-nadu. This possibility 
may be explained as follows : the word kola in Sanskrit means a small 
boat 5 , and kola-bali could represent the community whose chief occupation 
is with boats that is fishing. Perhaps, the most plausible inference is 
that the kola-bali represented the defence forces and that the term kola 
could reasonably mean the name of a degraded warrior tribe 6 . Eradu- 
hola -bah would mean the two defence forces and hattu-kola-bali would 
mean ten defence forces. The fact that for charters and grants, these 
two divisions of balls were included and their consent obtained, reveals 
their significance 7 . The Paduvettu inscriptions of the Udipi taluk, South 
Kanara belonging to A.D. 1324 — ’25 registers a grant of land and money 
by the king Vira-Soyideva of the Alupa dynasty to god Kotisvaradeva 
and refers to hatlu-kdla-balis s . The Kaikani inscription of Bhatkala, North 
Kanara, dated A.D. 1530, states that Mahamandalesvara Gururaya-Odeya, 
the governor of Haduvalli-rajya, invaded the Nagire-rajya with his 
samasthayeradu-kdla-bali vira-parivara, and Mahamandalesvara Immadi-Salva 
Krishna Devarasa-Odeya, the governor of Nagire-rajya met die forces 
of his foe with his yeradu-kola-baliya parivara ». The grouping of the balls 
based on number, perhaps, suggesting their union or common belonging- 
ness is further corroborated in an epigraph of Varanga of about the four- 
teenth century A.D. which mentions nadelu-bali and Varanga, a great 
preceptor in connection widi a grant of charity 10 . - 

An inscription of Kaikani, North Kanara, dated A.D. 1438, gives us 
the information that Kotiyanna in conjunction with die prominent seven 

5 Amara kosa Varivarga line 488 - Udupanlu-plavakkolaha. 

6 Momer-Monier Williams — Sansknt-Enghsh Dictionary, p. 313— name of a degraded 
warrior tnbe (outcaste, one degraded by Sagara from the military order) ; a kind 
of weapon. 

In the Marhandeya Purana, there appears to be reference to the fighting forces, 
known as the kolas and the destruction of these forces by Devi. In all probability 
these forces fought with sticks. (Markandcya Purana —Devi Mahalmya - Chap. I). 

7 A.R. No. 238, for 1931~’32; S.l.I. Vol. VII, No. 185 etc., Ibid. Vol IX, Part II, 
No 470; K.I. Vol I, Nos. 47 & 61. 

8 A.R. No. 374 for 1930-’31. 

5 K.I. Vol. Ill, Part I, No 71. 

10 A.R. No. 525 for 1928-’29. 

-f-f iff Society and People Vf Cffkyy} \';f w 249 

of : Haduvalli . and Kaikani-nadus, .the samasta. nadu of ippataiidlhi-bdli (the 
twenty four divisions) etc. set up the herostonerto his brother’s memory 11 ,: 
Reference to ippattandlka-bali is made in another epigraph of Kaikani, 
dated A . D. 141 7, which states that the third grant consisted of land 
endowed by a body, called elujananigalu of Kaikani and by the uttara-bali 
of the twenty-four balls for the maintenance of a Ghaitydlaya and an alms 
house 12 . The Durga temple at Bappa-nadu, Mulki, Mangalore taluk, 
has an epigraph that records the role of hadindru-bali in a gift of charity 13 . 

There are, therefore fair grounds for us to think that these balls were 
grouped together into divisions, perhaps tracing their common origin' 
or common traditions and customs or based on essential social heeds OA'P'f 

Then we come to balisavira. Two epigraphs of the Udipi taluk, 
throw some light on the historicity of balisavira. The Manipura inscription 14 
of the time of Devaraya (A.D. 1407) registers a grant. made to the family 
of Hosabu-muliya in the presence of Dandappa-adhikari, the ruler of the 
nadu , of Karakalada-hhala, the Mudilas, Maramma-heggade, balisavira 
(bdUsaviradavani ) . , . bay ala entumandi jananigalu and the assembly of thirty- 
two members. Here the balisaviras seemed to have represented the thou- 
sand families. To which lineage the balisaviras belonged is not specifie but 
the tradition is recorded in the Manual of Madras Administration}}. and 
also in the South Kanara Manual 16 . According to traditions one thousand ; . 
balls or families of Nadavar following the aliya-santana law of inheritance 
once lived in this area, that is, near Udupi ~ balisavira - from bait, family 
plus savira, thousand - a magane or sub-division of the taluk, comprising a 
large area of forty-six villages. Another epigraph of Peraduru of the 7 ; 
same taluk, dated A.D. 15 19, of the reign of Krishnadcvaraya records 
the witness of balisavira {balisavira ■ sayi) t7 . Again the epigraph found 

at Sujeru, Mangalore taluk, South Kanara, dated A .D.1528, points 
to those belonging to alisavira and balisavira}*, The problem whether 
or not the balisavira constituted the thousand families of tho nadavas is, v 
in no way, offered a solution in. these inscriptions, . but one major point 

b » /r./.r. voi. i,No. 56. ; ; b :.v f -:by ; ' * ;■;■%}* ' ryyiyif.yf 

n iC.I.I. Vol. I, No. 41. bf 

: : S'././. Vol. VII, No. 259. : >'b: bp. nf f 

; 14 -A.R. No. 403 for 1928-’29. v . W fb w 

■ :. x - Manualof Madras Admimslrdtion s Vo\. Jl\y-pp. 37: & .680. vpfv . sZZZZZZ'ZZAS 
: /■ : ,} 6 ;Sputii Kanara Manual > Vol. II, p. 266. <*Vv 

V : i7 A.R;:No. 503 ior I928- , 29.^;v-' ; bf': vrPb;/';: Op /; 

: 0 : 18 Ibid, Mo:':366 ZG Zrff'iZZyZ 


Studies in Tttluva History and Culture 

seems to receive confirmation, that is, the original home of the balisaviras 
was die Udipi taluk, South Kanara. 

A few remarks need be made relating to the nadu-bali. It may not be 
irrelevent to connect a nadu-bali with die nadavas who were a powerful 
and dominating class from medieval times. The inscription of Bhairarasa- 
Odeya of Karakala kingdom registers a mutual agreement between the 
five thousand alus belonging to nadu-bali and the five thousand alus of 
hola-bali that they should behave in mutual good-will and unison 19 consult- 
ing with the nadu-bali for charitable purpose which is evident in the ins- 
cription of Varanga, Karkala taluk, South Kanara, dated about the 14di 
century A.D. 20 If tradition is to be believed, the balisavira belongs to 
the nadu-baU. “The Bants are divided into twenty balls, which correspond 
witii Brahmin gotras except that they are traced in the female line i.e. 
a boy belongs to his mother’s and not his father’s bali’’ 2 '. Reference to 
ndda-bali is also come across in the Murudesvara epigraph of A. D. 1542, 
which records the construction of storeyed structure of the nandi-mantapa 
in the temple of Murudesvara by the seven jannis of Vaivani-nadu and the 
people of ippatlanada-bali “. 

The balls mentioned in the aliya-santana law, as supposed to have 
been introduced by the mythico-historical figure roughly correspond to 
the ones, we have enumerated above 29 . 

A liya-santana-balis 

1 Bagettinaya 

2 Bonyamaya 

3 Pulyatanaya 

4 Sal ana) a ( Salabannaya ) 

5 Bangarannaya 

6 Kundalanndya 

7 Pahgalannaya 

8 Karbarannaya 

9 Pergadannaja 
10 Kcllarabannaya 

Balis mentioned in inscriptions 




Sala-bali or Sahyam-bali 

Banga-kula (paths a) 






15 S.l.I. Vo!. VH, No 245. 

“ A R. No. 526 for 1928-’29. 

21 South Kanara Manual, Vol. I, p. 160 

22 K.I. Vol. Ill, Part I, No 70. 

2! XJ. Knslma Rao - A Treatise on Aliya-santana Law and Usage - Bhutala-Pandyn, p. 27. 


Society and People 



Hiriya-bali or hebbali 






( Kochiramaya ) 

Kochira-bali or kochala-bali 



Aidu-bali (?) 













Other traditional balis 

Corresponding inscriptional references 











Kay at annoy a 





r * 

























The discovery of the new inscriptions and their correct interpretation 
or reading may throw fresh light on the balis of Tuluva and also on the 

traditional accounts of these balls. 

- \ 


r* - - * 

The Nalkes, the Paravas and the Pambadas may also be said to 
include in the general term holeyas. These are the caste of devil-dancers 
in Tulu-nadu.- Their services are essential for the special form of festival 
or ritual called kola. 

1 South Kanara Manual , Vol. I, pp. 139, 178 and 179. 


■ Studies in Ttrfuva History and Culture 

The Nalkes, being the chief of the devil-dancers, play an important 
part in the worship of the Tulu people. They are divided into a number 
of balis and they seem to be of Tulu origin. In the Kannada speaking 
area, they are called the Panaras. During spare time, they engage them- 
selves in making mats, baskets and umbrellas. 

The Paravas are another caste of umbrella-makers and devil-dancers. 
They claim to be ranked above the Nalkes. It has been suggested that 
they are the descendants of those Paravas who fled to the West Coast 
from Tinnavelli in order to avoid the oppression of the Musalmans. It 
is not possible to say, when they migrated to Tulu-nadu. 

It is not known what kinship exists between the Pambadas and the 
Paravas. The Pambadas also officiate on behalf of the devils. They 
are said to impersonate the so-called Raja-daivas and not the ordinary 
ones. For example - Kodamantaya, Raktesvari (Lekkesiri), Jumadi, 
(Dhumavati), Koti - Chennayya etc. are treated as the Raja-daivas. 

All of these tribal castes are engaged in cultivation as labourers in 
their spare time and in historical times they must have been bondsmen. 


The Kudiyas are a mild and meek people, short in stature and gene- 
rally fair in complexion. The real hill Kudiya, called Male-kudiya, lives 
on the Western Ghats bordering Mysore and Dharmasthala, Sisila and 

The cultivation which they undertake is known as the kumari culti- 
vation . This is done on the slopes of hills and also by the system of shifts. 
Hence the need for confining themselves to hilly tracts. How long these 
people have been in Tulu-nadu, it is not yet known. Neither literature 
nor epigraphs enlighten us. They have their own social organisation 
under the headship of gurikara, who settles disputes including divorce. 
Fines and excommunications are- the usual- types of punishments. 

Before we proceed to the examination of the social structure, we cannot 
but be drawn toward frequent references in epigraphs to names of groups 
of people who constituted distinct communities or castes. The origin 
of some of them is hardly known. The most important of such groups 

2 A. Aiyappan - Report on the Socio-Economic Conditions of the Aboriginal Tribes of the 
Province of Madras , pp. 108-110. 

S. B. Joshi — Edegafu Hiluoa Karma fa Kalt - pp. 100-101. 

CykSocvetf karui -People^ IfK : A :f-:f 'Y;fGf:y 25 % 

sire given below, for the purpose of understanding How the society in 
Tulu-nadu was composed. : • -f.f . ; v .y^'V H : y A A' '■ " A’. . ■■■Iff 

■ The Ajaras ; Banajigas; Chdvalakaras {barbers) ; Ghemmdras{Gharmakdras); 
Ghentiavaras {goldsmiths); Choliyas {people of the Cho la country); Dcsasihas; 

- Ganakas {oil-pressers) ; Gahgas; Gobbaras { Gobalas ); Golakas; Gujjaras 
{Gurjaras); Halakaras; Kalluhitigas {stone-dressers); Kammaras {carpen- 
ters); Kanakas {Kanakaru); Kdmatis; Koravis; Kumbaras {Kummaras) ; 
Kurubas {Kurubavaras ?); Malapas {Malahas); Maley alls {people from 
Malayala); Mudalis; Nandas; Olekaras {messengers); Sahavasis • 

[ {Savasis) ; Simegaras ; Sindas ; Tigulas {Tamilians); Vaddas ; These names 
appear in the various epigraphs of the districts of South and North ; 
; ; Kanaras. 


Society in Tulu-nadu is fairly complex. The intermingling of the 
various social groups through the passage of time, based on occupation 
and office, seemed to have resulted in the division of society, into an amazing 
variety of groups, which finally stratified themselves into rigid communities, 
forgetmg very often their common origin. > • 'V 

A study of the people of Tulu-nadu based on the examination of their 
surnames in a systematic way is not only interesting but also a need. It 
gives us fairly a reliable account of the manner in which society incorpo- 
rated in it many folds of sub-groups. Invariably, almost all the social 
groups seem to have been formed, in the first instance, out of one occu- 
pation or another in various capacities such as the political, economic, 
social or religious spheres. The caste of a particular individual -came, 
to be generally determined by his calling, though the calling might with 
equal truth be said to depend on the community to which lie or she, 
belonged. Thus, we find during the period under study, as many castes 
; as there were professions. Herein below is given a panoramic picture 
of the people of Tulu-nadu, as they appear through their titles and sur- 

names 1 . 

■ . ; ;/■ f A comparison of epigraphical . surnames, : titles arid cognomen with 
those of the present will surprisingly reveal to us. how these names have 
been Handed ■ down for centuries and still , survive in society v QS-fjGdfkfi 

: : 1 For reliability, only such examples as are found in the ’ epigraphs ar e citecli- f fk 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

These family names or surnames may be classified according to their 
origins, as ruling dynasties, occupation (office and profession), place of 
habitation, community groups, based on plants and animals (animistic 
groups) and the like. 

1. Based on ruling dynasties 

Alupa ( [Aluva , Aha); Ajila; Arasa; Ballala; Baiiga; Chant a; Heggade; 
Kadamba; Kambali ; Partdya; Punja; Savanta ; Saluva; Tolahara, etc., 

2. Based on occupation 

(a) Based on office: Adaha ( Adapa ); Adhikari; Bhandari; Binnani; 
Dalavi; Gavanda ( Gauda ),- Hadmala; Karanika; Nay aka; Padihara 
( Padiara ); Sdhani; Senapa; Thakkura; Toladhari; Ugrarti; Madh- 
yastha; Janni etc. 

(b) Based on profession : Achari; Baliga ; Behari ( By an ); Joisa; Kalkuda; 
Kuduva; Rauta; Salya; Selti ( Settigara ); Ugrani; Vaidya; etc. 

(c) Based on status: Adiga; Aggi; Ahitagni; Amna; Arika (Ariga); 
Asrana; Anyanta; Ballala; Bhatla; Battaraka; Chakravarti; 
Hcbbdruva; Karla; Mahanta; Maraluva ; Melania; Miiianta; 
Mudiya; MuUya; Moyali; Odeya; Oja; Parivara; Pergade; Prabhu; 
Purdnika; Sabhayita ; Sarvaiithya; Somayaji; Upadhya; Urala; 
Sabhahita; Acharya; etc. 

3. Based on Community groups 

Basuri; Gbpa; Hande; Holla; Kanadi; Kannara; Karanta; Kallara; 
Mayya; Malapa; Mogara; Moyili; Mulya; Marakala; Ndvada; Nadava; 
Sahasra; Tigula; Herala; Tunga; etc. 

4. Based on plants and animals 

Alasi ( Alase ); Banni; ( Bannitaya ); Goli; Kahginata ( Kahginalaya ); 
Marindya; Naniltaya; Nelli; Tunga; etc. 

5. Based on places of habitation 

Gota; Gujjadi; Hahgula; Halvdra; Jndrani; Kadekara; Kananja; Kedila; 
Kodakalanaya ; Kongo; ICudukura; Kudura; ICulaya; Kunjalava ( Kunjataya ) 
Maltindya; Mdyipadi; Mudakare; Mudila ; Naduvantila; (Naduvantillaya) ; 
Ncrahadi; Nidambura; Niduvala; Nujiyaluraya; Oramballi; Pade; Padila; 
Padiraya; Perala; Suda; Ungurapatli; Vada; etc. 

25 * 

Scoieiy and People 

6. Unclacified 

Amcha ; Bharata; Boy a; Dahana; Kanaka ; Kaveya ; Kekuda ; Kodacha, 
Komna; Konde ; Mada; Madacha ; Manja; Mumata; Manila; Nambi ; 
Nandana; Nandari; Rata; Sahu; Sala; Semita ; Aekha; Suvarna; Tirula; 
Tumbikala; Urbali; Chadaga ; Karbara; etc. 

According to the communities (castes) in which these surnames 
and titles occur, the following chief classifications may be made : 

Brahmins: Adiga; Acharya; Ahitagni (Aggi); Amna; Arasa; Asrana ; 
Ayitala; Ballala; Basuri (Bayin'); Bhatta; Bhattatila; Goli; Handc ; Batvcha; 
Hebbaruva (Hebbdra); Herala; Holla; Indrani; Joisa; Kalembi; Kalknra; 
Kadekara; Karanta; Kedila; Kodacha ( Kodamcha ); Kodakalanaya ; Kuhjatava; 
Kjamita; Madacha; Manja; Marinaya; Mattinaya; Mayya; Melanta; 
Mittanta; Mogara; Nadnvaniila ; Naniltaya; Jfavada; Oja; Padiraya; Puranika; 
Sabhayita; Somayaji; Tantri ; Tuhga ; Udupa; Upadhya (XJpadhyaya) ; U grain; 
Umgurapalli; Ur ah; Vaidya; etc. 

Prabhu ; Kini; Nay aka; Heggade; Avadhani ; Baliga; Pai; Senabova ; 
Purohita; Padiydra ; Aenai. 

Jainas: Adhikdri; Adiyanta; Ajila; Ajiri; Aluva; Anyanta; Arasa; 
Arika; Ballala; Bhandari ; Binnani; Bahga; Chauta; Indra; Kadamba; Kambali; 
Kava; Kella; Komna; Konde; Konta; Kothari; Mada; Malla; Melanta; Manja; 
Mudiya ; Murayya ; Nay aka; Bandy a; Padivala; Pergade (Heggade); Sdhani 
(Samani); Senapa; Semita; Sefti; Aekha; Sdvanta; Tolaha; Upadhya; etc. 

Nadavas (Bant): Adapa; Adhikaii; Adiyanta; Ajila; Ballala ; Binnani; 
Bhandari; Chauta; Heggade; Kambali; Kava; Kothari; Mada j Melanta; 
Nadava; Nayaka; Punja; Puvani; Samani (Sdhani); Setti; Aekha; etc. 

Fisherman Community (Mogeras): Marakala; Mogera; Putran ; Saliyan; 
Suvarna; Bahgera; Pujari; Baidya etc. 

Billava Community: Alva; Amcha; Baidya; Pujari; Putran ; Saliyan; 
Suvarna; Bahgera; etc. 

There are a number of other communities for whom although epi- 
graphical evidence seems to be slender, that have played their role in 
society as for as they could. The most important of such communities 
are: the Serigaras also known as the Devadigas (pipers in temples), the 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

YUnakarmas (an artisan class noted for their fine traditional skill), the 
Bonis (palanquin bearers), the khdrvis (Kohkani speaking fisherman, )the 
Rdjafiuris (also known as the IConkanis), the Settigaras (weavers) and others 2 . 


The aliya-santdna system, that has been for generations, the most 
conspicuous feature of the social system of Tulu-nadu, especially more 
prevalent in the district of South Kanara, is a system of inheritance to 
the family property in which succession is traced in the female line. It 
is a system of matriarchate. It is more of the nature of a custom, peculiar 
to certain classes of people in Tuluva, rather than a general law, governing 
the whole of its people. It may be taken into account as a part of the 
law of the personal status of the class to which the individual belongs 
and the custom cannot be treated as the lexicon of the district of South 
Kanara. It is chiefly based upon the usages and practices found in certain 
communities and is in fact the recognition by judicial tribunals of certain 
well-established customs which have moulded the lives and regulated 
the dealings of the community for generations in so far as those customs 
are not opposed to rules of public morality and contrary to public policy. 

The three distinctive features of the aliya-santdna system, like tire 
kindred system of marurnakkatayam of Malabar, are : 

i) The tracing of kinship in the family to the maternal ancestor 
in the female line; 

ii) The non-recognition of the institution of marriage in the family 

iii) Prohibition of compulsory division or the impartibility of the 
family property. 

The only work bearing upon the aliya-santdna system is a small pamph- 
let in Kannada containing rules to be observed by the aliya-santdna people 
under the name of Bhutala-Pandya’s kaUu-katlalegahi i.e. rules or command- 
ments enjoined by Bhutala-Pandya who is supposed to be the promulgator 
of the law. It first attracted the notice of the courts in A. D. 1843 and 
formed tire basis of the decision in Appeal Suit 82 of 1843 by Mr. Findley 
Anderson, Civil Judge of Mangalore, South Kanara. It was printed 

2 A detailed study of the origin and settlement of of these communities is out of the 
scope of this Volume. 


Society and People 

and published in A. D. 1859 by the German Mission Press., Mangalore 
and translated into English in A. D. 1864 by Mr. Chariar, Kanarese 
Translator to the High Court, which was published in the Madras Journal 
of Literature and Science No. 1 Series III, July, 1864. Another translation 
of it appeared in English in about A . D . 1873, and in the same year Mr. T. 
Gopalakrishna Pillay, the Huzur Sliiristedar of South Kanara, made 
another translation, supplemented by footnotes of the rules of the High 

The book gives us the full description of the manners and customs 
prevailing among the aliya-santana people. These customs are divided 
into fourteen kattus and sixteen kat tales or commandments. The kattales 
or rules relate to the social position of each of the particular balis or tribes, 
inter-marriages between these balis, the classes of people who ought to 
follow the aliya-santana system, the management of the family property, 
the ceremonies to be observed by relations on occasions of the births 
and deaths and last to the perpetuation of lineage in the family on failure 
of heirs by adoption. The sixteen kattales or commandments concern 
themselves mostly with the marriage customs and certain elaborate rules 
as to the mode of treatment to be accorded by the community to women 
who go astray in the observance of their caste rules. 

The origin of this system is lost in obscurity and could now at this 
distance of time be only a matter of conjecture and speculation. The 
popular belief is that it had its source in the law promulgated by Bhutala- 
Pandya, the soverign prince, who ruled this country at one time and that 
it was for the first time introduced by him. The popular version of it 
is, contained in the Memorandum, submitted to the Malabar Marriage 
Commission by one of its members, Mr. Mundappa Bangera. “The Bhutala- 
Pandya’s Aliya-santana Law” shows that it was introduced by a despotic 
prince called Bhutala-Pandya about the year 77 A.D. in supercession 
of the makkala-santana or inheritance from father to son which was then 
prevailing (in modern South Kanara). It is said that when the maternal 
uncle of this prince called Deva-Pandya wanted to launch his newly 
constructed ships with valuable cargo in them, Kundodara,king of demons, 
demanded a human sacrifice. Deva-Pandya asked his wife’s permission* 
to offer one of Iris sons but she refused, while his sister, Satyavati, offered 
her son, Jaya-Pandya, for the purpose. Kundodara, discovering in the 
child signs of future greatness, waived the sacrifice and permitted the 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

ships to sail. He then took the child, restored to him his father’s kingdom 
of Jayantika and gave him the name Bhutala-Pandya. Subsequently, 
when some of the ships brought immense wealth, the demon again appeared 
and demanded of Deva-Pandya another human sacrifice. On the latter, 
again consulting his wife, she refused to comply with the request and 
publicly renounced her title and that of her children to the valuable 
property brought in the ships. Kundodara, then demanded Deva- 
Pandya, to disinherit his sons of the wealth which had been brought in 
those ships, as also of the kingdom and to bestow all, on his sister’s son 
the above named Jaya-Pandya or Bhutala-Pandya. This was accordingly 
done. And as this prince inherited his kingdom from his maternal uncle 
and not from his father, he ruled that his own examples must be followed 
by his subjects and it was, thus, that the aliya-santana system was established 
on the 3rd Magha sudha of the year 1 of the era of Salivdhana called Isvara 
about A.D.77. This Bhutala-Pandya, it is said, ruled for 75 years and 
Iris nephew, Vidyadyumna-Pandya, for 81 years and the like. 

Let us now turn to the inscriptions of Tuluva, before we draw any 
conclusions on the origin and spread of the aliya-santana system. No 
epigraph any-where refers to the formal introduction of this system by 
an arbitrary royal fiat, as the traditional account makes us believe. More, 
over, it is most perplexing that the term aliya-santana docs not occur in 
any epigraph of tire district of South Kanara nor of North Kanara. 
Strangely enough two epigraphs of Koppa of tire Clrikkamagalur district 
specifically use the term aliya-santana in A.D. 1403 (The people of Dana- 
mula and their aliya-santana)'. Facts are not adequate to decide whether 
the danamulis mentioned in the epigraphs were immigrants from Tuluva 
or whether they were the natives of that region, observing the system of 

In the district of South Kanara, it is the Ta]angere inscription of 
Jayasimha, ascribable to the 10th century A.D. on palaeographical 
grounds, that may be said to give us a clue to the possibility' of tire prevalence 
of this system in society by about the lOdr century A.D. This epigraph 
refers to a king (we have elsewhere identified him with die ruler of Kumbale, 
Kasargod, Kerala) Jayasimha by' name, who is stated to have made a gift 
of a piece of land, situated in the vicinity of Putturu, South Kanara, to 

1 Ep Car Vol. VII, Koppa, No 51. 
Ibid. No. 52. 

• ' % ■ Society and People : ; v. - r ■’ V ; -V: ; 259 

'Mochabbarasi as kanyadana i;c. gift to the damsel. The land which 
was barren and rocky was converted, into fertile field by Mochabbarasi. 
Slic constructed a house, laid out a garden and had a moat: dug around 
the place. The record ends with the statement to the effect;; that the 
right of succession to the ownership of the land should devolve On the 
female children in the lineage of the excellent Jogawe and not on the 
male offspring. And that in case there were no female issues, the right 
Avill; pass to the male children 2 . ' 

f The editors of the above inscription proceed to state as follows .: 
The, exact relationship between Mochabbarasi and Jogawe and king 
Jayasimha is neither stated in the record nor can it be ascertained from 
the nature of the reference to them made in the record. Since at the 
end of the inscription, it is specified that the hereditary rights regarding 
the possession of the land should devolve on female issues, it may be, 
gathered that Mochabbarasi was either the sister or the mother of Jaya- 
simha. If she is to be considered the niece, Jogawe might have been . 
the sister. It may then be inferred that this practice of the family property 
passing from mother to daughter obtained in this part of the country at least 
as early as the 10th century A.D. This law of inheritance, which goes, 
by the name of aliya-santana . , is in vogue even today in that area. ; 

The arguments and surmise put forward by the editors seem to be 
sober and approximate to truth. But two questions arise .which put us 
to doubt in regard to the final acceptance of the above inferences. .- . A '; 

First, why the need to specify the legal rights of inheritance by the 
females occurred, inspite of the fact that according to this system of aliya- 
santana , the right of possession of property automatically goes to the females..; 
Second, there is no provision under aliya-santana system for male ; children- 
to inherit property and in case a family were heirless, a girl of the same; 

. bali Would have to be adopted for succession. But in this record, the 
male children are stated to be entitled to inheritance if females .were 
absent.^ Therefore, it: is also, possible, to think that this record may not 0 
be suggestion of the aliya-santana system but one born out of the willingness 
Of the; owner of the property to transmit the same to the daughters. We; 
may conveniently leave this- matter here;.'; 0 y Oyf >y;;: i.y-: 0; 

: ; There are good reasons to believe that in the district of South Kanarh 
by about the beginning of the 1 3 th century A .D , the system of aliya-santana- 

. . : 2 Ep.Ind. Vol XXIX pp. 203 to 209 


Studies in Tuhwa Histony and Culture 

may have been fairly prevalent. This may be inferred rath the help 
of an epigraph, dated A.D. 1205, belonging to tire reign of Kulasekhara- 
Alupendra I. It says that Kujanadeva, his son Narenanchanadeva 
and his nephew ( ally a ) Vasudeva - these three made grants of land to 
Durgadevi of Mudabidure 3 . The inclusion of the alija may be taken 
as significant. 

Two inscriptions of Mudabidure, South Kanara, specify clearly the 
descent of the royal power through the ally as (nephews). The genealogy 
of Bhairava, the ruler of Nagire, whose benefaction and patronage resulted 
in profuse gifts of charity to the Thousand-Pillared basadi of Mudabidure 
and the erection of manastambha in front of the basadi 4 is given as under: 
Honnabhupa, alija Kama, brother Manga, alija Haiva, alija Mahgaraja, 
alija Kesavaraya, alija Sangama, alija Bhairava. Another epigraph 
of the same place puts the genealogy of Saluva-Malla who succeeded 
to the throne of Nagiri as follows : Narananka, Nagananka, etc. Honna, 
alija Kama, brother Mavarasa, alija Haiva, alija Sapta-mahipala (Manga), 
alija Kesavarasa, alija Sangama, alija Bhairava, alija Immadi Bhairava, 
brother Ambiraya, alija Saluva-Malla 3 . It is clear from the above 
epigraphs that the political succession to the dynasty of the 'Nagari 
chiefs, who ruled from Gerusoppe and Nagiri, which were considered 
as important centres of Tuluva was through females. Hypothetically, 
we may assign at least the beginning of the 13tli century A.D. as the 
date of die first rulers of this dynasty. 

The Kalasa-Karakala rulers (known as the Bhairarasa-Odeyas) who 
covered a period of more than 400 years of rule seemed to have followed 
the system of alija-santana « and in the earliest inscriptions which are mostly 
on copper-plates at Kalasa, we find queens in supreme power -Jakala- 
mahadevi in A.D. 1246 and 1247 and Kalala-mahadevi from A.D. 1270 
to 1281’. 

The genealogies of other Jaina feudatories like the Chautas, Bangas, 
Savantas, Ajilas, Tolahas, all of whom seemed to have hailed from above 
the Ghats followed the aUja-sanlana system (See chapter on The Feudatory 

3 S.J.J. Vol. VII, No 223 

4 S.r.I. Vol. VII, No 202, A.D. 1429. 

3 S.I.I. Vol. VII, No 207, A.D 1462. 

Efi Car. Vol VIII, Sagar No 55. 

6 S 1. 1. Vol. VII No. 207 

1 Ep.Car. Vol. VI, Mu<Jugorc, No 67, 70, 71, 72, 73 and 75. 

1^9'- b A 1 b - ' 26 1 - V' 

v;;; yThedmportance of .amuihhef of epigraphs : ; 
in the MalnScl . districts of Karnataka and we do not have proof to decide 
that it was the influence of the system that prevailed in the South Kanara 
■|rdist^cti;^':V 7 ; . y ■- •; ’ : -y I . JwA 

* V; ; 1 f ‘ Construction of a tank by Punni-gosayi, aliya of Koliyamma v. 
: yy,^^} : ; -; ; Tand soir of Chappa}^ : 'a in the of Santaraya 8 . •;*. i-y- ,/.;v 
Q y ' 2. The court assembly of Boinmarasa with aliya Birarasa and Other 
Vh • officials 9 . -■ ; ■' . . 

'yy '3. The succession 
yyV y ,?'v} : Sofaba taluk seems to be through the females’ 0 /- ' a / - - 

; A , of the time of Jagadekamalla, dated A . D .1144, 

va r> ; : - r preference is made to the vritti granted to the female (Jionnige-. 

/ Jv- T tw -'danhycigi bitfa-vriuty*. ■ .'••••.> ./ • , 

’made- by Basavanna-heggade, his Virappa, his brother 
;• V- ■ /"•Ghilcka-Bommanna-heg'gade, aliya Amka-veggade, his brother 
•wjyv a;; '': Baichappa-heggadep. • 

y V6. The confirment of the sthana to the maternal nephew by Kalla- 
Jlya after maiTying his daughter to him in the presence of saptoiia- 
1 prnjep. . 'V'.-.'V • 

: : 7 . An inscription of.;Marigalavada, dated A . D . 1260, of Irunguna 

/ ; ' Y' ; . ■ (named); of the daughters (named) of Tapodana-Somajcya 

Madhjiya. It clearly refers to inheritance by daughters (females). ; 

; : ; ,■ . Likewise, another: epigraph of the same date and the , same; .place 1 - 4 . ' ' 

The interesting fact is that the recipients of the charity grants v 

YAhYV’Y y'are :; Brahmins. V'. v -\a r ;Y..Y d,Y‘ 

4$W Bhairaxasa is; stated .to have marched against Iiosagunda 

a YYY Y-'Y- . with theMalcyamayakas in ■ the reign of Bommarasa 15 . ; U - . ' / 

•^;^v^9h'C;Sdle-deed -by . ■Nagaima-heggade : -.\vith; dhbtcpnse^ 

f .Ay brothers Balla-heggade, Tamma-heggade and with, the approval . 

aliyas ’ and • ’son 16 , w'YYYYYy f Y.V:y: w,. 

Y:YY 8 Ep;Car. Vok vil, Sugar No. loo, A.D;9S5-m byybdyyy 
:b: ': 9 r:Jhid. No. 67. A.D. 1 103 . . ' / -a YYY 

■: : 10 Ep-.Car. VoL VIII, Sagar No. 15, A. D. 1218. Y-wY' .a . ' v ^ v v ^ '' i>; 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

10. The inscription, dated A. D. 1488, relates that Sangitapura 
ruled by Salvendra, was a place of descent in the female line 
in the Tuluva desa ( sudati-santana-janmalaya i)> 7 . 

11. The Bhatakala inscription of North Kanara, dated A. D. 1542, 
records a grant to Narana-nayaka by Maliamandalesvara Chenna 
devi-Ammanavaru, daughter in-law of Devarasa-Odeya, die 
ruler of Bhatakala and other rajyas in memor)' of the death of 
his brother, Yenkappa, who fell fighting on behalf of her. It 
is stated that the land should pass to the female descendants 
as a gift ( hennige-dana ) or to the male descendants by right of 
succession (gandige-m fda)'*. 

12. The 16th century A.D. records another epigraph in Hassan 
during the reign of Achyutaraya which states - Channapparige= 
aliya-santanam gb-bhu-hiranya-kanyadana-dhara-pravaha-haslamam'^. 

We have therefore rather fair grounds to infer that the system of 
aliya-santana was not merely prevalent in Tuluva but was also fairly, 
popular amongst the people of certain areas of Karnataka, especially in 
the Western Ghat 

Epigraphical records do not give us good reasons to believe that the 
system of aliya-santana was prevalent amongst the Alupas. Facts do not 
help us to agree to die inference drawn in the epigraphical report for 
1929-30 that the Alupas followed the aliya-santana or the matriarchal 
law of inheritance. The arguments advanced in favour of diis inference 
are : 

1. That certain Alupa princes were called a\iyas, nephew of the 
reigning kings 20 . 

2. That Ballamahadevi, who had the tide paltada-piriyarasi could 
be the elder sister of the preceding ruler, because of the fact 
in the royal houses, where the aliya-santana system obtains, the 
sister of the king is called the queen and not his wedded wife. 
But the above arguments are feeble and slender, for, we do not 
have instances of ally as succeeding to die throne in the history 
of the Alupas and the term paltada-priyarasi may simply mean 

17 Ibid. Sagar, No. 163, p. 334. 

58 K I 1. Vol. VII, Part 1, No. 76 or 1930-’40. 

19 Ep.Car. Vol. V, Hassan 1, A D. 1532. 

20 A It. No 480 and 485 for 1929. 

:)yySdcie^ and People l 7yy/y - ^ A .-' V ' 263 

■ r.ktj'.y* .'Il'.'-t - ■ -S • - .1 ■ ' "n • ’ '•/. " ’t '.-V'i! >-■’ '-."V: 

•' r' ; . : Paiidyadcva-yVlupcndra, who ruled Tuluva between A . D . 1 254 
and A.D . 1 277. y - : y " y : j ' ' : ; ; ' - / ' y" : - A: A'; V 

i Dr. Saletore in one of bis articles traces the four stages in growth of 
A'p c fvjtHi^system of aliyd-santana in Tuluva 21 . \ . ‘ f; • 

: 1. : .- This system must have been accepted and practised by the people: 

,ht''lea&.t .from the 12th century A.D. The second stage may 
fv-be^eeh. in the particular mention of Pandya-mahadevi, the queen 
5 ,; ^vK'hof.'Biiujabaiai K.avi-Ahipendra in the record along with the king 
y-as •. rulittg Over the kingdom (A.D. 1156). The rule ' of- Balia- • 

h 2.; h The, last of: the Alupa kings ICulasekhara IV seemed to have 
^transferred the ruling power to his nephew ( aliya ) 'Bariki- 
Tk^evarasa,. when he relinquished his authority and this 
v • A- •$P r eri£‘ ‘‘may lie taken as the acceptance of the aliya-santdna 

A. ; ‘ y, • ... system in the Alupa line as marking the third stage in its dev'elop- 
■OrftAy -meht 22 .'.'- h -A • • - ' / t-A 

AVA3.' -y :It vwas • Ghaudappa^Nayaka } the ruler of Keladi, who gave a 
AAyy' ■'•■y formal arid legal' sanction to this system in the year A.D, 1506. 

^ 5v^h^ ; The : epigraph: of this year, caused to be issued by him, says 'that” 

■ ‘2y ; the. grant made to Virappayya, his devoted follower should be. 

: ' v enjoyed by the aliyas of the donee in Kalasa-grama of the 
. • ; .: Chikkamagaliir district. -• ■ • Ay ■ 

AhyDr.Saletorc’s survey, it .is true, Is based on historical facts but he 
does not mention anything about the wide prevalence of this system 
amongst the Jaina feudatories when; it appears to have existed from the ) 
12th ,:. century A. D .' . '.'.The Mudabidure epigraphs of Iiosa-basadi rifely 
^profuse hi ¥ofeferice : to the- c/^wA'g'uring a| : .pW 

biitidris to the 'coristructibii of the bctSadi™)"') A -A 1 ' ■ •} y ;■ A.y-A.' • -dyl 

AykTronri the stand-point of epigraphicaf and literary sources at our A 
; disposal, the following views in ay, no doubt inconclusively, be expressed : 
.in regard to the system of aliya-santana. '{y AArAi’AriAkA't Ay ".-,1 y A;A 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

1. It is fairly dear that the practice of tracing the descent through 
the females and inheriting the property through them is not the conse- 
quence of any royal promulgation and introduction, because this practice 
or custom is not merely confined to Tuluva and its people but is found 
in Malabar and was prevalent in parts of Mysore above the Ghats. 

“There is no historical evidence to show at what period and in what 
manner the usages of a foreign country were imported into this district. 
The wholesale introduction of the usages of one country at any particular 
period of time in substitution of the then existing law seems to be opposed 
to the laws of genesis of society”. The following account given in the 
Mysore Gazetteer is well-nigh significant 24 . 

“Evidence of the existence, however, at one time, of Mathericht 
(or mother-right) is traceable among several of the castes. Under this 
system, often called matriarchate, descent was traced and property' trans- 
mitted in the female line. Among many castes and tribes in the state, 
a man’s family is actually sought to be continued at the present day, 
through a daughter who lives in his house. This is so among the Kurubas, 

Bedas, Vaddas, Dombas, Madigas, Holeyas and Sillegettas” 

“Among most castes and tribes in the state, the important position assigned 
to a woman’s brother gives us a glimpse of the days, when the family 
centred round the mother and her brother and not her husband. It 
might be stated that the universal practice among the castes and tribes 
of the state is for a man to ask for the hand of his sister’s daughter either 
for himself or for his son”. 

2. The elaborate marriage rules laid down in the 16 kattales of the 
aliya-sanldna system have also certain corresponding features with the 
pre-marital and post-marital license, described in the same Gazetteer 2S . 

A close examination of the text of Bhutala-Pandya will unfold to us 
certain facts regarding the date of the composition of this work and also 
certain historical truths. It is beyond doubt that it is a very late work. 

We can venture to say that the composition of the text is a modem 
one and that it displays the efforts at concoction and fictitious narration 
with the help of a few social and historical truths. Perhaps, it is rightly 
remarked by Thurston that the hajlu-kaltale of Bhutala-Pandya is a forgery 
composed about A.D.1840 26 . 

24 Ethnology and Caste, Vol. I, p 181. 

23 Ibid, p 185 

25 Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Vol. I, pp. 153 & 154. 

th the cpigraphical account oil record we do not come across the 
name Bhutala-Pandya.; But in one inscription of Ohokkadi, Uclipi Taluk, 
-South Kanara, dated A . D . 1474, one Bhutappandya is mentioned. The 
epigraph gives a description of the boundaries of a portion of the village 
V odevuru (near Malpe of Udupi) as follows : In the west of goli of haravari; 
in the east the thoroughfare ; in the south andve-gadi; in the north jati-gallu 
of Bliutappandya. This area is stated to be holding no connections 
"either with; the Mudilas or with Nidamburas or with the six balldlus 11 . 

A copy of the copper-plate (now lost), dated A. D. 1474, recovered from 
Sri Manju Bhatta of the Gujjadi Guhesvara temple mentions Bhutappandya 
maharaja. If this record is reliable, we may infer that there, must have 
been a ruler of this name in the 15th C.A.D. and later it become Bhutala- 
Pandya. : . ■ ' • ■ ■ • • -- 

yy, y ■ in;the present state of our knowledge, it is difficult for us to connect 
with O flaiy ur-fanda-Bhutal-Pandy a of Travancore, mentioned by 

Mr. Venkoba Rao 28 for we are completely in the dark, who, this Bhuta 
Pandya was, what his activities were and where he came from. Secondly, 
between these two Pandyas, there is a time gap of 1200 years, during 
which period, no mention is made of him any where in any epigraph. 
..But this inscription enables us to fix one point i.e. the name of the king } 
Bhutala-Pandya, if he ever existed and ruled over Tuluva, must be;, 
Bhhtappandya and not Bhutala-Pandya. ' : ^ V. - . . 

: In conclusion, it may be remarked that, whatever may be the origin 

of the system, whether the matriarchal theory, as it is called, is sufficient 
to explain away all the social phenomena it- presents, there can be - no 
doubt that the aliya-santana system indicates a social organization, whose 
progress must have been arrested at a very early stage of its course, and", 
though the country was occupied by . the Brahmins, their civilized.: neigh-: 
hours, yet these latter were , not able to exert any lasting influence upon : 
them and modify any of the customs to an appreci able degree; Leaving 
the traditional history apart, it seems certain that the whole of the Tulu 
country was governed for more than three or four hundred years (from 
-the 12th to the 16th century) by the Jaina chiefs, who Were in no way 
disposed towards Brahminism and who were themselves the upholders 
X\\t alija-saritdna system, as their liistory relates. ' The subsequent 

? • 27 -A. R: No. 579 for 1 929-’30 
' 28 A.R. for 1926-’27, p. 107. 


Studies in Tuhva Hisloty and Culture 

Mohammadan rule did not make itself particularly felt in Tuluva with the 
result, that the customs of the people were left undisturbed when the 

country passed into the possession of the British in the beginning of the 
19th century. 

“Recognition of consanguinity as the sole basis of relationship and 
the elimination at each generation from the family pedigree of the husband 
m the case of a female and of the wife and children in the case of a male 
““’I 6 characteristic features of this unique system of family”. 
And definitely this represents a primitive stage of social organization. 

One ^ thing is certain. The 16 kattales followed by those who belong 
to tlie alija-sanlana system were in existence in the 15th century A.D. 
us is attested to by an epigraph of Kantavara, Karkala taluk, South 
< nara u c states that the grant made to Rajaraj esvara-tlrtha Sripa- 

nZlf urn ^ Ae Prad ' l5na ° f MaA S alQ ™ ^d Timmarasa, the 

(Fan! nr ml * . UTC ’ a PP roved by those who belonged to the 16 kattales 
{Aanlarada hadinarara katlaleyavara vachana )*> 

are *"!? ^ ka! - ta - les > nam ely, ah and uli, which 

e • . • ! n f 1C a - l -> a ' sanlana kallu-kaltalegalu of Bhutala-Pandya bear 

A D 14ns a ^J CfCrCnCe m 3n ^^P^ 011 of Matpadi which 'is dated 

• - dUg .,. lm S arll P a llb a manege arasu vollilada ali ulivu landadarinda 

st} aranene grama kudt madida nianjaf^ 

tlielawis? StlaCt ? n f; ,fj ° n ° f Ae ori S inal set of rules which make up 
avv is given m the Madras Manual of Administration, Vol. Ill, p. 18. 

as mentinneH°' nn ft," ^ ^ castes ^ iat ed the alija-sanlana system 
as mentioned in the kaltu-kat talcs: 

Agasa (washerman); 

Andekoraga (a hill-tribe); 

Carinjarar (a class of pariahs); 

Kumbaras (potyters); 

Kshaurihas (barbers); 

K fit p ' rro ™ “ ,d °» — “ -i** 

Hanchetlis (merchants corresponding to Komatis); 

Holejar (parayas); ' J 


Society and People 


Malekudis (a hill-tribe); 

Malavar (a hill-tribe); 

Mdsadikas (a class of Bants who eat flesh) 

Munddlas (a class of parayas) 

Nayar, Parivdras (an inferior class of Bants); 

Panchalas (artisans); 

Sdliyar (weavers); 


A recently discovered inscription from the Setra-basti, Mudabidure 
ascribable to circa 12th C.A.D. mentions the younger brother of 
Uttama-setti, Santi-setti by name and his nephew Sivadasalva-Pandya. 
This perhaps, may be the earliest known record making possible mention 
of the importance of the nephew in the social set-up. The fact that 
this is a Jaina epigraph is further interesting. 



Inli odaclion 

A critical examination of the various names of divinities, worshipped 
in the temples, homes and shrines of Tulu-nadu, will enable us to get 
to know and trace the features of religious development and understand 
the religious tendencies of the people. Knowledge thus gained will 
further be strengthened by a detailed study of iconography ol these divi- 
nities. Such a survey seems vitally necessary in view of the fact that the 
worship of a divinity in a particular form with a particular name is inte- 
grally connected with the growth of philosophy and development of 
faith. An attempt has been made to classify the most important of such 
divinities as receive worship and homage from the various sections of the 
people of Tulu-nadu both in the agama temples under the influence of 
Brahminism and in other shrines where primitive cults have found concrete 
manifestation. Almost house to house and village to village survey of 
the area under study has revealed the inner essence of religion and theology 
and in substantiation select iconic examples have been included, based 
on their style, historical and religious significance, artistic features, 
monographic peculiarities and chronological suggestions. The chrono- 
logical list of deities given at the end of this chapter docs not claim to be 
exhaustive. It only attempts to point to the first occurence of their 
names as revealed through the epigraphs, hitherto discovered. Secondly, 
the dates mentioned against each are not the dates of the construction 
of the temples and the installation of deities in them; instead they only 
speak of grants and charity gifts made to the divinities for ritualistic 
purposes either by the state or the devotees Therefore, it is not un- 
reasonable to suppose that the temples must have existed must earlier 
than their mention in records, registering such grants. 

- 269 . 

: 'V • ^ • : ^ ^ ■ ; "• ' • V r^<» Pytd'fdy ;':. 'S' ■'" . •;/■'■{, ' •- 

*$£$ Sambhttkalla-d eva : (Isvar'an), ; Lokesvarq, M^^disvdri^dcvd^^^^t^h- 
deva- (Pfagarcsvara), Naiidikcsvdra-dcvct, Huttura-deva (Mahadcva), Kanlcsvara- 
deva, Somandthesvara, Manjundlha^ Mahesvara, Kotisvara (ICotlndtha), Vlrehara, 
Gokdrnisvard, Senesvara, Sa'nkdia-deva, Sdmqpyq-devu,. Kalasdndtha, . 'Ldptindthd- 
IdevdkkApifiiamthd-deva, Taregude-deva, Manaura-deva, 'Uma-mdhesvara, Kotadd - 
deva, Tutiwesvara- deva, Gunavantisyara, Murudesvam, Bfiimikesvaf a > Panchalinga- 
deva, Kundesvara, : Vimbhadra-deva , ICundanesvatd, Gdvaresvara, Vdyijamlha-devct, 
Mahalinga-deva, Bhedrava-deva, Vidyandika-deva, Bankesvarct-deva, Triyambaka - 
deva,:: Kavilesvard, Visvandiha-d eva ( Visvesvard ), Tbniresvara, Manjesvard , : 
.MdUdfa^ddydA'Idi-Pdramesodra, Makebdfd: etc." 

J",: ;.W 2., ' Sakta Deities , 

''■pypDevi. ofrAJeuru, Piolala-Bhattaraki, Durgddevi, Durgd-Bfiagavati , Mahd- 
lakshmi, Mukdmbikd, Mangala-devi. Kdla-deyi, Ghandikd-devi, Dnrgd-Para- 
mcsvari, Pjaramesvan Chandesvari , Vindhyqvasini, Hingula-devi, Pulupinadeva, . , 
SdraddySapta-mdtrikas etc. ' ' , \ : 

3. Vaishnavd Deities -■ - 

’ ,• Gopinatha ( apdtji), Sri Krishria, Lakshmi-ndrayana, Jamrdana, Anania- 
deva pAnantapadmandbha), Rdmanatha , Narayana-deva, Tiruinala-deva, Nara- 
simha-deva, Raghunatha-deva, Ghennakesvam-deva, Vishnumurti, Vishnu, Kesava, . 
iMahdrqjasvdmi, etc, / ; ■ ■" • 

. 'V •.?•. ; ; 4-' .• .Subrahinanpa . ,• . /'. ■ PGlid ■ 

fid Kukke-Subrahihatjydi [Murugesvard, ‘.Ballmafija-.deva, Shamnuk/ia, .0dabhdndq~ 
deva, Kundqpula-Bhattaraka, TJllura-dcva etc. ,4 : _- dP'GP'yg .. 

Wf'PS: \ V' 5. Safikara-Ndrayana : (Hari-Hara) V ,v/ 'V r 

^ dS'-Bi ■ Ganapatya ■■■■■. \ ■' •• •••!:'' V/.rV;-.-';:- ■yPGp&fSitr 

■■ di 'py^dyakapS Vignesyara , or Ganapati. g}P ; . 

lP\ Sdura v'V-' 

pktprd'pS 'v- ■ Bury a and ' Surya-Ndrayaha : v'-i-' I ?' GBPpGi < yddp£: j [Pd 

Sasta • ; i ^ 

: :- : v;5-.;V9 AyDaivas . (Devils')*' /; >' ;v -f 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

It becomes fairly clear from the above classification that there has 
men a remarkable mingling of various cults and their co-existence We 

WithMT Str ° ng SUbstratUm of Saivism in Ae whole of Tulu-nadu 

with the ?-T 0 T- C may eVen aSSOCiate Sdkta ’ and Gdm P al ->' a deities 
o W ^ IS to be explained presently, the Vaishnava forms 

of worslup seem to have commenced at least from the time of ^Sankara- 

impetus phiIosopher and the y received an unprecedented 

(so caUe^V^h-f ldbvaCharyaj thc P r °togonist of Vaishnla-Siddhanla 
f it h_ ‘ a , P hll0s °phy)- A compromise between the Saiva and Vaishnava 

w^n Tfi A lmVe . eX, f d 35 far baCk 35 1116 IOth *e 11th century A.D. 
(Hari Har f reference t0 dlc worship of Sahkara-Narayana 

time fr It a v 1SC thC WOTShip ° f SG rya-Narayana about the same 

Vaisimavism SUggCSt ^ dle absor ption of Saura cult or faidi into 

shnavism. There are a few temples solely dedicated to this deity. 

prevails^omn^T T* baS t0 be made a hout a peculiar practice that 
been prenondf t ' * ^T' Dcvil - w orship or Bhutdradhana has always 
Tulu 2 ! 1C non ' Bra hminical section of the people of 

n-t t^ Lnr d ™"u W i 1, . bC eXpkined at 1116 end of this chapter, 
that deserves^ 't ^ mim o aI section. A most note-worthy feature 
Hindu oanrhe° U1 ° SCrvatlon 1S tbat some of die great divinities of the 
in the form nf°? S -w reCeive ad °ration amongst the non-Bralimins 
Vishnu^X n r^ ( <II r ) : ° ne0rtwo examples may be cited. Lord 
conformity with d° ^ C . VlIkn0wn as Vishriumurti and worshipped in 

tPlatC 301 Bra] - a is Wn as Berme 

to be a dtd / T r 011 ^ thC devBs - LiPe ^ se Chamunda is taken 
othe s too lake “ ******** ^abhadra Bhairava and some 

to be Z S fr°n inC T plaCC ifl the of devils. Durga is taken 

xpkinS W t?late 11( W d'his phenomenon may be 

exphnned as a result of tire prominence of this pirmitive cult on the land. 

ofth7vJtiorcr CeCd n°, d ! SCUSS 1116 Wst0ricaI development of each one 
to the visit of ? - 5 <; We had bcttcr remember one important point. Prior 
-isr a n ° b f? t radiar>ra t0 Tu ? u - n5d «> there seemed to have 
Ganapatja and the IT SCC ^. nan s y stem s such as pure Saiva, Sdktc, Saura, 

respSe for d rcfutcd b >' great Acharya who was 

responsible^ dm introduction of die Panel, dyatana form ofworship.** 

••Atonier-Monicr W.lHams 
pp. 411-416. 

Anandagiri -t’ZTvijafa - Chip to, 'ty' h’ ^20^424^"'’ 

• Religion 271 

(Therefore, from the 9th century A.D. we can hardly have pure forms 
>f Saivism. Saktaism and Vaishnavism and Ganapatya and Saura cults. 


“In point of fact, Ganesa has in the present day few exclusive adorers 
.e. there are few sectarians who trust to him alone for salvation, though 
ill propitiate him for success” 1 . In early times the Ganapatya sect (sect 
vliich adores Ganapati as the only god that is capable of and endowed 
vith the supreme power of giving salvation to the devotees) was divided 
nto six sub-sects, worshipping six different forms of Ganesa 2 . 

There are very confusing and mutually contradictory accounts about 
he nature and origin of Vighnesvara. He is taken to have been born 
lolely to Siva, soley to Parvati, and to both Siva and Parvati. He is also 
mated as Krishna in another form 3 . He is also identified with Para- 
Brahman. He is Brahmanaspati and Brihaspali elsewhere 4 . 

The worship of Ganesa is combined with that of every other god. 
For, all sects are unanimous in claiming him as their own. Since, he is 
to control and overcome vighna (impediments) his shrines and images 
ire generally found in association with those of other deities and are 
usually to be seen in the approaches of vestibules of large temples. Almost 
every Siva temple has a sub-shrine built for him, which is invariably 
situated to the left of the main shrine. Solitary temples of large size 
dedicated to GaneSa are considered to be rare 5 . 

It has been found that Ganesa was given a form in sculpture only 
after the Gupta period, when his image appeared suddenly and also 
in the classic form 6 . So the fifth century A.D. may be taken to have 
marked the beginning of the worship of GaneSa in die' image form. Alice 

- s 

1 Monier— Monier Wi II i ams~i> 77 , hm in ism and Hinduism (1891), p. 217. 

2 Maba-Ganapati, Haridra-Ganapali. XJchchishta-Ganapati, Navanlta-Ganapati, 

, .Svarna-Ganapad and Santana-Ganapab. 

3 In ilie Brahma-mivarta-Pmana , it is stated that Ganesa was Krishna himself origi- 
nally in the human form. Sani went to him with a child. The head of the child 

, in consequence separated and went away to Goloka. The elephant, Airavata, 
had then a son in the forest. His head was removed and fixed on the body of the 
child. (T. A. Gopinatha Rao - Elements af Hindu Iconography Vol. I, Part I, p. 46) 

4 Ibid . * 

5 Wai between Poona and MahabaleWara and Ganesa on the summit of the rock 
of Trichinopoly are two of the reputed temples dedicated to this divinity. 

> (Monier-Monier Williams — Brahminism and Hinduism, p. 217). 

6 Alice Getty - Ganesa - A Monogiaplvon the Elephant-Faced-God (1936), Chapter III, 

, p. 25. . . - ' - - y „ v - - • • 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

Getty opines that it seems incredible that the remarkable Bhumara sculpt- 
ures of Ganesa should have been created independently without the 
inspiration of transitional forms and yet no images of an elephant-faced 
deity, have been discovered which could be placed unquestionably earlier 
than the fifth century 7 * . 

It is rather difficult to say when the worship of Ganesa started in Tulu 
nadu. But from the Sankara-mjaya, we learn that the Ganapatya sect 
was prevalent in Tuluva* and that they' were reduced in philosophical 
disputations by Sri Sankaracharya. Some of the important sculptures 
of Ganesa in Tuluva give us an early date. And since most of them do not 
take the mount (rat), we may infer that they' may' in all probability belong 
to the pre-Hoysala period 9 . Moreover, we have a number of temples 
erected in honour of Ganesa as the chief divinity ( pradhana-devata ) which 
also suggest the importance of the worship of Vignesvara in Tuluva. 10 
Both from the stand-point of iconography and of chronology, we have a 
few images of Ganapati, which are really interesting and worthy of close 
study. The trunk of Ganesa may be shown toward the left or right and 
generally, it is turned toward the left; only in rare cases do we meet with 
figures with the proboscis turned toward the right 11 . It looks as though 
balamuri- Ganesa used to be prominently shown in sculpture in the district 
of South Kanara and all of these go to a fairly early date. [Plates 5(c), 9(a), 
10(a), 11(4), 12(c), 14(4), 16(c), 17(a), 18(a), 20(a) etc.] Again, the 
following points deserve to be noted for a proper understanding of the 
icons of Ganesa in Tuluva, "GaneSa may wear the head-dress of Siva, 
the jata-mukuta, a complicated arrangement of braided hair and jewels 
forming a high chignon. But his usual head-dress is a terraced-crown, 
called haranda-mukuta, which in its earliest conception, was bowl-shaped 
but in time became extremely ornate losing its original character. He 
is rarely represented without a head-dress except in his most ancient 
images, where he may, however, wear a simple jewelled band encircling 

7 Ibid p 25. 

* Anandagiri - Sankara-mjaya. 

9 The rat is found in the company of Ganesa at a very early date in North India 
but teas not introduced into South India before the 12th century (Alice-Getty- 
Ganeia, Chapter II, p 16). 

10 The temples of Ganapati in Kadaba of the Putttiru taluk; Anantaiayana Vinayaka- 
bu{tu, Karkafa; Udayavara, Udupi; Barahuru; Idagunji, Honnavara; arc the 
most important that fall within this group. 

11 T. A. Gopinatha Rao - Elements of Hindu Iconography, Vol. I, Part I, pp. 49-50. 



his head on the images as early as the sixlh century”- 12 . Again, it has 
to be noticed that Ganesa was usually represented seated but in his most 
ancient images he was more often figured standing 13 . A large number 
of 6<z/<z-Ganapati and balamuri- Ganapati images and images with jata- 
mukuta indicate the antiquity of Ganesa worship in Tulu-nadu 14 . [Plates 
12(a), 12(b), 14(a), 16(a), 19(a), 19(6), 13, 29(6), 29(a)* 33(c), 53(a), 53(c), 
54(a), 55(c), 55(d) and 56(a)]. 

A classification of the Ganesa Icons in Tulu-nadu 

A close study of the Ganesa icons in the Tulu country has revealed 
the remarkable truth that in form and variety, the sculptures seem to 
cover the entire range of evolution of the sculpturing of this deity from 
the earliest stage of crude representation to His most ornate form. A 
general description is given below. 

Formless Ganesa representation could be accepted as fairly early 
[Plate 6(6), 380 (j)]. The famous GancSa of Anegudde finds depiction 
in a huge circular stone, perhaps, symbolic of Brahman [Plate 3(a)). 
Another early phase is noticed in a lihga with the mere depiction of a 
proboscis [Plates 51 (a) 51(6) and 346ty)]. A rare type of Ganesa is 
had in the engraving of Ganapati mandala on a lihga [Plate 5(b)). Perhaps, 
this is the only one of its kind in Tulu-nadu. Out of ignorance, this is 
worshipped as Siva, the lihga being installed on a pedestal with nandi- 
vdhana newly made. Ganapati adored just in an apparent form of the 
head of an elephant without cars seems to have an example at Udayadri, 
Padubidure [Plate 33(6)]. 

Scriptural texts classify the forms of Ganesa into certain conventional 
categories. But this ldncl of classification appears to be late. While 
the early forms of Ganesa do not conform to definite and rigid prescriptions 
of the &lpa-sdstras, the later ones embody most of them. An attempt is 
made hercin-below, to identify the various types based on certain very 
distinguishing and conspicuous features. 

w - i 


12 „ AJice Getty - Ganesa, p. 17. 

13 Ibid. p. 19. 

14 G. Sivaramamurti makes us believe that the j at d-mukut a feature of Ganesa is found 
in Orissa, Bengal and Bihar. But this does not seem true, for we have a good 
number of such images of fairly early date in South Kanara also. Likewise, his 
statement that the trunk of Ganesa in Kanarese districts is entirely turned to left 
is hardly credible. J Ancient Jndia-j No. 6, p. 30). 

5 < * , 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

(l) (K) (|) 

Poses in GanKa reprcsentat.on (a), (c), (g) and (h) are rare poses, (c) and (I) 
‘ TC y*? r,atl ° nS ° anc * W 1 c Padmiisana (d), (j) and (k) are the usual poses of 
anesa 1 e a variation of utkufil asana (i) I ahtdsana, a pose both ancient and modem. 

Type - A 

Icons in sama-bhanga and without head-dress and with two aims: These 
tgutes have all die meiits to be regarded as representing the early phase 
an«a sculpturing. The chief features of such icons are: sama-bhanga 



(a) and (d) may be called bala-bhanga (b), (e), (h) and (k) are variations of 
ulkutikasaha. ( j ) and (1) are, again, valuations of lalithasana. (f) and (i) are forms of nrilya 
(c) is tri-bhanga. 

(standing pose), bald-head, absence of any kind of ornamentation, two 
arms, absence of pmbhdvali and a dent on the head (this dent is said to 
have been formed owing to Ravana’s knock on Ganesa’s head). To this 
category belong the Gokarna, Idagunji, KirimahieSvara and Tlrvn- 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

Forms of proboscis of Ganisa 

(<1) (e) <f) 



0 ) 

v (a) s : (b) and (i) arc further types in bala-muri (c), (d), (e ) 3 (g) and (h) are furthei 
types m eda-muri. •vy.Ov 

• Vy V,.-;-- • ( a )> (b)j (f ),; (h)j (i) - and (j ). are types ■ eda-mun: :'. . 

. .. ' fe)*' (?)>'(*)> :fe)v (k), ;(i) are types ' in: vy '■ 

Ganesas [Plates 1(a), 2(b) 49 (a) .and 49(^)]/;;l Truly characteristic of this 
curious god, -the, figures: 'are', out of proportion.. 

. : . yidwj in sama-bhatiga with head-dress. and .with two : or four arms :- These 
appear to be medieval ^figures mostly bronzes THates- M(b V 40 49^ ' 


Studies in Tirfuva History and Culture 

These range in height between 

43(a) 48(a), 59(c), 60(4) and 61(c) ]. 

25 cm and 15 cm. in height. 


Icons without head-dress in the sitting-pose and with two arms: To this 
class belong two variations - the one in the usual utkulikasana and the 

0 hei m padmasana. The Attavara, Uppina-pattana, Kasi-pattana, Kigga, 

1 a Anan r tapUra and Uppunda, - Ganesas may be said to belong 
o the former [Plates 1(a), 2(a), 5(a), 5(c), 8(4), 17(a) and 33(a)], The 

Pi T 7 c l representations in the Sringeri and Kella-Puttige-Ganesas 
[Plates 7(a) and 7(4)]. " 6 


* C ° ( nS Wlt ^ 1 lwo arnu an ^ head-dress : These images are mostly 
and Jh 19 , St0n< ' and n0rmall y belon g to a period between the 9th 
ortwnV CCn ^ leS A ' D - A few of them may even belong to a century 
nrn W a u ThCSe a , re re P resented in the usual utkutika pose and die 

the left t 1S rt mi” aS tab * ng a * ed turn and eating the pudding held in 
the ft hand. [Plates 8(a), 9(4), 10(4), 11(a), 13(a), 53(4), and 55(4)]. 

Barkflr TT c- aSS,gncd the Udhyfivara, Koravadi Kotekcri of 

oftS- r ’ Smy5ra ’ B5}Gn1 ’ Hattiyangadi, and Chaulikeri 

turn nn a " apatl Ima § cs - In a few cases the proboscis takes a right 

The M,dt CS TT bC T may n0t be ™ the attitude of eating the pudding. 
Sed » t ’ 1 r 1 Anantapura - a * d Katil-Ganapati images may be 

Inle e"r P CS e S ^ ^ 10 V’ “W. 17(a), and 18(a)], 
conical and 7 T 1 iC0nS the head - drcss small, somewhat 

In h'e h ^ r n CJ ' WW!7a is <*** and sometimes it is missing, 
mobo cftTd T f *** Ra j ar5 j^ vari temple [Plate 21(c)], tile 
of it nie n 35 , n0t Cating Ble puddin S- Tb is is a rare bronze 
J 1 T SC ’-l C Am ^ ima S e carved out of hard granite 

suddcnlv dr P 1116 , hV ° armS) seate d on padmasana with the proboscis 
suddenly droppmg and taking a small left turn. The whole figure is a 

ctnLatiTmH ” 7* [HatC 58 ^- The Barakuru Chaulikeri 
of • L n ntt tV '°' a y mCd 3nd ' VCarS a sma11 Urit - a taking die form 

of Sn t t 1 r 1Cad tPJatC 52(<I)] - The interestfng feature 
of “L t t ^ r luSivC ° f ^ probos - resembles the face 

1 GaSl? Pr f 0b ? SC1S dCpiCted “ put -to the mouth. In 

GancSa rmage of the Polali Rajaraje^ari temple, we have a rare 


; • • and thrilling example of Ganapati ' sculptured, out of stucco.; f This is; 
a a full figure rising to a height of six feet with two arms and a prominent 
proboscis. ; The head is small and the kirita is still smaller, perhaps, 

/ symbolic only. This figure may be regarded as unique. ■ T' ;; 

if type- E \ . 

tyty-. Four-armed figures without alankdr a and prabhdvali: There are' discernible 
’ Specimens of early Ganapati sculpturing with four arms, devoid of any 
f kind of ornamentation and with little proportion. They seem, to suggest 
clearly non-eonformity to strict textual prescription. They neither 
show the ndga-bandha nor the usual mount ( vahana ). The attributes are . 

ty : invariably too small for the size of the figures. Mule-Ganapati of Kotes- . 
p vara, Maha-Ganapati of Madhuru, Ganapati of Ambalapadi, Ganesa , 
•Y. of the Durgadevi temple Indrali, Ganesa of the Durgadevi temple of 
Chitrapura fall to this category [Plates 4, 5(h), \3(b), 20(a) and 51(e)]. 

y : Type -F ' 

. Ganapati icons with four arms, ribbon-like prabhdvali, jata-mukuta and udara- 
baiidha : These figures are usually ascribable to the period between, the 
yy 9th and the 12th centuries A.D. They are mostly carved out of hard 
granite and they present a pleasant and elegant form. This type may 
; be illustrated by Ganapati icons from Kadri, Kantavara, Kota, Kotesv.ara 
? Basaruru, Yelluru, Nelli-Tirtha, Yedappadavu, Kadaba, Putturu, TJppuru, . 

Uchila, Ganga-nadu, Mudabidure, Handadi, Saligrama, Bola, Inna and 
A; Padubidure [Plates 12(a), 12(b), 14(a), 16(a), 19(a), 19(h), 23(a), 23(b), 

A 1 24(h), 28(c), 33(c), 34(a), 53(a), 53(c), 55(d), 56(a), 57(a)]. Ay' . 

dp) Type - G . . . ... / i / A ; : 

r.f Ganapati icons with four arms arid with bowl-life kirita or with- conical or if 
karanda-mukuta: This type of Ganapati images also is ascribable to the 
10th, 11th ; or 12th centuries A . D . Invariably they may not have the 
,;V ; mount, nbr. profusion of, alahkara.: The, prabhdvali resembles a semi-circular 
tape or is flame - like. The . yagnopavita is thick, and ; the .'udara-bandha , ' 
prominanth To . this . category may be ascribed = the' figures illustrated A 
: in Plates 12(c), 16(6), 24(a), 29(h), 32(a), 56(6), and 56(h), 58(a) and 
A 0(d)/ B2(o); v. y >; • ' ; ; r A ;-Ay n: ytyd iFtyPtytytytyi 


280 Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

There are a few icons of this kind in the area under survey. These arc 
illustrated in plates 31(6), 32(a), 38(c), 39(c), 39(d), 60(a), 61(6) and 64(a). 
Ganapati from the Adinathesvara temple, Basaruru is another excellent 

Type- 1 

Ganapati icons with the usual naga-bandha , vahana, karanda-muhita and 
conventionalised form of details: These figures are assigned to the period 
between the 14th and the 18th centuries A.D. They represent the 
various forms of Ganapati according to the textual prescription. A few 
typical examples may be had in illustrations represented by plates 35(d), 
36(6), 37(6), 37(c), 37(d), 38(6), 41(a), 41(n), 45(a), 45(6), 46(6), 48(6), 
48(d), 62(c), 63(6), 64(c) and 64(d). 

Type -J 

Ganapati icons in tri-bhanga: Hitherto, four bronzes have been dis- 
covered in the tn-bhahga pose. Three of them are ascribed to the 10th 
century A.D. [Plates 17(6), 17(c) and 18(c)], Although they are small 
figures the stylistic features are worthy of particular mention. The fourth 
one [Plate 44(d)] is a medieval bronze. Ganapati icons in the tn-bhanga 
pose carved out of stone have not hitherto been discovered m the area 
under survey. 

Type - K 

This type is represented by relief figures. They may be early figures 
or late ones [Plates 14(6), 15(c), 28(6), 31(a), 31(c), 30(d), 32(6), 34(c), 
37(a) and 51(6)]. 


Hritya-Ganesa : This type may be said to be represented by the natya 
form of Ganesa. Only two icons of this type have come to light so far. 
One is a small 20 cm. high stone icon at Harihara-hshetra, Subralimanya 
[Plate 30(a)] and the other is a bronze in the Raghavendra Matha, Udupi 
[Plate 25(c)]. The latter is a bronze of considerable iconographic merit. 
In features, although it presents conventional forms, its theological back- 
ground is somewhat unique. 

Ganeh bronzes : Ganapati bronzes in Tulu-nadu are found in thousands 
They mostly fall to one or the other of the categories described above. Most 
of the bronzes have separate prabavalis which arc detachable. Since 

'■ .281 

arc . miniature in size. Some of them arc remarkably ; good bronzes of 
' eaflylriedieval perio d [Plates52(/A,52 (a), 59 (c), 60 (&), and 60(a), 34(/), 
28(«) J 26^), 25(«) } 22(tf) ; 21(a), 21(Z>), 21(d)]. 

^aftit^ar merition may be. made of the three uchchishta Ganapati 
bronzes that have come to light recently [Plate 21(a), (b) and (d)]. 
; Theso : are undoubtedly of about 11 C.A.D. The Gancsan bironze 
: ■ [Plate 22 (Z>)] from the Chitrapura Matlm is a class by itself and stylistically, 
^at^iklassighable to circa 11th C.A.D. and is 7.5cm. high. Likewise, 
sthc bronze from the Ganapati temple, Pandesvara is a unique one in the 
yiysenshthat apart from the ferocity exhibited in the figure, its lower hands 
i^are: .without: attributes, the right one being in the varada pose and the 
'^•dejh/'ietldown; [Plate 25(a)]. The only bronze in the typical Kalyani 
ylvGhalukyan style is the one recovered from the Kantesvara temple, Kanta- 
y . vara [Plate 25 (/;)]. In the bronze from the Suralu temple, wc have an 
;V:;;;example of Balachandra^Gane^a [Plate 26(«)]. There have come to 
% liglit tliree images of Heramba-GaneSa, each one being different from 
the other. The one from the IColluru Mukambika temple does, not have 
y;. thenecessary lion mount [Plate 35(a)] and the relief figure from Hosa-kere 
iy; Ganapati temple has only one face, unlike the usual five . [Plate 37(a)]. 
[j|*Heramba-GaneSa from the Anantapadmanabha temple is a very good 
d; specimen ; of.. this.; type • [Plate 38(a)]. An attractive medieval bronze 
; :O from Hebri [Plate 41 (6)] is an interesting example of Mfe-Ganapati, nude 
(yAimijormiy. Although a late .figure, Vinayaka of the Durgaparamesvari 
;yy)templej ';lVlanchi is iconograpliieally significant, The pose, is unusual 

in both the legs being let down and the proboscis being put into the mouth 
[Plate 47(d)]; : One of the Ganesa bronzes from the Kantesvara temple . , 
is six-armed and on stylistic merits, it may be ascribed to the 1 4th G . A . D . . . 
[Plate. 36(a)]. : Two examples of Ganesa' mounted on the elephant are 
had from Basaruru and . Panamburu [Plates. 46(a) and 61(a)]. The 
abhaya-varada hasta .Ganesa bronze from the Saravu Ganapati temple 
;]i^re^^y;fMcinatiiig ;.[Piate 4 59(c)].i;: } ; MaKagahapati, - bronzes ' with four Y 
arms only and Vallabha seated on the thigh have also their representation ; 

282 Studies in Tuluua History and Culture 

high and is seated on padma-pitha , while the latter is in lalitasana on padma- 
pitha and has unusually twelve arms. The manner in which tire aishamdla 
is shown is unique (held in two hands surrounding the head of Gancsa) 
The bronze with a very thick set and jata-mukuta and prominent 
proboscis and 25 cm. high [Plate 52(A)], ascribable to circa 9th - 10th 
centuries A D. could take its place amongst the rare and best bronzes 
of the period. The Ganesa bronze from the temple at Pemankila 
[Plate 373(A)] is four-armed and is depicted in sama-bhanga. The head- 
dress is receding. Holding the proboscis vertically coiled and 
haring pudding in both the projecting lower two hands, the figure, 20 
cm high is majestic and dignified. 

This classification has not taken into account the various attributes 
borne by the deity. Invariably, the djudhas are selected and formed 
into a combination from die following list — huthara ( parasu ), pdsa, arthusa, 
aksliamdla, danta, modaka , trisula, sanUia, chakra , vela , ratnakalasa, phala, 
wlotpala and il.shu-chapa. Abhaja and varada mudras are rarely shown 
YjaJhjdna mudra is shown in the Vidya- Ganapati image [Plate 39(f)]. 
In Plate 26(c) is seen Maliaganapati carved out of hard granite with 
circulai prabhavali, or er-topped by liooded-serpent. Perhaps, this is a rare 
sculpture so far as the Tulu country is concerned. 

worship or Shiva 

It has already been said earlier that there has been a strong substratum 
of Samsm in die religious disposidon of die people of Tulu-nadu. This 
is evident from the large number of Siva temples, spread over the whole 
of Tulu-nadu (These are known as Mahadeva or Mahalingcsvara temples) 
Moreover, as is going to be explained presendy, the spread of the Jdatha- 
Pantha, beginning from the 10th C A.D. and earlier, the dissemination 
of the philosophy of Sri Sankarachary a and the acceptance of the smarta- 
sampradaja by the higher classes of people may' be regarded as the chief 
reason for this popularity There seems to have been die influence of 
the KalamuUias m the earlier centuries. Although it is hard to say when 
temples dedicated to Siva came to be rounded, we may' safely' surmise 
that as far back as the 7th C.A.D. the first of the Siva temples must have 
been built. The Gokarna, the Sivalh and the Udtavara Sambhukallu 


; --283 

; v Siva dempics could at least be ascribed do G.A.D . if not 

to an earlier period. "The apsidal form, of the 0 dy avara S amhhu-ka 1 lu : 
and Sivalli Anantesvara temples is also, a vindication of their antiquity. 
Most of the Siva temples in Tidu-nadu belong to the pre-Madhva period 
(i.c. to the period anterior to the 13th G.A.D.) Another liistorical reason 
-for the '^popularity of Savism may be discovered in the 200 year mle of 
: the NSyakas of Keladi who were devout worshippers of Siva and Saktf. 

f :Worship in propitiation of Siva fakes place in three or four significant 
forms : _ y ' ' ; ; y ■ \ -■ 

(1) Worship of Siva as Mahadeva (in the li hga form). . ; ■ ; 

v V (2) Worship of Siva in the Panchalinga form. yV . 

. (3) Worship of Siva, in the Uma-mahcsvara form. • 

]. ' (4) Worship of Siva in the Bhairava, Virabhadra and Ardhanarisvara ■ 

5 y / ■ • form. . 

Most of the cigama temples are dedicated to Siva as Mahadeva and 
Panchalingadeva. Temples erected in honour of Virabhadra are also 
found in large numbers^ But most of them belong to the period .between 
the 15th and 18th G.A.D. Bairava shrines are few in number, and, 
like-wise shrines dedicated to Ardhanarisvara. While hardly half-a-dozen 
temples are built in honour of Siva in the Umamahesvara form, Siva 
is mostly worshipped in this form as household god in a large number 
of homes all over Tulu-nadu. Almost all the ancient Siva temples, 
have, in their close proximity, Sakti temples as well (temples dedicated 
to Mahisha-Mahishasuramardini). -y . /■' • d f «/'• f ; ;.d 

Saiva Iconography 

( Types: in Siva-lihgas)] 

Surveying the Siva temples in Tulu-naclu where the inulasfhana deity 
is in thtlingh form, 'five main'fypes' are 'iioficeabi^ 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

Type- A 

Svayambhu-lihgas : These are supposed to have been natural and not 
made and installed [Plates 97(a), 97(6), and 98(a)], They do not have 
a regular form nor do they have brahma-sutra on them. There are reasons 
to believe that there lingas are ascribable to early date. 

Type - B 

Lingas with round tops: Some of these have the brahma-sutra and some 
do not have [Plates 105, and 101(a)]. 


Lingas with semi-circular tops [Plates 100(6), 100(c), 101(6), 101(c), 
and 101(d).] These lingas have usually long shafts ( Rudra-bhaga ). 

T)pe — D 

Lingas with slightly carved tops: The surface of the tops are either 
flattened with bends all round or given a curvature like the country 
umbrella [Plates 99(a), 99(6), 99(c), 99(d), 100(6), 101(6) 102, 103 and 


Lingas with flat tops: These arc very few in number. It looks as 
though such lingas are horizontally cut [Plate 97(c) and 104(6)]. 

It is not necessary here to dwell upon the formation of the lingas 
and the principles involved in it. Suffice it to say that they are mosdy 
made out of smooth black stone, but some lingas are made out of rudraksha- 
sila. They are full of pores on the surface of the Rudra-bhaga [Plate 99(a) 
and 99(6)]. Based on the manner in which the brahma-sutra is incised, 
several categories may be formed as illustrated in Plates 103, 104(c) and 
104(d). It is significant to note many of the early Siva lingas do not 
have the usual biahma-suira. A word has to be expressed regarding die 
Siva-hnga of the Kantesvara temple, Kantavara [Plate 99(6)]. It is 
one metre in height and is made of ever-lustrous metal. Perhaps, it is 
the only one of its kind in Tulu-nadu. 

The lingas in the PanchalihgeSvara temples are invariably irregular 
stones. All the five lingas representing Sadyojata, Vamadeva, Aghora, 
Tatpurusha and Tsana are installed on the same pedestal which is a unique 
practice in the Tulu country. Sometines the central linga seems to have 
five sides (faces) as illustrated in plate 108(a). In a few instances, the 

i lludra-bfiaga of the #%c is just exposed and the rest of the portion is embedded 
[Plates 97(t/) and 100(c)] . Siva ■; temples . erected during 
; the Keladi period have invariably 'small oval-shaped lingas '. Many of 
■ythesc shrines are 

: dd' ri: icons, both (carved out of stone and cast out of metal may be 

[.classified into the following categories: 

Type y i/Ty : 7./V: ' ' • 

yfv.ilcohfinjlsmm^bhahga . Most of these icons are bronzes. In Tulu-nadu, 
^dalmostall; die s temples [have bronzes as utsava-murtis ( bali-devata ). They 
V are the counter-parts of the mulasthana deities. A close examination of 
^vriiesebfmizes could give us indications of their age. [Plates 66 (a), 67, 68(6), 
iy 71(4- 72 ? ; 73, 7G(^)/ 76(r), 82, 83(c) and 83(e), 84(6), 84(d), 84(d), .84(6), 
% 84(c/) etc.] •• • They invariably hold kuthara and mriga in the upper right 
and left hands and the lower left and right hands are shown in the varada 
. and abhaja (or abhay a and varada ) poses respectively. In rare cases, a ball 
;vb£ifire is held in the right lower hand or the left lower [Plates 87(6) and 

■, inc xduy ui uicsc .nguics uavc juiu-mutiuiu duu muucH uiuruaua. 

There are figures with, kirifa-mtikuta [Plates 67(c), 67(c), 68(c), 69, 7.3, 74(c), 

-Vr v- » f » r ,• t -r\ , i . . i 

7 5 (c), 75 (6), 76 (c) . etc. ] and karanda-mulcula also. Drapery takes three styles- 
tvitli slant-wise folds [Plate 67(c)], in the pair a form [Plate 84(c), 85(c)], 
yrdyitlmut folds ; and tucked at the bottom [Plate 73(c) and 73(6)], and with 
•[ horizontal folds [Plate 90] while some of the early bronzes conform to the 
; general style of South Indian bronzes. A number of them are characterized 
;;7.^y:ihdj^heOus^ariariom[Plates 82, 83 (c), 84(6), 94(c), 85(c), 96 etc.] Based 
: on the position of the attributes, nature of the alahkdra y siraschakra, hair. 

7 style, knot of the yajndpavita, drapery, and the characteristic features of .. . . 

i, J n j 1% wjirtV//-. S' t* 4 " ivv* /4 fU’o n o ti i v/ri nC+la a k V 

ptherv.; bronzes belong to the Vijayanagara style. The typical feature ' 

• : v Seated^ icons ::s These may be Sadasiva icons with Sakti or wit! 

or ? without; 37-77 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

v s~ 

92(a), 92(b), 93(a) and 93 (A)] or in the padmdsana pose [Plates 66(c), 
71(a), 78(c), 81, 84(a) and 88(c)]. There is an excellent example of Siva- 
Sakti (Bronze) in the utkuiikasana pose [Plate 66(1?)] which is a rare repre- 
sentation. The Sadasiva bronze from the Putturu Mahalingesvara 
temple is, again, a celebrated example of Siva in the raja-lila or sulhasana 
pose (Plate 69). Two figures are represented in this pose with naga- 
ardhayoga-patia [Plates 75(c) and 76(a)]. All these seated figures with 
one exception are shown without the vdhana ( nandi ) [Plate 87 (c)] . Although 
20 cm. high, the bronze from the Chandramaulisvara temple, Udupi 
typically characterizes early Pallava-Chola style(Plate 65). The two Uma- 
mahesvara stone images worsliipped as the principal deities, from Panam- 
buru and Vittala [Plates 66(c) and 81] are remarkable figures of about 
the 10th C.A.D. as depicted by the anatomy. The bronze from the 
Anantesvara temple, Udupi, is 30 cm. high and bears the features of the 
Kalyani Chalukyan style [Plate 68(a)]. An example of Siva-Sakti with 
jnana-mudra is had from the Siva temple, Bantra [Plate 88(d)]. The stand- 
ing Sadasiva icon from the .ftmesvara temple, Bainduru has also jnana- 
mudra [Plate 89(A)]. A medieval Uma-mahesvara bronze from Suralu 
[Plate 88(d)] is flanked by Ganesa and Shanmukha. The two seated 
Sadasiva bronzes in padmdsana, one of the 10th C.A.D. and the other 
of the 13th G.A.D., are rare pieces of sculpture [Plate 84(a) and 88(c)]. 
The figure of Mahadeva from Bainduru is a Chalukyan master-piece 
[Plate 71(a)]. 

Type - C 

Nandi-vahana-m urti : To this class belong only a very few sculptures. 
One is an inscribed bronze [Plate 71(A)] supposed to have been recovered 
from the sea. It is about 30 cm. in height. The other is a relief figure 
of an early type [Plate 83(d)]. 

Type - D 

Alingana-murli: We have hitherto discovered only one bronze of this 
type and it appears to be of the late medeival period [Plate 94(c)]. 

Type - E 

Nataraja form of Sadasiva also is rarely found in sculpture in Tulu- 
nadu. 'Die only one independent sculpture that belongs to the Kalyani 
Chalukyan style is from tire Mahalingesvara temple, Basaruru [Plate 86(A)]. 


1 ' Religion 

There is a Chola bronze of Nataraja in the Chitrapura Mai ha, Sirali. 

It is 50 cm. high and is ascribable to circa 12th G.A.D. 


The Ardhanarisvara figures : A few shrines are dedicated to this deity 
and from the stand-point of sculptural excellence, the figures are not of 
much appreciation (Plate 80). Yet they speak of local ingenuity in 
carving out and casting such images. The Ardhanarisvara image irom 
the Kantesvara temple [Plate 87(a)] happens to be an elegant sculpture, 
3i' in height and may belong to circa 11th- 12th C.A.D. It is said 
that tills image was the mulasthdna deity in a neighbouring shrine, before 
it was brought to this temple. The image from the shrine at Halnadu 
[Plate 80(c)] is flanked by the reliefs of elephants on either side. 

Type — G 

Virabhadra: The Vlrabhadra images of the Tulu country may be 
divided into three categories - two-armed, four-armed and twelve-armed 
figures. Two-armed figures are normally rare [Plate 78(a)]. Likewise, 
the twelve-armed Virabhadra figures. The one from Udyavara 
[Plate 79(a)] is made of wood and is, indeed, a rare piece. It is of life-size 
and could belong to chca 15th C.A.D. Two other Virabhadra images 
should draw our pointed attention. In plate 78(c) is illustrated Vira- 
bhadra in the padmdsana pose and the plaited hair style is unique. In 
plate 78(a), we have one of the best and the earliest of the Virabhadra 
sculptures in the Tulu country. It is four feet in height and is exceedingly 
charming. In style, it seems to represent the transition between the 
Hoyasala and Vijayanagara periods. It is in the alidha pose. 


Perhaps, it is the epigraph, dated A.D. 1324-’25, that informs us 
of the divinity Kotlsvara for the first time in the history of Tuluva, so far 
as the records at present enlighten us. The name applies to Lord Siva 
of Kotesvara, a place belonging to the Coondapur taluk of the district 
of South Kanara. Tradition ascribes to it the name Dvajesvara and it 
is taken to be one of the seven places of pilgrimage in Tuluva [Plate 334(a)]. 
(This temple may be assigned to the 8th A.D.) The name Kotlsvara 
may be" taken to have been obtained owing to the influence of Kdlamukhas 
whose greatest centre in the Karnataka State was situated at Kuppettur 

* t - * 



Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

of the district of Simoga. The political and social contact between 
Tuluva and Simoga having been very close, it is possible to surmise that a 
section of the Brahmins migrated from Kuppettur to Kotesvara and after 
settlement popularised the name Kotisvara in Tuluva. 

The Kalamukha influence over Tuluva (South Kanara in particular) 
may be traced as far back as to the 8th century A.D. for an epigraph 
of Udayavara, Udipi taluk, South Kanara belonging to the 8th century 
refers to the Goravas ‘. These Goravas were, in all probability, the heads 
of the Kalamukhas 2 . Another inscription of the same place seems to have 
granted to the Goravas the right and privilege of collecting cesses for religious 
purposes 3 . This epigraph, too, may be assigned to the 8th C.A.D. 
Further-more, it is stated in another inscription of about the same period 
of the same place that Ranasagara’s servant, Vinja-Praharabhushana’s 
son, Kame-Koda was one who pulled out the tongue of those who were 
not attached to the Pasupata lord 4 . 

Kuppettur, besides being a great centre of these Kalamukha Saivitcs, 
was also reputed to be a Brahminical centre with a famous agrahara 5 . 
Kotisvara of Kote&vara was also known as Kotinatha and the influence 
of this divinity was so well marked that in a number of inscriptions of 
Tuluva, the imprecatory portion includes the name of Kotinatha or 
Kotesvara 6 An important epigraph of Kotesvara, dated A.D. 1546, attests 
the significance of Kotisvara by the mention that in the tudiya-habba of that 
temple, the Tulu-rajya had assembled 7 . 

It is quite possible that Gagana-Sivacharya who was gifted lands in 
Kudurabelambettu at Karakala, South Kanara by Dattalvendra Srlmara 
(A.D. 1050-1070 ? ) and the halaru of hatlu-keri was a Kalamukha priest 8 . 
An epigraph of Panamburu, Mangalore taluk of the time of Vlra-Bahkideva, 
dated A.D. 1305, seems to record a gift of land for offerings to god Nakha- 

1 S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 283. 

1 Kapatarala Krishna Rao -Karnataka Lakula Saiva Siidhanta (1955) pp. 124—125. 

Gorava - a class of Siva beggars (Kittel, p. 568). 

Though any teacher could be called gorava, a convention came into being by 

which a particular community of Saiva teachers, priests or mendicants, came to 

be designated as the Goravas. (P.B Dcsai- 7ainism in Soulh India, Foot Note, p. 133). 

3 S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 279. 

4 Ep.Ind. Vol IX, Vol. IX, p. 19. 

5 Ep.Car. Vol. VIII, Shikaripur No. 25 

6 S.I.I. Vol. IX, Part II Nos. 407, 430, 435 etc. 

7 S 1. 1. Vol. IX, Part II, No 431. Tuthja Uabba is the most celebrated festival of 

KoteSvara, which is attended by the people of both Coondapur and Udipi taluks. 

8 S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 314. 

Plate 1 


Mahaganapati, Gokarna, North Kanara 
(C. 6th C. A. D.) 

Ganapati, Mahaganapati — 

Temple, Attavara, Mangalore, 
South Kanara (C. 7th C. A. D. ) 

[it*** *Qt*jL*. 

Ganapati Temple, Uppinapattana, 
North JCanara .. 

(C. 7th C. A. D.) ; 

Mahaganapati, Ganapati Temple, 
Itfagunji, North Kanara 
(C: 6th « 7th C. A. D.) , 

Ganapati, Ganapati TempJe^ Ancgud^e, 
Kumbhakasi, Coondapura Taiuk, ’ 
Soiith Kanara (C. 7th C. A. D.) ' • ' .; 

x* vw? ^a*u©5»3KKaf 


;( b) . ,. . ^v;;t ;;.;v- 

. Ganapati .■•• \^'s'c-X-‘- ■■■;.■. <y - : ; 

.{RockJEngravihg)';.';^'' .;■• 
KaranjeSvara Temple/ 
Bantwal Taluk, South Kanara 

(G. 7th C. A. D.) • ; ,;;• ........ 

t y> 

Mulc-Ganapaii, Kotmatha Temple, 
KojCsvara, Coondapura Taluk 
South Kannra (C 7ih C. A, D.) 

<f <S l' 4, •>£ 


% S:mm 



^ ^pv£< ^ t 1 / £\ :>;y; r'l 



:( a ) ; • ^ . '•■ ■ \ 

Ganeia ; . ;’• : .'v 

Devi Temple,. KaSipatna /-, 

Bel than gady Taluk, South Kanara 

(c. 8th c. a. d.) - ; ; • : 

Plate 5 ; 



>}&?'> & 


0%'> :: A:'. Sin fSAAA 

fS}4:M : ^nv}y-f~’4%4 

?-,'“ s?& 'AK “ *& 'As V H • i 

\<t'' -'Hp/ijfr'- *£*■% ' .*■ r.?* 

■s&i'K *>'’?'* ',7-, is <' -' 'S.'^.f S' -"A 1 ( 

&$<$*& £v*<*3Hr ft * v ?>„ • • v 

§H i « <s^y/<*\r, vH ><t\% 
m->sy : ;s\AAA4 vi «|jsm t5s 

I , 

ic $g - 

I ' I $ I i 

Mra : m. >?< >% n» £*w ^ 



,:' Gapapati - •’• '.' : 

Ganapati Temple, Uppuru, ';- ' 

' ~ Udipi Taluk, South Kanara « -'• - - 

. (C. 8th G. A. D.) . .. i ‘- ;. 

Piaie 6 






Srlngeri , College Museum; 

(C. 8th C. A. D.) 

' . : 

Vithala .Temple, 
Kclla Puttige, , .; 

■Front View 

Oblique View 

_• ,( a ) Ganapati, 3iva Temple, (b). Ba^e-Vinayaka, K 6 |eks r *> BarakOrii, 

Bc\mannu, Kavkala Taluk, : ._ J r Udi pi- -Taluk, South Ki* nara - • . \ 

South kauara(G. 9th C. A : t>.) \ ■ /*' - 7 (Q. 9th C. M ; ; <V \ 

Mahaganapati, Sadasiva Temple, .... .r 1 : . 4" '* ■ ‘ " -V ! x % 

Suratlcal, Mangalore Taluk, . . ^ V ' • ' ' ' '• ' . Y ( b ) Ganapati, Mahadeva Temple, Bantra. 

South! Kanara (C. 9th - 10th C. A. D.) ' Y Y ' ! ' ■■ Puttur Taluk, South Kanara ’ 

; • : ; , ! Yy';. V,?vV. • " -W ''Y-' . • ^ - • ‘ (CL 9th d A. D.) - Y 

Plate 13 

k 1 i * 

f & 


GapeSa, Ganapati Cave Temple, Siriyara, 
Udipi Taluk, South Kanara 
(C. 9th - 10th C. A. D,) 

> 5 ,' * s. ' * " V f , ->1 

' f i 'if** 
^ Y > 4, 'I ,/ - i'i? 

v ,f^H 7 a 


«s v # ^ ^ t **s** ^ 

~ 1 - : y. ■* x » * 

Of 4' . 

- ~i,Y = f-'p * %lv' , s' 

:,*-*•* jt/t/ V * i‘ 

jjjb* V ,'** ? J V £ '• >b 

lr.. v«*CTM&*r\ An 


Ganapati, Janardana Temple, 
Ambalapadi, Udipi, South Kanara 
(C. 10th C. A. D.) 

Plate 16 

GanHa, KantKvara Temple, Kmtavara, Ganapati, Suryanarayuna Temple, 

Karkala Taluk, South Kunara March, Mangalore 

(C 10th C AD) (C 10th C* A_ D ) 






:.. . .•;*. •; ..;. 



•< ^ /*$■•? 



Gane4a # Anamapadmanabha Temple, 
Anantapura, Kasaragod Taluk, 
Kerala (C. 8th C. A. D.) 

Ganesa (Bronze), . DurgadevI Temple, 
Kunjuru, Udipi Taluk, South Kahara 
(C. 10th C. A. D.) V. ■ 


Ch a u!ikcr7Bar ak u r u,- So llt l 1 Kanara 
(C. 10th C. A. D.) --;c 

Plate) 8 

Front View 

(a) Vinayaka. Durgaparam&svarl Temple, 
Katil, Mangalore Taluk, South Kanara 
(C. 9th-10th C. A. D.) 

Ganapati, Krishna Majha, BSlurn 
Coondapura Taluk, South Kanara 
(C. SOth.C. A. D.) 

Gancia (Bronze), Durgadcvi Terop!?>- 
Kurijuru, Udipi Taluk, South Kanara 

(C. 10th G. A. D.) 

Plate 19 , 

£?• V 
pj H 


• PI c3 
C- ^3 
C3 ,tS 

o '2 

■ 3 
O _ 
CO ^ 

t*T Q 


H o 


3 " 
O, 1 Z 
3 *7 

§••§ S 

K' O < — > 
o - H 








•V , 


•c «c io 

'< W M « 

Uchishtha Ganapati (Bronze) 
Worshipped in the House of &T 
Rajanna Tantri, Kalatturu, Udipi 
...Taluk, South Kanara 
f (CM 1th C. A. D.) 


:.r>- v.'-rf'.'; 


f : if wmi Wtftxp'fP; 

<< life 

J r ,< y v mp 


" • ; i 

S ggg8 

:' . . . ■■ »■' 


M.v. ':•••; 

' . , , (Brohze) /Rajarajesvarl : 

i em R ,c t PojaH, Bdntwal Taluk, South'.:.- 

Ka h ara • (C..11 th G A. D.) . ' •" : ;; /: V ; ; -: ; 5 : ': 

Plate 21 

;l’? V%v 

Uchishtha Ganapati (Bronze) , in the 
Collection of Sri Irodi Radhakrishna 
Pai, Udipi ((C. 11th C. A. D.) 


\ * * “ l'~ ~ ~ 







v^>- . ! 

Uchishtha Ganapati (Bronze) . 
worshipped in the House of Sri , 
Ganapati Bhat, Basaruru’ ■ - 

Coondapura Taluk, South Kanara 

(c; j i th c. A. d.) M •■•• / ; : ; ; ; ; . . . 

Plate 22 

parmpati (Bronze) ’ Visvanatha Temple; - - • Ganapati, Mahalinge^vara Temple, 

Yciluru- r Udipi Taluk, South Kariara Basaruru, Coondapura Taluk, South '• 

(C. 11th C. A. D,) Kanara (Now kept in the M, G. M 

'■ : ■ GoHege Museum, Udipi (C. 1 1th C. A. D.) 

Plate 25 

Ganapati (Bronze).. - 
Worshipped by the Chadaga 
Families, Pandesvara, 
Sastana, Udipi Taluk, 

South Kanara 
(C. 1 1 th G. A. D.) 

* ‘-6', AS A, 

K-- , \ «T Z- x- s Ajr.«Xr 

Ganapati, (Bronze) Kan te^vara Tempi 
Kantavara, Karkala Taluk, 

South Kanara (C. 11th C. A. D.) 

Nritya Ganesa , Raghavendra Matha, 
Udipi, South Kainara . . " ■ '*. 

(C. 11th C. A. D.) - y/te 

Plate 26 


Ganesa (Bronze) 

Mahahngesvara Temple, Suralu, 
Udtpi Taluk, South Kanara 
(C llrh C A. D.) 



it flSfci 

Ganesa, Vishnumurti Temple, 
Yedappadavu, Karkala Taluk, 
South Kanara (C Uth C A D.) 

( c ) 

Mahuganapati, Narasimha Temple, 
Mtmnuril, Mangalore Taluk, 

South Kanara (C Uth C.VD) 

Ganapati, Mahal ingc^vara Temple 
Putt tir. South Kanara 
^C. 11th C. A, D.) 

Ganeia, worshipped in the house of the 
Archaka of Durgaparame^varl Temple, 
Uppunda (G. II th C. A. D.) 

Plate 29 

Vallahha Ganapati (Bronze), Balakuduru 
Matha, Hangarakatte, Udipi Taluk, 
South Kanara 

(C. 11th C. A. D.) 

Ganapati (Bronze), worshipped in the 
House of Sri Ramanna Tantry, Arkula, 
Parengipete, Mangalore Taluk, 

South Kanara (C. 11th G. A. D.) 


Ganapati (Bronze), Visvanatha Temple, 
Yelluru, Udipi Taluk, South Kanara 
(C. 11th C. A. D.) 

Ganapati, Krishna Temple, Gundmi, 
Udipi Taluk, South Kanara 
(G. 11th C. A. D.) 

W Sri Rama Temple, Basrauni, 

Ganapati, Ganapati Temple, -IJppuru Coondapura Taluk, . 

Udipi Tahik, South Kanara South Kanara 

(C. 12th-13th C- A. D.) (C. 13th C. A. D.). 

; Udyavara, Udipi Taluk; South Kanara 

' ,(G.\ 12th ' C. A. D,) \ : . 



S£I* ■ . '*•**&« jp.-' •. 

fcggg - r 

8 ■ ' ISiKSESJSBf* 

' rjii ijt 

Ganapati, Siva Temple, Japti, 
Cooririapura Taluk, South Kanara, 
(C, 12 thC. A, D.) . 




GapapatUGahapati Temple, Eariuru, 

’dipi .Talukj. South Kanara • .' ' .' 

(C.:i2th c. a; D:) ; • 

Ganapati Kokkada, Beltangady 
Taluk, South Kanara, 

{C. 12th G. A. D.) 

Ganesa,Karanjesvara Tehiple, 
Bantwal Taluk, South Kanara 
(C. I2th C. A..D.) 

Gancsa.Subrahinanya Temple, 
Pcpampajli; £tvaj|t, 

Udipt Taluk; South Kanara 
(C. 12th- 1 3th C. A. D.) 

Ganapati Janardana Temple, Ye]anje, 
Mangalore Taluk, South Kanara 
(C. 12th-13th C A. D.) 




- Alfe. , 



( a ) Ganesa, Durgaparamesvari Temple, 
Uppunda, Goondapura Taluk, 

South Kanara, (C. 8th-9th C. A. D.) 

■t ' > - - - ■&-- ** Stf £ >**5 

v * $vkLj»* £\j$:s3 

(b) Ganesa, Udayadri, Padubidurc, 
South Kanara (G. 9th G. A. D.) 

c ) ^Ganesa 

Saptamatfika Group, Kotinatha • 
Temple Kotesvara ' 

Coondapura Taluk, , 

South Kanara 

(C. 8th— 9th C. A. D.) 

'.*• % 

m*- -. ■ ■ 

(c) .Gancda (Bronze).in thtr collection of 
Sri Iro<Ji Radhakrishna Paj, Udipi 

(C. 13ih-I4th C. A. D.) 

(d) Gane5a (Bronze) , Adamaru Matha,’ 
Adamaru, Udipi Taluk, South Kanara 
(C. 13th-I4th C. A/ D.) 

(a) Gan&a (Bronze) 

Kant&vara Temple, Kantavara, 
Karkala Taluk, South Kanara 
(C. 13th— 14th C. A. D.) 

(b) Ganeia,Hosak«e, Barakuru • ' ' 

South Kanara (C. 13th- 14th , C. A* D) 





; ;' %'■ ,^tS?-Viriayaka , ..Gokarna;- JNTortli Kanara 

: 4c,:-i4th^e. a. d.): ' / 

(d) Ili-Gahapati, Ganapati Texnple, .! ’ / ^ 

: Barakuru, South Kanara (C.14th G A;D 

Plate No 38 

:< t a - 


Plate No. 39 



Ganc^a (Bronze), Bramhmaling&Sv; 
* em f c > Sastana, Udipi Taluk, 

• omh Kanara (C. 14th C. A. D.) 

Ganesa (Bronze), Siva-Ganapati Temp! 
Arehole, Coondapura Taluk, ■ 

South Kanara (C. 14th C. A. D.) 

(c) Vidya.Ganapati Bhatakala, North 
Kanara (C. 14 th C. A. D.) -y.- 

(c) Ganapati (Bronze), Ardhanariivara 
- Temple, Halnadu, Coondapura Taluk, 
. South Kanara (C. 14lh C. A. D.) 

Plate No. 41 

(a) Ganesa, Panchalingesvara Temple, 

Kombaru, Puttur Taluk, South Kanara 
(C. 14th C. A. D.) 

is « 

% 4 

M <», X «**». 

Bala Ganapati (Bronze), ArdhanarlSvara 
Temple, Hebri, Karkala Taluk, South 
Kanara (G. 14th C. A. D.) 

(c) Gapesa in the Colletion of Sri Irodi 

Radhakrishna Pai, Udipi, South Kanara 
(C. 14th C A. D.) 

Plate No. 42 


Vinayaka (Bronze) 

Worshipped in the House of Sri .. 
Harikara, Basaruru, 

Coondapura Taluk, 

South Kanara 

(C. 14th— 15th G. A. D.) 

Ganapati Temple, 
Anegu<)de, Kumbhas'i, 
Coondapura Taluk, 
South Kanara 
(C. l4th U. A. D.) 


. (Bronze), Ganapati Temple, 

Udyavara, South Kanara 
(G. 15th C. A. D.) 


Ganapati, Anantesvara Temple;v.;Udjpi 
South Kanara (C. 14th - 15th. G A. D.) ; 



Mahaganapati (Bronze), worshipped .by. ... 
the Tantri Families, ' ; Paduru, : : Udipi 
Taluk, South Kanara (0.. I5th G. A: D.) 

(c) Ganesa (Bronze) 

. Brahmalingesvara Temple, 
Sastana, Udipi Taluk- 
South Kanara (C. 15th G. A. D.) 

(d) Ganesa (Bronze) 

Udayadri, Padubidurc, 
Udipi Taluk, South Kanara 
(C. 15th C. A. D.) 

V . . 

Ganes'a, Ganapati Temple, Bangadi 
Belthangady Taluk, South Kahara 
(C. 15th C. A. D.) 

(Bronze), 'worshipped in si-Vs 
e ‘ °" <:e of Sri. LaksHminarayana Tdntri, .* 
Udipi Taluk; (C. 15th C. A. D.) >f 

■ in , the; iColiectioh -of Jsri Irodi- ' 

Kere Ganapati, Kofesvara, Coondapura 
^T^lpkj Sduili Kanara; (C. 15tli C.A.D.) 

(c) Kambada Ganapati (Bronze), Mahalingcivara (d) Mahaganapatf, Gopinatha Temple, 

Temple, Basaruru, Coondapura Taluk, Guiidumi, Udipi Taluk, Soutli Kanara- 

SouUi Kanara (C. ,15th— 16th C. A. I>.) (C. 16th C. A. D.) ' 


1-’’- 1<- 

vancsa (Wooden), Durga Temple, 
Kcinmannu, Udipi Taluk, South' Kanara 

(C. 17th C. A. D.) A vv'.^ • >; ■ 

Manchi, Bclthangady Taluk, South -Kanara 
(C. 1 7th C. A. D ) : ■ -i. : .f v • 1 ■ : 

(aj Ganesa (Bronze) 

Durgabhagavatl Temple, 
Nilavara, Udipi Taluk, 
South Kanara 
(C. 17th C. A. D.) 

(b) Viriayaka,. 3iva Temple, Uppinangady 
Beltangady Taluk, South Kanara, : 
(C. 18th G A. D.) 

(d) .Ganesh, worshipped 1 in the .ancestral , 
house of Sri B. Vasudcvayya, Baikadi, 
Udipi Taluk, South Kanara, 

(G 19th C. A. D.) . 

(c) Vinayaka (Wooden), PanchalitigeSvara 
Temple, Ka£i patna, Belthangady 
South Kanara ' ' ' , 

(G 1 9th C. A. D.) , 

^ fgSEe M 



\. ? . .. ' 

Ganesa, Panchalingosvara Temple, Urva 
Mangalore, South Kanara 
(G. 7th - Bih C. A. D.) 

^ondapurfe ^ 1 ^ 10 ’ Kh ' im; Tjesvara,\ 




Garicsa, Brahmasthaha, Beiuru, -?M- 
Coondapura Taluk (C. 8lh C.A.D.) 

GaneSa, Ardhanarisvara Temple, Hebri, 
Karkala Taluk, South Kanara 
(C. 9th C. A. D.) 

pGfiSf mmmm 

V (c) . 

Gancsa, Siva Temple, Munduru, . 
Puttur Taluk, South Kanara . 
i (C. 8th - 9th G. A. D.) 

w 1 


(C 9th C A D ) 

(b) , , 
Ganesa, (Bronze)u orslupped m tilt 

House of Si I Sadastva Kalkura, Kurfuli 

Udipi Taluk, South Kanara 

(C 9th CAD) 

( c / 

Gancsa (Bron/e) jn the collection of 
Sri Irodi Radhaki islina Pai, 

Udipi, South Kauai a 
(C 10th - 11th CAD) 

'W -‘y > ^ ''' : 

Ganapati, Ganti Temple, Mudabidure, 
Karkala '1 aluk, South Kanara 
(C. 10th C. A. D.) : • 

'j-anapad, Ganapati Temple, 
^‘attiyangacli, Coodapura Taluk, 

South Kanara (C. 9th - Wrli C. A. D.) 

. ! . *r' - '* V'V'S . 


‘ 1 iA; syr <r{,'Zs r z 


Ganapati, Gopinatha Temple, Handadi 
;=v- Udipi Taluk, South Kanara 

(C. lOtii - 11th G. AJVi Y ■ .V-V'G-G.; 

Plate 54 

Ganapati, Mahatobliara Mahaliiigesvar 
Temple, Brahmavara, Udipi Taluk, 
South Kanara (C, 11th C.. A. D.) 

Ganesa Anantapadmanabha Temple, 
Kudupu, Mangalore Taluk, 

South Kanara (C. 11th G. A. D ) 

\U/ V'*/ . 

■ Vallabha Ganesa, in the collection or Ganapati, Lakshminarayana Temple, 

Sri Irodi Radhakrishna Pai, Udipi, Karkada, Udipi Talttk, 

South Kanara (C. 11th C. A. D-) South Kanara (C. 11 th C. A. D.) 


P . ^ , v - 


»|gj: i ;4;'; .■ 

Ganapati Siva Temple, Perampalji, 
Sivalii, Udipi ; ;m ,12th C. A. D.) 

(b) Bellacla Ganapati, Ganapati Temple, 
Kota, Udipi Taluk, South Kanara 
(C. 12th G. A. D.) 

r Z« f $ 


fei V • Ut * t- % SrLm 

i --•■•'!&: v*.., v - ’ Jv* 

t- ’U ^v' 


, „ 

Somanathesvara Temple, ; : 
Mangalore (G. 1 1th C. A. D.) 

• , (d) Ganeia, Guru Narasimha Temple, ■ \vG 
• , ;: ;: : Saligrama, Udipi Taluk/. South Kanara 
u (a lith c. a. D.) r 

Plate 56 

Plate 60 


Ganapati, Ganapati Temple, Muduhcn, 
Barakuru, South Kanara 
(C 12th - 13th CAD) 


Vinayaka (Bronze), Somanatha Temple, 
Muduken, Barakuru, South Kanara 
(C 11th - 12thC A D) 

( c ) 

Ganapati (Bronze), Mahalingesvara 
Temple, Suralu, Udipi Taluk, 

South Kanara (C !2th C A. D.) ( c ) 

Plate 61 

.#T- iv 

A vt-Tf s< foj-A’fciVr. . VlL -fefW 

■■• ■ , '-■;W\ - , ,V/\- V.ot« ? , G*u*,‘*? 

*V * * 5 Vi‘ A' f < O 

Ganapati (Bronze) , Nandanesvara 
Temple, Panambiiru, Mangalore 
Taluk, South Kanara 
>(G.12th C. A. D.) 

5 i'V* -.'.^^'■'w .«*A-A fct> 0«r;G 'o' -ky< > - 

1 ?,**wr-.'*(A* x ,<f'A|W?, ''G-A 1 *' A--' ?*.'?• ?H' < ->„ -'* v 

"'\ s«?v TTv •%>,#> 

i ' >V, ’>' " : ; i ; -V' t" ^ -'■'fyi 

r>~v ■'-■-.?'■■ v.., ■;-, ** -</’ 

^ ’ '111 


■w$%£ i: *0& 





Ganapati, Siva Temple, Alangani 
Mudabidure, Karkala Taluk,- , 
South Kanara (G. 12th C. A. D.) 

Ganesa (Bronze) j Handc Deyalaya, Kola 
Udipi Taluk, South Kanara " : ’ r . 

(G. loth C. A. D.) ' . .*. - ; . vh-V-u-/' 'K : 

■m wmm 

■j^a - AK v '' i; ~,' 

; -Ab /. .1 

> it 

Plate 62 

' ' , ' - ... 
Ganapati, Ganapati -Temple, Kota, 

Udipi Taluk, South Kanara 

(c. 12th c. a. d.) 

Gane&t (Bronze), Narasimha Temple, . 

Haladi, Coondapura Taluk, . 

South Kanara (C. ]4th - 15th 0. A- 

(cj . • 

Ganapati, Ganapati Temple, Gum, m>, . 
Udipi Taluk, South Kanara 
(C. 13th - 14th C. A. D.) i 

Plate 63 

'Sv ■ 

Mahaganapati (Bronze) 

.Ganapati Temple, Kemraannu, Udipi 
Ta, uk, South Kanara (G. 14th C. A. D.) 


^ * Va Tem pl e >. Pcrampa|Ii, 
bldipi Taluk, South Kanara 
y< c - 45th Cl. A. D.) - 

(Bronze), Ghitrapitra 
North Kanara 

( c ) 

Ganapati, Ganapati Temple, Ganjimatha, 
Mangalore Taluk, South Kanara 
(C. 14th C. A. D.) 


Ganesa (Bronze) 

Ganapati Temple; Uppuru, 

South Kanara (G. 14th C. A. D.) 


Abhaya Ganesa, Bajakuduru Matha, 
Bajakuduru, Udipi Tahik, South Kanara 
(C. 15th C. A. D.) 

(d) , 

Sunkadakatte Vinayaka, Vinayaka 
Temple, Kallianpura, Udipi Taluk, 
South Kanara (C. 14lh - 15tl> C. A. D.) 

< t- . r ".is’s i - l ■<■• rs 

;• V: Sadasiva (Bronze). Chandramau]i£vara Temple, 
Udipi, South Kanara (C. 9th .G. A. D.) 

Sadasiva (Bion/e) 

Siva Temple, Bantia, Puttur Taluk, 
South Kanara (G 9tli GAD) 


Siva - Sakti (Bronze) 
RajaiajCsvari Temple, Polali, 
Bantwal Taluk, South Kanara 
(C 10th CAD) 


Umamaheivara Temple, 

Padu Panamburu, Mangalore Taluk, 
South Kanara (C 10th C A D.) 

Plate 68 


Senesvara Temple, 

Bainduru, South Kanara 
(G. 13th G, A. D.) 

(b) . 

Umamahesvara (Bronze) 

Kotinatha Temple, Kotesvara, 
Coondapura Taluk, South Kanara 
(C. 14th C. A. D.) 


Trisulesvara (Bronze) 

Trisulesyara Temple, Mangalore 
South Kanara (G. 14th-15th G. A. D.) 

Plaet 72 

(b) Umamahcsvara (Bronze) 

(a) Sada&va, Mahalingesvara Temple, Vishnumurti Temple, Shirva, 

Pavarye, Mangalore Taluk, Udipi Taluk, South Kanara 

South Kanara (C. 14th C A. D.) (C. 14th C. A. D.) 

(c) Dakshinamuru (Bronze) 
Chitrupura Matha, Sirah, 

North Kanara (C. 13th C. A. D.) 

(d) Sadaiiva(Bronze),Visvanatha Temple* 
Yelluru, Udipi Taluk, South Kanara 

(C. 11th- 12th C. A. D) 

(») • ;,/ :• •: ■ 

Sadasiva (Bronze) 

Mntyunjaya. Temple, Bola, Karkala Taluk, 

South Kanara (G. 13th G. A. D.) 

(b) Umamahesvara 
Mahalingesvara Temple, Suralu, 

Udipj Taluk, South Kanara 
(G. 14th-15th G. A. D.) 

(e) Sadasiva, a relief 
Lakliml-Narasimha ’ 
Temple, Bhatakaja v- ; 
North Kanara . ?. >' ; o 
(C. 15th G. A: d.)' ’ 

(a) Sadasiva (Wooden) 
Panchalingesvara Temple, 
Barakuru, South Kanara 
(C. 15th C. A. D.) 

(c) Sadasiva (Bronze) 

Siva Temple, Agrahara, Brahmiiyara 
Udipi Taluk, South Kauara(C. 16th G- 

(b) Sadasiva (Bronze) 

Vittala Temple, Kella Puttigc, . . 
Karkala Taluk, South Kanara . 
(a 17th C. A. D.) 

Plate 77 

(a) Chandramaujisvara (Bronze) 
Chandresvara Temple, Udipi, 
(C. 17th- 18th G. A. D.) 

Ulnaniahesvara . , ' / 
Matha, Basaruru) (;•- 
Coondapura Taluk, ; ' • 
South Kanara 
(C.. 14th- 15th G.A.D.l 

i ffcCf *- 

wSwstP 1 

. 'V., •; 

(c) Bhairava, Rock Engraving, .Nandikuru, ! 
: ; : .: Udipi Taluk; South Kanara U ' 

(G. 10th C. A. D.) ■;•'•• G : -v! 

(d) Bhairava, iV-; : .f5 U":.;:-;'. 

Senes vara Temple, Bainduru, 
South Kanara (C. I3th C; A. D-) 

Front View 

Back View 

Plate 80 

(a) G. 1 7th C. A. D. (b) (Bronze) C. 17th C.A.D. (c) (Bronze) G. 14th G.A.D. 

Ardhanarisvara Temple, Hebri, Karkala Taluk, South Kanara 

(d) Ardlianarlivara (e) Ardhanarisvara Temple, Halnatlu 

(Bronze) ^Brahmasthana, . Coon da pura Taluk, South Kanara 

Hebri <C. 17th C. A. D) . - : (C. ,l5th C. A. D.) i \ . : 

Plate 81 

/••''. :.' ■ <■ ;> Uiiiamahcsvaia '' • . ; . •• .; 

. . ■■ '. Uinainahcsvara Siirinc,- .VittaJa) - ■:"-' •*„ . -' 

South Kanara (C. ‘10th C. A. D.) v 

Plate 82 

Front View-' . X Back' View. 

(a) Sadasiva (Bronze) . ’ . ' v V 

Mahalingcsvara Temple, Patjubidure* South Kanara (G. lOthG. A. D.) 

-i-i v'-W, 

. • From View • ... \ . \ • ; ‘ , Back V ‘ c ' v 

•. ' , , ... • . Kantcsvara (Bronze)"- / 

K antes vara Temple, Kama vara, ' • Karkala Taluk, South Kanara ' 

(C. 10th C. A. D.) 




I 1 ™ ^ahti. (Bronze) iri' the 
Si t Jrocji Radhakpshni Pai 
. South Kartara -~.y '.■ • 
i 1th C. A, D.) 

(d) Sadsiiva (Bronze) '■ /’ :V; - iv 
If Dur e^ Parameivarl Teinple, Be 
; Karkala Taluk, South Kanara 
;A V (C. 10th - lith C. A. D V' 

Plate 86 

(a) Sadasiva (Bronze) 

Panchalingesva'ra Temple, Barakuru, 
South Kanara 
(C. 10th C. A. D.) 


(b) Nataraja , . • . ' * -V-* , v 
Mahal in gesvara Temple- Basaruru 
Coondapura Taluk, South. Kanara 
* , (C. 11th— 12th C. A.D.jv 



J ' • 

(c) Sadasiva (Bronze) .■ 

Panchalingcsvara Temple, Charxnadi, 
Bclthangady Taluk, South Kanara 
. (C. llth— 12th C. A. D.) 

(d)Sadasiva (Bronze) " 

3lva Temple, Banjra, Putttu- Taluk, 
South Kanara -• 

(C. 11th— 12 lH) - ' , 

Pi ate 87 

4 $) Ardhanarlsvara' r ■. • J . ’ 
;>V Kantcsvara Temple,Kantavara 
■ ; . *' Karkala ■ Taluk, : South' Kanara 
(C. 1 Ith— 12th e. A. D.) - ' 


u mmm 





mm&h r-i 




I '•£. • 


! Urn arhahfiivara ■„•■''-• t : . 1 ■ * ■’ • 

SCricivara Temple,. Bainduru, 
Ooondapura Taluk, South Kanara , 
(G.'lSth C. . A. D.) ' 

(b) Mahadeva (Bronze) • % 

Somanathcsvara Temple, V. ■ : ••'•, 
.'• Mudukeri, Barakuru, South Kanara 
(C. 12th C. A. D.) . . ,• • C . : ’> 

Plate 88 

Sada&va (Bronzes) 
Mnhalingesvara Temple, Suralil, 
Udipl Taluk, South Ranara 

(a i3tii a a. d.) 

(d) Sha-Sakti (Bronze) r , . 

• ' Siva Temple, Taiitra, Puttur Tat ilk, 
. South Kanara (G. 1 3th C. A- D-) . 

(c) Sadaiiva (Bronze) ' . 

£iva Temple, Madhtiru, 

Kasargod Taluk, Kerala (a 13th C, A. B.) 

Plate 89 

(a) , .. . 

SadaJiva (Bronzes) 
KantKvara Temple, Kantavara, 
Karkala Taluk, South Kanara (C. 13th - 14th C. 

A. D.) 

(d) Scneivara 

Seneivara Temple, Bainduru, 
South Kanara 
fC. 14th C. A. D.) 

(e) Sadasiva (Bronze) 

Mahaiingc^vara Temple, 
Kalaituru, Udipi Taluk, 

South Kanara (C. 15th C. A. D.) 

• ’ ' '' Front View 

(a) . Sadasiva (Bronze) 

Mahalingcsvara Temple, 
Banninje, Udipi 
. (d I4th C.-A. DJ 

(b) Sadasiva (Bronze) 

» . Siva Temple, Uppinangady t 
, JBchhangady Taluk, South Kanara 
, (C. 14th C. A. D.) ' . , 

f&i** f&x 


3 WF 


C a ' Umamahcsvara (Bronze) 
worshipped in the house of 
Sri Tippayya Harikara, Basaruru, 
South Kanara (C. 14th G. A. D.) 

♦ ^ i 

(b) Sadahva (Bronze) 
f - Mrityunjaya Temple, Munduru, 
Puttur Taluk, South Kanara 
(C. 14th C. A. D.) 




: , fs «. 

M. i 

:-’i ; 

' rs 

•i* . 


m ;m 


^ c ) Umamahcsvara^ (Bronze) 

Subrahmanya Temple, Subiamanya 
South Kanara (C. 14th C. A.T>.) 



(c) Mafiadeva (Wooden) , (d) Sadasiva (Bronze) iMahaUngHvm Temple, 

,M. G. M: College Museum, Parka ja, Udipi Taluk, South Kanara 

Udipi (C.l4th— 15th C. A; D.) . (C I4th— 15th C. A. D.) 

y ' *' * A 


|§& 111 ®I 


jf&i&mb&ii •;* 

fs) Umamahesvara (fironze) •'. '•- 
' ■ Sarabhe^yara Temple,. Saravu, 
Mangalore (G. 1.4th C. A. D.) 

;(b}'TGmamahe^%ra/(Br6rize). : ;;';V;:' £*/f. 

; Mayagundi Matha, Putturu, Udipi, 
. ■ - South; Kariara (C. 14th Cl.AVp.).: ^ 

' 'l **: *V ."A* : 


(?) Sadasiva (Bronze) Arehole Temple, ; 

?'. S -’, ' 

?outli Kanar .1 (G/15th G.;A.^D.) 



IH 1 '."' J’.: » vt: ijiv-j 
■ -••-• -.v, t - a ' 1 

- £v-£[. :???*(&' X* 


) X-.pi - : HiriadJcair TJdijn'Tal ul^ -V *$t 
• : , South : Kahara (C. -1 5th G. A. : D.) .. 

Plate 94 

(a.) Sadasiva (Bronze) , Siva Temple, \ 
Chokkadi, Udipi Taluk,. South Kanara 
(C. 1 5th C. A. D.).. 

(c) Alingana.Murti ' 

(£>iva- — Sakti) (Bronze) . 
Urnamahc^vara Temple, 

' Padupanamburu - ■* *• _ - , » • 

Mangalore. Taluk, South Kanara 
(C. 16th C. A. D.) ' 1 V 

b) Maheivara ’ . ‘ ‘ ' 

Devi T emple, .KaSIpattana, 

" Belthangady Taluk, South Kanara. 
(C. 16th €. A. D.) . 

Plate 96 

Sadasiva, Siva Temple 
Coondapura Taluk, 
South Kanara 
(C 18th CAD) 

( c ) Saduhva (Bronze) 

Panchahngcivara Temple, 
Chlrmaqh, Belthangad> Taluk, 
South .Kanara (C 18th C A. D ) 

(b) Sadahva '(Bronze) 

Siva Temple, Kutyaru, 
Belthangady South Kanara 
(C 18th CAD) 


( c ) ViiSvanatlia - v } -,l ‘"'.V. 

yisyanatha Tcxnple, Yelluioi 

Udipi Taluk, South Kanara 

(d) Sadasiva' \ 

• -* Sadasi va— Parichali hge^vara 
Parijai South .Kanara *- 

Plate 98 


(a) Risyasringcsvara, 

Rilyasririgesvara Temple, 
Rigga, Sririgeri 


Kautesvara Temple, Kanteivara, 
Karkala Taluk, South Kanara 

yiv *7 , * '*■& \ > if j''* 3 >‘1, , * . 

(c) Mahadeva, Mahadeva Temple, 
Chokkadi, Udipi Taluk,. - ■ 
,* ySouth. Kanara ■- '• -y.~- ' 

(<3) Mrityunjaya, ' Mr! tyunjaya Tempi 
i ’'-l Munduru, Puttur'Taluk,';: "L.;; A ; 7: 
' . South Kanara . • .. ; 

Plate 100 

(a) DommeSvara 

Panchalingesvara Temple, 

South Kanara ; ' 

(b) Mahalingesvara 

Mahalingesvara Temple, Kalatturu, 
Udipi Taluk, South Kanara 

(c) Mahalingesvara 

Mahalingesvara Temple, 
, Udipi South Kanara 



,/v -V i*,-/, . " ’V* x * ** -£•£■ > . 

'£> <'•'*!,. h ■.'* V? y>* . '•i ,',-^'(\j. v",- , yV,% . \'v* Wv ' ' ,/-'- f .t-V'\ V'-.* ; '<’< ‘*'^ : f**5^V»V’*. 

:". -^ '•>'»■' ! - ; - "' V •^’* ;.-<^. „ .' ? **. j, >' ,»:-.*/\j *,■'*•, y s yt -.' -y o£ jX'^^j;s.'^'V>^ 

^ *»»* -t '/y- . 

T ‘-'■li ;* "/■£»# -•'?<'■ / V <J -^., v *jC“"' /;•■• '-.“ .^•VV'''.'*'3’ '•^•'^•^v' "i’<X\-V -AV'-y k ^-i.v'fi Ll>.i -. 

(a) Chandramauli^vara 

Chandramaujlsvara Temple, UDIPI 

Mahadcva.V-hilahadeva Temple/ V - •;':: 
Madk'a, 'Bpjmannujvf; . ; / 

Kachala Taluk, South Kanara ‘J: ,/ '■ .-Kv 

:>•:■ (<*) >■ ?\ - :*•■ • <-^jfuSfy4^rM. 

; >. ' ■ Mahalihgadeva ; .; /..\>T; : -X 

■; Mahalihgesvara Temple, Brahmavara, 

- ■ ,X_Jdipi Taluk, South Kanara: . •-.-. ; - 



Kirimanjesvara Temple, Kirimanjcivar 
Coondapura Taluk, South Kanara 

(a) Mahalinge^vara 

Mahalirigesvara Temple, Parka ja, 
Udipi Taluk, South Kanara 

(b) Mah£Hnge$vara 

Mah^Hngeivara Temple, -s' 

Idya, Mangalore Taluk, South Kanara 

(c) SadaSiva . 

Sadaiiva Temple, Suratkal, 
Mangalore Taluk, South Kanara 

(d) Tuluveivara * - _ - 

Tuiuveivara Temple, 
BassrurUi Coondapura Taluk, 
.. South KAnara 


Plate 103 

(b) Sene^vara • /•' ■ •’ & 

Senesvara Tejjiple, v £aincluru, ’> - \ 
Coondapura Taluk, South Kanara 

(a) Mahalingesvara, 

Chambukallu, Udyavara, 
Udipi Taluk, South Kanara 


■ tiM 

Mahalingesvara , V; * 
Siva Temple, Ganganadu, 
Coondapura Taluk, South Kanara 

(d) Mahadeva, Siva: Temple, TCauduru, 
Karkala TalukJ-So'uthvKanara^-. -'-.v-:' 



- ; vr T 


' tills 


j K*Sfm 

%/jj ‘t: i % 

• ■'■’■ • It * 

(c) Srikantha, ' J * 

£rikantha — Mahaganapati Temple, 
Kadaba, South Kanara 

(d) Mahadeva, Siva Temple, 

Gariga-natfu, Coondapura Taluk 
South Kanara * • 

(a) Sada^iva 

mzr.i 'rt 

(b) KundeSvara 

Amujinja, Po]ali, 


Kundeivara Temple, 

Banttval Taluk, South Kanara 

Coondapura Taluk, South Kanara 

\ ^ ‘ Plate , 105 " 

Prasanna Somcsvara, tSambhu Kallu, 
Udyavara, Udipl Taluk, South Kanara 

(b) Mahadcva 

Mahadeva Temple, 
Manchi, Bantwal Taluk, 
South Kanara 


(c) Adi Mahabalesvara 
, Mahabalesvara Temple, Gokarna. 
. North Kanara 

(b) Brahma, Vishnu & Mahcivara 
, Brahmcivara Temple, 

Sastana, ^ ■. 

Udipi Taluk, South Kanara 

Plate; 107 

Urva, Mang 

if~i t>ir«t- 

£mi&f J$ 

',:, . (c) ParichalirigeSvara >;<'>.■ ' 

; Y-.U- ; Brahmalmgeilvara Temple, Sastana“ - ; ; 

: 5 Udipi Taluk, 'South -Kanara V'.v\ ’• • :■ ' . 

Plate 108 

fa) PanchalingeSvara, 

Panchalingesvara Temple, 
Vittala, South Kanara 

(b) Panchalingesvara 

Panchalingesvara Temple, Kavu 
Puttur Taluk, South Kanara 

(c) Panchalingesvara, 

Panchalingesvara Temple, KnsTpaJtana, 
Belthangady Taluk, South Kanara 



' ttfij 


(a) Panchalihgesvara 

Panchalihgesvara Temple, Kambaru, 

Puttur Taluk, South Kanara 

(b) Panchalihgesvara, 

Panchalirigeivara Temple, Charmadi, 
Belthangady Taluk, ’ 

South Kanara 

( c) ,P ancha li ngesvara 

Panchalingcsvara Temple, Pj 
Puttiir Taluk, . South Kanara 


J 3 






resvarada-Ganapati by one. Naga-Sivasaivacharya. This priest was 
• undoubtedly a Kalamukha head 9 . ; Another inscription . of the time of ; 
Pratapa-Devaraya, dated A.D. 1431, rcgisters. gifts of lands, .oil, honey :J: : . 
etc. to god Mahadeva of Putturu, South Kanara by one Annappa, the ; 
two hundred parivara, the four nayakavadi. for worship and offerings to. the : ' 

. temple and feeding Brahmins in the feeding house attached to the temple. A ■ 
The gifts were made on the occasion of the visit of the preceptor Kriyasakti- ; 
deva to Putturu, when Annappa, son of Devaraya was governing 
Mangaluru - rajya 10 . This preceptor was, indeed, the Kalamukha priest. :. fj; 

Thus from about the 8th G.A.D. up to the. 15th. G: A. -I)., the influence -v; 
of this purely Saivite faith and order seemed to have been exercised from : y 
time to time and augmented the Saivite tendencies in Tulu-riadu.:; - ;. 

Epigraphical records reveal the fact of Vira-§aiva influence over 
Tuluva to a considerable extent. Many of the Siva temples in Tuluva 
j are known as the Mahalinga temples". Needless to say that the name 
Mahalihga applies to Siva, who is also called Mahadeva. Based on our ■ 
knowledge at present, it may be said that Lord Siva came to be associated 
- with the name Mahalinga by about A.D. 1463 n or a bit earlier^; Beforh \ 
this nomenclature Mahalihga came to be applied to $iva, He was known 
: as Mahadeva only 13 . We may attribute this change in nomenclature to 
the Vira-Saiva influence. The sthala, described in the Vira-Saiva cult, ; , 
consists of anga-sthala and lihga-sthala, the latter comprisin g 'bhavarlingay... . 
which, in turn, is divided into prasada-lihga and mahalihga 14 . ..-‘-fshta-lihgaA 
becomes achara-lihga, the practical and guru-lihga the preceptive; prana- 
lihga becomes £iva-lihga y the auspicious and chara-lihga, the . dynamic 
• , and bhava-lihga becomes prasada-lihga, the gracious and maliaAihgayff^. 
great 5 ’ 15 . That the jahgamas were held in esteem is evidenced by one of 
the epigraphs 16 belonging to Kdtesvara, dated A.D. 1372, which records . \ 

V: .that when the Mahapradhana Goparasa-Odeya was ruling the Barakuru- It • 

y rajya, . . Nandinatha, Bringinatha, ; Virabhadradeva;., and : . Ganakmnara- ./\.A 

iiv '• : 9 • R. No. 229 for 1949-’50. ' v "T •' G?’ VA- 

• : : ,0 Ibid. No. 344 for 1930-’31. / VV '4 v N >; -.*>& : 

/ 11 Ibid. No. 504 for l928-’29. . : : . -V'- 

'■ 12 Thi/J TMr, fnr iQ9fi_’9Q r ■%; A 1 -''-- •; V'"'.’ 

13 Ibid. Nol- 531 "for 1928- 5 29; J2>#.>Np.?5O0 :for;1928-’29 \ : 

. 14 Dr. T. G. Siddapparadhya - Shatsthala-Siddhania - Appendix, r'y / ./ 

I s The Cultural Heritage of IndiaiVol. WAVir^Saivwri y .p.mAA<: : S : A 


Studies in Tuluva Histoiy and Culture 

heggade purchased some plots of land of specified boundaries in Kotlsvara 
and made a gift of it in the temple of Kdtisvara for feeding ubhaja-jangamns 
during the festival called the katiya-habba. The advent of the Keladi 
chiefs (Nayakas) after the downfall of the Vijayanagara empire and their 
possession of Tulu-nadu may have considerably enhanced the Vira-Saiva 
influence over Tuluva, for the Kajadi chiefs were devout Vrra-Saivas. 
A copper-plate inscription, dated A. D. 1690, mentions the name of tlie 
Tolaha chief as Mahalinga, who made grants to one Revanasiddhadeva 17 . 
It is also possible that the popularity of this name Mahalinga in Tuluva 
may be due to the acceptance of the Sivarahasya , most current in Tulu- 
nadu, which states that the Mahalinga form of Siva is born of the Sadyojata 
face of Siva 18 . 

The strong and deeply rooted Saiva leanings of the people of Tulu- 
nadu may be taken to be one of the reasons for the worship of hundreds 
of bhutas (devils or daivas ) whose overlordship is said to be possessed by 
Lord Siva, who is known as Bhutanatha. 


A number of temples in Barakuru, Mangaluru, Panja, Eda-mangala, 
Isvara-mangala, Sastana, Kasipattana, Vittala, Kavu, Kambaru and 
Gharmadi (Plates 107, 108 and 109) are dedicated to Panchalingedcva, 
representing the five forms of Siva, namely. Sadyojata, Vamadeva, 
Aghora, Tatpurusha and Isana. The peculiarity in Tulu-nadu is that all 
the five liiigas are installed on the same pedestal instead of in five separate 
shrines. Amongst tire various temples belonging to this category, tlrose 
of Barakuru, Urva (Mangalore), Vittala and Kasipattana [Plates 107(a), 
108(a) and 108(c)] are undoubtedly more than a thousand years old. 
Although ancient, the lingas of the Panja temple have been replaced after 
destruction by fire. 

manjunAtha and THE NATHA-PANTHA influence 

A few temples in Tuluva are dedicated to god Alanjunatha 1 and tire 
temple named after Him at Kadre in Mangalore has been one of tire 

« A R. No 4 for 1931-’32. . . 

|S Su arahasja. Chapter 49. From the Sadyojata face of Siva, Mahahngodbhava, 

Dahsliina, Ekopadesvara, Sukliaslna and Anugraha-m Grtis emanated 
1 A.R. No. 584 for 1929-’30; Ibid No. 469 for 1928-’29; 

Ibid. No. 432 for 1928-’29; Ibid. No. 344 foi 1930-’31; 

S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 189 etc. 

'Religion^ ^i\A ^ ; v • y,' 29 j 

•y most reputed in Tuluva. . [The Marijunatha: temple at Dharmaslhala 
) [Plate (398 4 )] has to be regarded as one of - the hundred and eight 
■dariious £ahd. centres of India]; Here Manjnndtha d s worshipped in the 
form of linga made of irregular storie. This deity in Tuluva is associated 
; with Siva, But according to Hindu pantheon, god Siva; is never known 
. as Mahjunatha V Therefore, we are confronted with the problem of identi- 
fying this deity with Siva. This -leads us inevitably into the. history of 
i- the birth and development of a; Saivite faith, known as tii&Ndtka-Pantha. 

But it. is not the purpose of this account to trace the origin and development 
y of and comment on the philosophy of this cult Hor is it relevant here 3 , 
y But the degree of influence , exercised by this faith over the religious ten- 
dencies of Tuluva has to be measured in its right perspective since it was 
, so well marked. h'-.- - -- . 

The cult of Nathism is known to have developed itself out of. the 
v; Vajrayfina system of the Mahdyana form of Buddhism and thus it was in 
its origin a form of Tantric Buddhism, before it transformed itself into 
Tantric Saivism-*. It seemed to have originated first in Bengal by about 
the 9th or 10th century' A. D. and: before long spread to the different 
parts of India with remarkable rapidity. This was because of the fact 
that the leaders of this cult were great, travellers and their peregrinations 
, marked the course of long distances. There is no unanimity of opinion 
among scholars regarding the spiritual leaders of this faith nor of their 
dates. But about Adinatha, Matsyendrahathaj : Goraklmatha . and 
y Ghaturariginatha (Stiriginatha) as the first names in the pontificate of 
the Jsdtha-Pantha, there is no doubt. Matsyendranatha and Gorakha- . 
" natha were the most celebrated of these spiritual leaders and they seemed 
y to have been responsible for the spread, and wide popularity of this cult 
V; in India. ■ The date of Matsyendranatha arid y Gorakhnatlia has ’beeii . 

; : a. highly controversial subject but we may with .good reasons assign the 

2 The /l/HaraTAwaribes iiot call Siva Manjunatha., .y.;- >-.y . d ; Vyvyy ; 
A A brief history of the Naiha-P.antha is .given -in ‘ ihework the V Cultural;., Heritage ,yafy 
; ; India, Y ol. IV, pp. 280-290. The account given -by Sri M. txanapati,K.ab Aigil.'- 
in his Itihasa (pp. • 72-84) is also fairly reliable from the stand-point, of chronology, 

... although much credence itced' given to the legends, y W y df V.Vy 'dri 
■ ©rV Mohan Singh’s Work, Gorakhnatha-md-Medieval Hindu. Mystiidxrn:( ^^1937) is .'indeed 

F! rpleKi'nfPrl wnvlr In tliiit; fiplr? T.Uff'wIqp Ciftrnl'hnnnth n rtnrJ f /><’ T,” r... ~ 

Vol. j; VniyNo. ; I' (1946). . . .... 

TheCulluraiHerilageoflndia, Yo\:lY -TantrikaCultureamongihe Buddhisls,p'259. 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

first half of the 10th century A. D. as the period of their vigorous activities 5 . 
Much of this controversy centering round their chronology may be tackled 
with reference to the history of theManjunatha temple, Kadre, Mangalore 
and the examination of the sculptures therein with a particular study 
of the inscription found on the pedestal of the Lbkesvara image (Plates 300 
and 301) which is dated A.D.968, perhaps, the earliest dated epigraph 
of Tulu-nadu 6 . (This bronze of Lokesvara may be accepted as the 
earliest dated bronze of South India). Suffice it to say here that the 
image of Lokesvara was installed by the Alupa king, Kundavarma, in 
the year A.D.968 in the vihara of Kadarika (Kadre). And that this 
image of Lokesvara is neither Buddhistic nor Jaina as contended by scholars 
but Saivite, to be identified with Siva or Matsyendranatha himself in 
accordance with the philosophy of Nathism. It is self-evident that Nathism 
must have spread and well received in Kadre, South Kanara by the 
middle of the 10 th century A.D. so as to be successfully' able to exercise such 
influence on Kundavarma, the Alupa ruler, as to cause for the installation 
of the image of Lokesvara. This is further proved by the existence of 
the stone image of Matsyendranatha now kept in the Government 
Museum, Mangalore, which is undoubtedly an early sculpture. [Plate 302(A)]. 

The reference to /farfa/yw-Manjunatha in one of the inscriptions 
of Kadre, dated A.D. 1386, confirms the influence of the Natha-Pantha 
over the temple of Manjunatha, for the term kadali does not necessarily 
indicate plantain and hence kadali-vana, as the traditional account has 
it for us but is supposed to be a memory of the country of Kadali women, 
which was taken to be ruled over by Minanatha (Matsyendranatha), 
the guru of Gorakhnatha 8 . Thus, we can in all certainty and reasonable- 
ness infer that this cult of mysticism started getting disseminated in the 
district of South Kanara about the 10th century A.D., having Kadre 

5 The Culture Heritage of India, Vol. IV - The date of the Siddhas, p. 276. 

B A. Saletore -The Kanphaja Jogis in Southern History - article published in the 
Poona Orientalist, Vol. I, p. 16 

M. Govinda Pai — Hate of Gdrakhnatha-Hcw Indian Antiauary, Vol. VIII, No. J> 

January 1946 ) 

6 Details of this inscription are discussed under Political History of the Alupas. 

7 P. R. Snnivasan - Bronzes of South India, p. 166. 

B A. Saletore - History of Tuluva, p. 382 _ , 

P. R. Snnivasan — Antiquities of Tuht-nadu — ai tide published in the Transactions oj 
the Archaeological Society of South India (1955), p. 84 

A.R. Part I, Sept. 1921, p. 8. „ , „ „ 

8 S.I I. Vol. VII, No 189; The Cultural Heritage of India, VoL IV - The Hatha Cult, 

p. 283. 



as the biggest centre of the cult in the whole of South India. On the 
slab set up near the Matha of the Jogis is an inscription which records a 
charity gift made to Mahgalanatha, the then head of that monastery 
for certain purposes, one of which was to provide for the offering of food 
and light for the image of Gorakhnatha. It is dated A.D. 1475 and 
Maugalanatha-Odeya, the disciple of Chandranatha-Odeya is spoken of 
as Kadariya-a lu-arasuga lu*. 

An inscription of the beginning of the 1 1th century A.D. 10 belonging 
to Chandrapuri (Chandavara of the Honnavara taluk, North Kanara) 
is very important from the stand-point of the dissemination of Nathism 
in Tulu-nadu. It gives the following account of the Natha-Pantha : “At 
the foot of the sacred big tree ( £ri-vrksha ) in Chandrapuri, situated by 
the Western Ocean, was stationed Adinatha, by only thinking solely on 
whose lotus feet are destroyed the results of the (evil) deeds committed 
in former births (Sri-Paschimdbdhi-sthita-Chandrapuryam-m vrksha muledhi “ 
krtadindthali ). His disciple, waited on by kings, among the circle of great 
ones, the greatest was Chayadhinatha, whose head the keenest rays (< chdya ) 
of the sun ( dinandiha ) do not effect. An intoxicated bee at his lotus feet 
was Dvipanatha, the world renowned. His disciple, invincible by other 
disputants, was Manninatha, in the form of Rudra. The disciple of the 
last named Vamanayya”. This epigraph clearly testifies to the fact 
that the Natha-Pantha was strongly rooted in Chandavara in the 11th 
century A.D. And that Adinatha, the first of the Natha-Panthis was 
known to Tuluva at least by about the 9th-10th centuries A , D . There- 
fore, it is no wonder that at Kadre, Mangalore, this cult should prevail 
in the 10th C.A.D. 

Another temple of Lokeivara is mentioned in an inscription of Mundu- 
kuru of the Karkala taluk, South Kanara, dated A.D. 1293. It refers 
to a gift daily of which details are lost probably made over to the slhanapati 
of the said temple (Lokesvara) 11 . This appears to be another stage in the 
spread of the Ndtha-Pantha influence. 

As early as the 12th century A.D. both Barakuru and Basaruru, , 
the two important towns of Tuluva, appeared to have been _under the 
influence of the Ndtha-Pantha. The epigraph found in the Pahchalihgesvafa 

9 S.I.I. Vol. VII, No. 194. 

10 Ep.Car. IX, Nelamangala, No. 1. 

- » A.R. No. 530 of 1929-’30. ‘ 

294 Studies in Tuluva Histoiy and Culture 

temple at Barakuru, dated A. D. 1140, states that the Tolaha of Suiala 
was the recipient of a gift for the maintenance of a nivedya-sale built by 
one Sivananda-yogi in the presence of Markandesvara. Obviously thi s 
Sivananda-yogi belonged to the Natha-Panlha} 2 . The inscription of Kotes- 
vara, dated A.D . 1372, records that during the governorship of Goparasa- 
Odeya of Barakuru-rajya, Nandinatha, Bringinatha, Virabhadradeva, 
the mahant of Barakuru tayisthala and Ganakumara-heggade made a gift 
of charity to the temple of Kotesvara for feeding ubhaya jangamas n . The 
donors were Natha-Panthis, as known from their names. An interesting 
incident seemed to have taken place in A.D. 1490 in Barakuru. An 
inscription states that when Subuddhinatha-Odeya, disciple of Anupama- 
natha-Odeya was being taken to Kadre, perhaps, for the palta (chiefship) 
or pontificate of that place ( arasutanada pallakke), he was deterred from 
going by the five chiefs of Chauliya-keri and a gift of land was made to the 
malha of Anupamanatha-Odeya for the worship of GorakhnathaA An 
epigraph of Basaruru, South Kanara, speaks of certain Mauna-yogi, who 
is stated to have granted some land to god Nakharesvara of Basurepura 15 - 
[Even now tire ruins of the malha (monastery) which is known as Sadananda- 
yogi-matlia are seen in Basaruru]. The Doddakattc-kere inscription 
of Basaruru, South Kanara, dated A.D. 1531, records a gift of charity 
for the conduct of worship for Ambalada-jogi 16 . At Vittala, Bantwal 
taluk, South Kanara, is a Jogi dynasty, the representative of which is 
still called Jogi-arasu. At Ambaru, Mahgalapadi, Kasaragod taluk, 
there is still seen the ruined monument of god Manjunatha. The cult of 
Nathism in Tuluva is further manifested in the temple dedicated to 
Hihguladevi 17 in the town of Barakuru. Hinguladevi is the goddess 
of Hing-raj. “Hing-raj, the last holy place of the Hindus towards the 
West, situated on the Makran Coast, about 80 miles from the moudr 
of the Indus and some twelve miles from the sea is visited by Gorakhnathis. 
They consider that a pilgrimage to this place, is necessary for all rsho 
■wish to perfect themselves and to become adepts in yoga 7 ’. Hing-raj 
is one of the 51 pilhas or places celebrated as spots where the disseveied 

12 S I I. Vol. VII, No. 381. 

13 S.I.I. Vol. IX, Pari II, No. 415. 

14 A R, No 269 of 1931-’32. 

13 S.l 1, Vol. IX, Part II, No. 393. 

16 Ibid. No 570. 

” A.n. No. 179 of 1901, A D. 1425. 

; ■ . Religion . V • 295 : 

■ylimbs yofi sail were scattered. The shrine is dedicated to 'the . terrific»Agni- 
^devivof'.Hing-rajV known, also as Hihg-raj-devi, Hingudadevi 
.'■• ■goddess 18 . Hingudadevi is none other than .Hinguladevi to whom a . 

• shrine was erected at Barakuru and we may rightly presume that this 
was attributable to the influence of the Natha-Panthis. Unfortunately, 
there isn’t the least trace of this temple at Barakuru except that its mention; 
is made in the epigraph noted above and that there is a beautiful Naga. 

, stone in the area. - • ; . t l ■ . 

The reasons for the wide popularity of the Natha-Pantha in Tuluva 
■ are not far to seek. The entire basis of the religion of Tulu-nadu, as noted . 
above, is Saivite and also Sakta. It goes without saying that the Natha- 
Pantha, predominantly Saivite in fundamentals and practice, should 
commend itself to most classes of people in Tuluva,. There is yet another 
reason. Not only; the Gorakhnathis recognised and worshipped the 
. greater and lesser gods of the Hindu pantheon, but also they followed’ 
the popular forms of Hindu belief, having concern for saints and spirit 
powers, especially those that are evil; practising magic, exorcism*' witch- 

* craft, and some primitive medicine, giving attention to lucky and unlucky 

days and following the superstitions of the place and populace. Some 
Yogis would not eat fish even 19 . . Abstinence from taking fish and the 
practice of yoga should have been the reason for its popularity .amongst 
the Jainas of Tuluva as well. The Adduru inscription of Mangalore, 
dated 1434 A.D., records the gift of land to one Jugadikundala Jogi- 
Purusha by Jogi-Odeya alias Chauta 20 . : • ; ; 

- . The following account is given by Briggs about the Jogis of Tuluva. 
“The Jogi-Purusha is a recently formed caste that speaks Marati and Tulu. 

V Their head monastery is at Kadri, but they have, several other establish- 
ments. The individuals of the caste are disciples of various jnathas and 
f Worship Bhairava and GSrakhnatha.. There are both eelebates; and ; 

house-holders amongst them. The former wear rings of rhinoceros 
-■ horn, or of clay. The^ house-holders do not split the ears but put pieces 
of clay over the cartilage, where it is internally split in initiation. : They 
use. tile sacred thread to which is attached the whistle of brass or of copper •. j 
or of silver. ' The whistle is used when the worshipper offers prayer to 
Bhairava, t Brahmins are employed for their marriages. The dead are ;y.y' 

■/ ’George; ;W,'; Briggs - GSrakhnatha and Ihe.Nahphiia \ (1938), P- : 406; ■ :V 'fV-hV, y .yhfyfi- ? 

Ibid. p. 58. ' : : - t'u y : 

: 20 A.R.. No.. 476 of. 1 928-’29, 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

buried in a sitting posture and a funera] feast is held on the 12th day, a 
Brahmin priest officiating. Food is offered to crows and gifts are made 
to Brahmins. The purificatory' rites of the deceased include worship 
at the grave each day from the third to the 12th days” 21 . A section of 
these Jogis is also known as Jorada or Jaradani 11 . 

It is not yet clearly known, how Siva of Kadre is called Manjunatha. 
Perhaps, the Alevuru inscription of the Alupa queen, Ballamahadevi 
(A. D. 1277 -A. D. 1292), refers for the first time, so far as we know 
at present, the name Manchinatha, in which she calls herself the worshipper 
of the sacred feet of Sri Machinatha 23 . Two other forms of this name 
also occur in epigraphs - Manjinatlia-deva and Manjesvara-deva u . The 
name Manjunatha in its origin was applied to the Buddhist Bodhisatva 
Manjusri or ManjughoshaP . The Natha-Pantha, having developed itself 
out of Vajrayana betrays no less affinity with Buddhism than with the 
Brahminical tanira. In the process of transformation, it not only appro- 
priated the Buddhist terminology (and vihara is evidently one of those 
terms) but also assimilated rites and tenets from both the sources and 
its early gurus were assimilated to the deities or teachers of Vajrayana u . 
This, perhaps, could be the plausible explanation for the association of 
the name Manjuntaha to god Siva, which association is considered to be 
a unique feature in South Kanara 27 . (It may be possible that the Prakrit 
term manju, meaning beautiful, loving, pleasing and pleasant, may have 
been employed in relation to Siva and hence Manjunatha 28 .) It could 
also be reasoned out that the name, Matsyendranatha took the form 
Macchi(e)ndranatha which, later, got altered into Manjinatha and then 

21 Ibid. p. 58. 

22 S.I.I. Vol. VII, Nos. 345 and 375. 

23 A.R. No. 584 for 1929-30. 

24 S.I.I. Vol. VII, Nos. 179 and 190. As a matter of fact the form Manjinatha is 
rarely found in the South Kanara epigraphs. 

25 Kern : Manual of Indian Buddhism, pp. 122 and 124. 

M. Govinda Pai— Tulu-nadu (Purvasmnh) — article published in Tehha-nadu (1947). 

25 M. Govinda Pat - Date of Gorakhanalha — article published in the few Indian Antiquary, 
Vol. VIII, No. 1. 

27 It may’ not be entirely true that the name Manjesvara or Manjunatha is employed 
in Tulu-nadu only as we are made to believe by M. Govinda Pai ( Tenha-nadu , p. 37) 
for an inscription from Manjarabad Bekbana-ha]li dated A. D. 1413, speaks of the 
grant made to Mafijinatha (M A.R. (1939) No. 39). Another epigraph from 
Kurugodu, Bcllary, mentions ManjKvara (A.R. No. 56 for 1904: S.I.I. Vol. IX 
Part I, No. 197). 

28 Sabdha-Mahamava (1925), p. 821. 

' V. into Manjunatha^.' The temple which may .originally ' have beeii known . ; 
7 as the Matsyendranatha temple . after the name of the renowned spiritual 
leader, Matsyendranatha (whose image is the - celebrated Bronze of 
v Lokesvara which must have originally been in \l\o- . garbha-gnha)y after, 
v sometime, perhaps, took the form Manjindlha temple, the name Manjinfitha . 

: ; getting associated witli the lapse of time .permanently with Lokesvara, , 
whose , image was installed in A.D. 968 as already discussed 30 . ; Thus 
the influence of the .Natha-P ant-ha must have Teen responsible for the 
popularity of the names Manjunatha and- Manjtsvara, the. latter also signi- : 
fying place-name, as is evidenced by the place, Manjesvara, in the 
• Ivasaragod taluk (now in Kerala), . Whatever be the basis for the assoeia- 
.J • tion of the name Manjunatha the §iva linga dn the ; famous temple of. ’ 
Dharmasthaja belonging, to the district of .South ; Kanara, it may be- 
surmised that this name too . may be ascribed to the influence of the Jsfatha- y 
Panther"'. Discovery of further sources may throw sufficient^ light on this. . 

; important question, which lias not hitherto received due attention from 

the scholars. 

. Lokesvara (Plates 300 and 301) 

This bronze, locally called Brahma by the priests of the temple of 
Manjunatha, Kadre, Mangalore, is 150 cm. high from top to bottom and 
may be regarded as the best of its kind in the country. The elegance;, 
grace, resilience, poise and. tranquillity reflected in the image are a source 
of inspiration and render to it a celebrated place in the bronzes of the 
world. ; '■ v " . .• - f-' 

Lokesvara , is a very imposing figure .with three faces and six arms. 
The attributes are lost excepting the two which are: now kept in the hands 
of the two attendants flanking Lokesvara .. What the other attributes W 
y ■ Were it is difficult to' imagine now. jMani is held in one of the hands. : y. 

v'v : ; 'J 29 M.Gvvinda Pai - Date of Gbrakhndlha - -f arficie pufllisiiecUh^ tlie jfewlLtldian Antiquary jzC-- : v, 
y; w-y v 0 i. vni, No. i.; v . v. ,w. ydyy,, r ::N; wf yny w K ; 
ffv ' ' 30 . If a surmise is possible, We may infer that the Lokesvara image Was installed inside - . 
/} the ^rbhagnhaststlfwhere at present there is the Siva-lu'iga Sri; the; form ofan irregular : ■ 

i' ..... j; ' stone (Plate - 98 (a); and later removed and; kept out in the south cell adjoining the 1 . 7 ; 
'stiltjiamsn^'Dre BVA* Saletore seenis 

■7 ." , y -v Kanphata Jogis in . Southern History - article pubHshed:;in the Poo;/« 0)'i«?tehjy7Volv. : Iyy::;; 

' 31 : M; Govinda Pai discusses fully in one pf his; articles how the Kadre and Dharma- . f. ;; 
si; ywy77-sthala; .$ya-/n^(77' acquired. thc,:name yManjunatKd)J(pA^^ 

■<>:•'•. y- ; y But ir is difficult to share.his views. 7 Py ',5 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

The image is shown in the paryankasana pose on padma-pitha. Over his 
chest flows the uttariya of deer-skin with the symbol of the gazelle head 
displayed very prominently. 

The tliree faces are adjoined to one another, the central one being 
prominent. This longish face is three-eyed with lustrous, enamelled eye- 
balls. Th cjata-mukula accommodates in front the figure of D/ywm-Buddha. 
The whole figure has a flame-like prabhdvaR in the form of a palanquin. 
At the centre of the prabhavali also is depicted the relief of DAyani-Buddha. 

On the pedestal is an epigraph in the grantha characters horizontally 
carved which informs us that tire image of Lokesvara was installed in 
A.D. 968 by Kundavarmarasa, the Alupa king. This is the earliest 
dated bronze of South Kanara and perhaps of Karnataka. Lokesvara 
represents Matsyendranatha who is none other than the, spiritual son 
of Siva Himself according to the Nalha-Pantha which seemed to have 
rooted at Kadre by die 10th centiry A.D. The relief of Siva lihgas 
on the prabhavali on either side of the image is a significant feature of 
this sculpture. 

Manjughosha (. MaiijuM ) [Plate 302(a)] 

This bronze from the Kadre Manjunatha temple, Mangalore is 
another celebrated example of circa lOth-llth G. metal casting. Local 
tradition calls this Narayana but it is evident that the image is of Manju- 
ghosha. It is 3 J' in height and is, in every respect, comparable to Vijaya- 
narayana of Betamangala in -workmanship (M. A. R. 1911 Plate IV-1). 
Seated in the paryankasana pose, drapery is shown wound round the w r aist 
covering the thighs. It is a four-armed bronze the upper two hands 
suggestive of the dismay a pose (It looks as though the attributes are lost). 
The left lower has the vyakhyana mudra and the right lower has a gun] a on 
the palm. The jala-mukuta which is considerably tall has in front the 
relief of D/yam-Buddha. The nature of the arm ornament, kati-siitra, 
kundalas, brace-lets, yajndpavita and facial expression - all suggest that this 
bronze could stylistically be ascribed to circa lOth-llth C.A.D. 

Lokesvara (Bronze used as the bali-devala of the Manjunatha temple)- 
[Plate 337(6)] This bronze is about 25 cm. in height and is in sarna- 
bhanga. The upper two hands hold akshamdla and padma? and the lower 
two are in the abhaya pose. The lower garment is very well folded and 
displayed on the sides of the waist, while the main part of the drapery 

the top and i)/^.^?- Buddha is seated in front/ f This icon is enough proof 
that the m ulasihand deity : is non-Brahminical and the inscribed Lokesvara. 

was? the pradhaM-devaia of this . temple. ; This bronze may be placed 
between the TOtfr and the 1 1th C.A.D. • "A ■ ;.f A : 

■Mfi$en#rattuika ■ ; ; ; ■■ 

There are; two' stone sculptures, of this Nathci-Pantha ydgi.r One is 
slightly mutilated and is now kept in the Govt. Museum, Mangalore 
[Plate 302(£)]J . -It is 3^' high and the resilience of sculpture delineation 
is simply captivating. ; -This is partly a relief figure and true to the name, 
the yogi is seated on the fish (matsya). The left hand holds danda and the 
right is ih the^h3!^,:p6seif ^ Thelpther one is being worshipped in the 
Manjunatha temple, Kadre in the southern niche (Plate 303). It is 
also 3' high and is m padmasana. The sculptural features do not help us 
to identify this figure as Matsyendranatha. This image may be of the 

f G. A.D. : 

Sringinatha (Plate 303) .... , ... . • .j 

V .;. Another sculpture belonging to die Naiha-Fantiiti is .that of $ringinatha. 
This is installed in the northern niche of the temple;.. The upper. hands 
hold akshamala and sankha and the lower are held in the. abhaya and, varada 
pose.- The interesting feature ..of this image is the three hooded-serpent 
sheltering the head of Srihginatha.. . . v; AA/H ' 

Gorakhandtha- [Plate 304 (a) j , ' v.,-, A;;A. ; 1 - A 

AAf This is a life size sculpture m. sKanda-bhahga and is kept to the’ west 
of the sanctumsanctomm of the temple, in the circum-ambularory passage. 
The features: are suggestive of its medieval, character.. /Boar is the vdia'na ; 
shown ih relief on the pedestal. fey y A.‘.b fy A-Av.T 


■’^A'A A/A. ' •( Worship of Derfi) ; f AAAAA .f >/A;/y >A\A’;f ' A; 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

emphasis laid on the monographic features of Mahishasuratnardini 1 . 
The worship of Devi or Durga was in practice, at any rate, during the 
Kushana period and we have concrete evidence of Durga representation 
on sculpture starting from that period 2 . 

“Among the numerous sculptures that stand as monuments to the 
cultural greatness of the Pallava and Pandya rule, from the 7th to the 
9th century, are the panels, representing Mahishamardini, carved in the 
monolithic and cave temples of South India. The Goddess is generally 
represented with a benign countenance, eight-armed, astride Her lion, 
and aiming a spear at the bottom. In the Siva temples of the early 
Chola period, a separate sub-shrine was assigned to Durga and in the 
later epochs, a shrine or niche to the north of the sanctum , where she is 
generally represented with four arms and standing on the head of Mahisha’T 

The common-folk propitiate Durga under different local names, 
too numerous to mention, and enshrine Her as the guardian deity of 
villages. The initiated pray to Her for liberation. She receives adoration 
in one or other of her nine forms ( Navadurga ) or Bhadrakalt, the auspicious 
Mother, who passes beyond the range of time causation. She is being 
worshipped in the form of a mystic diagram in pancha-varna and the worship 
includes all the Tantric rituals beginning with self-purification 4 and ending 
with oblations 3 . 

We have almost definite proof of temples dedicated to Devi in the 
distiict of South Kanara in about the 7th - 8th centuries A.D. The 
recently discovered Bclmannu copper-plate belonging to the 8th C.A.D. 
makes mention of Vindhyavasini, who is none other than Mahishamardini 
of the Durga temple of the place (Plate VIII). Both the mulasthdna 
image and one of the three bronzes give unmistakable proof of their being 
ascribed to the Chalukyan period (Plate 113). Likewise, one of the 
inscriptions from Polali gives us the invocation to the Sapta-matrikas and 
it is beyond doubt now that the deity invoked is Rajarajcsvari of Polali, 
who is the ICaumarl form of Durga (Plate 138). The Mahishamardini 
icon from the same temple and tire recently discovered epigraph on the 

1 Dr. M. Seshadri - Mahishasuramardini - published in the Half-Yearly Journal of the 

Mysore University — Section A-Aits, pp. 1-28 (March, 1963). 

2 The account of Sahti Worship given by Dr. S Srikanta Sastn in his Bharatiya homskriti 

is enlightening (pp 148-152). 

1 The Cultural Herttat;e of India, Vol, IV, pp. 252-253. 

4 BhaiaSuddhi and Atmasuddlu. 

5 J3ah and lilma. 


lintel of the temple prove the surmise of the existence of the temple in tlih 
place by about the 8th CbA.D . [Plate 11 8(c) "and Plate XI(h)]. . The 
antiquity of Durga worship is substantiated by the presence of an inscription 
assignable to the 10th century A. D. belonging to Padu-Ale\hiru of the 
Udipi taluk of the same district. It records a grant by one Abbe of 
Kokkarani to the goddess of Padu-Alevuru. on the day when mKumbha 
was Bfihaspati in, the month of D hanu of the year Virddhikriiu c . y Perhaps, 
this epigraph may be taken to be the earliest, hitherto, discovered making 
reference to the name Devi 1 . Kolluru (Kuvalayapura) in the Coondapur 
taluk of South Kanara is stated to have been visited by $ri Sahkaracharya 
who condemned the Sakta secretarian system and the Sarasvata sect. 
The fact that Kolluru in the 10th C.A.D. may have been a centre of 
Sakti worship, could also be proved hi the light of an inscription, ascribable 
to that century and discovered in Kolluru 8 . It appears to mention a 
gift, probably of land and we may surmise that it was a gift made to the 
goddess. It is doubtful whether the . metallic image of Mukambika (now. 
found on the pedestal, of the sanctumsanctorum) was consecrated by the 
great Acharya himself as tradition informs us, Tor iconographically the 
image of Mukambika belongs to the Vijayanagara period and not to an 
earlier date 9 (Plate 112). Yet, it is unquestionable that Kolluru must 
have been visited by Sri Sarikar acharya, owing to which, it has, ever since 
then, been a place of pilgrimage for the people of Malabar, to which 
district the great Acharya belonged. In all probability, the name of 
Mukambika first occurs in an epigraph, dated A. D. 1482, and it is difficult 
to say when this name came to be associated with the goddess of Kolluru ,0 . 
$ri[ Vadiraja-svami (A.D; 1480 - A. D. 1600) of. Sode Malha> >• Udupi, 
invokes this divinity. as. follows : 11 A: ;.V. . • ; y • : ^ By: 

y.jy H . " • Mukambika kripalokadakarnkshita phalaprada . ■ y ’’ yr'.-tBy; A 

% w. /'Mukqha-krittirie-fairunekdntika janapYiyd P i'y MB:- ■ v 

>y. p's ■' Kvachitprithivyam paritascharanti y "y. •■■■ ■': y •• :: d-;- • y ,• >• i yMy 

'/. No. 585 for 1929-’30. by • ' •• . ;A'.b A; - y ' 

, y • 7 The first dated epigraph mentioning Devi belongs , to Payive (Haive) which later 
.yk-iy hecamopart of Tuluva. This record is dated A.D.97I inwhich it is said, it; had af 
Vj . vf temple dedicated to the goddess, :Gundadabbe (Ep .Car. V ol. Vllly Sorah- N6V479) . 

8 ABi:<No. 319 for 1 95 3-’54. "ybd Ydy'’: A. -by) Ayd; 

-S Tn the Smiupnir rniKlishprl hv' thftt IVfvsdre' •.T'.awviers’ '• Gfm'f^rrrirp'. f-li/T ti>nrrh>lnr/* 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

nabhashyalanchapi muhurvrajanii 
KatyayM kantukavatvibhdli. 

(Mukambika is the deity, who bestows upon Her devotees the fruits 
of their desire; She is one who will silence those (devotees) that do not 
vanquish her enemies and she is gracious toward those who are devout 
solely to Her. In the course of vanquishing (the asuras ), she moves from 
earth to heaven to earth, dazzles (the path of Her movement) and shines 
resplendant like Kantuka). The survey of the Durga temples in the 
Tulu country, especially temples dedicated to Mahisha-Mahishasura- 
mardini form of Durga has disclosed to us the hitherto hidden truth 
of their great antiquity, many of them being ascribable to the Western 
Chaluhyan period (Plates 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 
123, 124, 125 etc.) 

Based on an examination of the sculpture of Devi installed in the 
temple of Mangaladevi, Mangalore, and also the representation of Ganesa 
in the sub-shrine of the same temple, we have sufficient grounds to believe 
that the temple must have existed in the 7th or even 8th century A.D. 12 
The name Mangalapura occurs in the 7th century A.D. for the first 
time in a Tamil epigraph, as already mentioned and tradition associates 
the name of Mangalapura -with Mahgajadevi. Although we do require 
more substantial proof to vindicate that the image could belong to the 
7th G.A.D., there may not be any doubt that it happens to be one of 
the earliest pieces of sculpture in Tu]uva [Plate 137(a)]. 

There may not be any divided opinion in regard to the acceptance of 
the cult of Sapta - mdlrikas as one of the most ancient in India. The seven 
Dcvis were believed to be the faminine counterparts of the seven great 
Braluninical gods (Brahma, Mahelvara, Kumara, Vishnu, Varaha, 
Indra and Chamunda) and their origin is explained in mythology as 
follows : 13 Andhasura, the chief of the asuras, was capable of creating 

11 Txrlhaprabhanda-Paschimaprabhar.da Verses 5G & 58. 

12 This temple of Mangaladevi is completely renovated now and only the images 

of Devi and GaneSa and also the iirthadiara indicate ancientness. The image or 
Devi seems a bas-relief about 3 "3 ' in height seated in the padmasana pose and having 
only two hands GaneSa too bears early features with a thick set, half bowl-like 
kirifa and virtually squatting on the as ana. . 

There is vague reference to the Sapta-matrikas in the Rig-veda. But it js 
doubtful whether the later concept of the Mothers was represented in it. A 
complete description of the Saptamatrikas is given in the Saradd-txlaka. 

13 Alice Getty - Ganisa, A Monograph on the Elephant-Faced God, Chapter II, p. II. 



one asura out of every drop of blood falling to the earth from the slain 
asuras and Siva, fearing that he would be overcome by them, created out 
of the flame, that issued from his mouth in battle, a Saktu Yogesvari 
by name. The other seven gods did likewise and the seven $aktis } thus 
brought into existence, headed by Yogesvari, caught each drop of blood 
as it fell to the earth and thus was the chief of the asuras vanquished. 
The goddesses were given the names corresponding to the epithets of the 
Seven Great Brahminical Gods, of whom they were supposed to be the 
counterparts. They carried their cymbals and the vahanas and were 
also looked upon as inheriting the qualities of their original powers. 
Brahml - pride; Mahesvari, - anger; Kaumari - illusion; V aishnavl ~ 
covetousness; Varahl-envy; Indram - fault-finding and Ghamunda- 
tale-bearing. The leader of the Sapta-matrikas, Yogesvari, was taken to 
represent desire. 

In the Harivanisa , there are prayers offered to the Sapta-matrikas , who 
are implored to give protection to little children in form of their real, 
mothers 14 . It may be said that this would be the reason why tire Seven 
Saktis were called the Divine Mothers. Dr. Shama Shastri rightly opines 
that in ancient India the Mother of the world was called Mdlr and the 
symbol which stood for her was called Matrika 15 . 

We have the existence of a temple dedicated to a group of the Sapta- 
vidfrikas at Udayavara, with colossal stucco images of Brahml, Mahesvari 
and Vaishnavl and Chamunda. In spite of the modern appearance 
of the structure of the temple, 1 ’ we may have to admit that the cult of the 
worship of the Sapta-matrikas in Udayavara must at least have come 
into practice from about the 10th century A.D. as evidenced by the 
features of the images and also by the fact that the Sapta-matrika worship 
as principal divinities had practically disappeared from about the 12th 

14 Harivarhsa. The Chalukyas of Badami described themselves as Hariti-putrdnam 

Saptamatribhirabhivardhitam. In the Brihatsamhita of Varaharnihira - (A.D. 505 - 
A.D. 587) we find the monographic rule that the Mothers are 1 to be made with 
cognisances of gods corresponding 'o heir names (K.A.N. Sastri - Development 
of Religion in South India , pp. 65-66.) - - 

15 Irid. Ant. Sept. 1906, p. 253. 

16 The epigraphical report relating to this temple is erroneous in that the images 

are almost identified in it with Gayatri, Savilrt and Sarasvali and the whole group 
of representations is taken to be modern. Moreover, the wooden Virabhadfa 
placed in one of the cells, who received grants in- an inscription of the 
15th century ( S.I.I . Vol. VII, No. 295) is reported to be *Bhairava. But 
this has no basis. ‘ " * - 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

C.A.D. 17 That this crult could even go back to the 8th C.A.D. is 
suggested earlier by citing the example of the Rajarajesvari temple, Polali. 
Despite the fact that the Chalukyas were much in favour of the cult of 
the Sapta-matrikas , few sculptures of the Seven Divine Mothers are to be 
found in their temples and more than that, there are very few temples 
erected and dedicated to them entirely as pradhana-devatas. No doubt 
they figure as subsidiary divinities, their images being installed in niches 
or sub-cells 18 . Such Sapta-malrikd groups are also found during the Hoysala 
period 15 . And in Tulu-nadu two of the early temples - the Kotinatha 
temple, Kote^vara and the Somanathesvara temple, Somesvara, Ullaja- 
contain the representation of the Sapta-matrikas in separate, full sculptural 
forms which, judged from the workmanship, may be assigned to the early 
medieval period. The point of interest is that from fairly early times 
the cult of Seven Divine Mothers must have been popular in Tuju-nadu 
(especially in South Kanara). That at Barakuru too this cult was in 
vogue is evidenced by the existence of a shrine popularly known as the 
Mahalakshmi temple (Plate 145(6)) wherein we find the stucco images 
of Brahml, Mahesvarl and Vaishnavl in life size. 

Udupi (Sivalli) and its environs were a big centre of Sakti worship 
from early times. The temples of Mahishamardini, Kadiyali (Plate 1 16,) 
of Jayadurga or Paramesvarl, Kannarpadi [Plate 166(a))]; of Durga- 
Bhagavati, Nilavara [Plate 125(c)] 10 ; of Mahishasuramardini, Bailuru 
[Plate 152(c)]; of Durga, Putturu [Plate 162(c)], of Mahishasura- 
mardini of Udyavara 21 (Plate 122) and of Mahishasuramai dini, Kunjaru 

17 The Cultural Heritage of India, Vol. IV, p. 254. 

18 The best preserved Chalukyan representation of tiie Sapta-matrikas is at Lakkanflt 
in the temple of Kafi-Visvefvara, where they are all imaged with four arms holding 
their respective attributes and having their respective vahanas (Alice Getty -Ganesa - 
A Monograph on the Elcphant-Faced-God, Chap. Ill, p. 27) One of the finest of these 
is found in the Kailasanatha temple in Kanchipuram. 

19 Saptamatrika panels in Halebiqiu and Bcliiru. 

20 The first epigraph making grants to Durga-Bhagavati of Nilavara dates A.D. 1279 
(A .R. No. 491 for 1928— ’29), Yet we could reasonably assume that at least a centup' 
earlier, the temple must have been erected, as may be proved by iconography 
features of the image of Bhagavati which is indeed awe-inspiring. Profuse guts 
were made to this deity both by the Aiupas and the Vijayanagara governors oi 
Barakuru (A.R.Nos. 491, 492, 494, 495, 496, 497, 498, for 1928-’29 etc.)_ An 
epigraph from Nilavara, dated 1400 A.D , mentions that the temple ofDurgadevi 
was renovated by the sixteen of the grama and others It may be surmised that 
at least three centuries must have elapsed before this renovation took place (A. R- 
No. 499 for 1928-’29). 

21 This temple is in complete rums and the image is broken into bits. 


Religion >. 


[Plate 121(6)] amply prove the preponderant influence of Sakti -worship. 
Kunjaru to which Pajakakshetra, the birth place of Sri Madhvacharya, 
belonged has been noted for the worship of Dew at least from the 9th- 
10th centuries A.D. 22 . 

Likewise, it appears that Mudabidure and its environs were also 
reputed for tire cult of Saktism. An epigraph of Kariyahgala, Mangalore 
taluk, ascribable to the 11th century A.D. states that Ivumara Jayasiiiga- 
arasa made a grant of land to Holala-Bhattaraki 23 . A full description 
of the stucco images in this temple is given elsewhere. Suffice to say 
that our surmise that the temple may have been in existence by about 
the 8th century A.D . as stated earlier, may not be untrue 24 . If Bhavani- 
pura of the Sankara-vijaya 25 were to be identified with this place (as done 
according to tradition) i.e. Polali, then we may venture to infer that 
Sakti worship was prevalent here by about the 8th century A.D. It 
may not be far wrong to discover early features in almost all the icons 
enshrined in this group of divinities of Polali [Plates 138, 139, 140(a), 50(6)]. 
That Mudabidure was under the influence of the Sakti cult is evidenced 
by an epigraph of the same place, dated A.D. 1205, which refers to the 
deity as the Devi of Bidure ( Bidiriyada-Devif 5 [Plate 124(e)]. This 
epigraph is only a dedicatory one and it goes without saying that the 
temple may have been constructed earlier. 

We find a large number of temples, dedicated to the goddess, Devi, 
(as pradhdna-devata) all over Tulu-nadu. The popular names associated 
with Her are Durga, Durga-Bhagavatl, Durga-Paramesvari, Mahisha- 
mardini and Mahishasuramardini and Ghandikadevi 27 or Chandesvari 28 . 

, Until the advent of Madhvaism the most popular form of worship 
was Panchdyatana , and invariably it included the worship of Sakti 

22 In the Sumadhva-bijaya, it is mentioned that Sri Madhvacharya’s father was devoted 
to, this divinity. ( Sarga II - Sloka II). The temple is completely renovated at 

22 A.R. No. 390 for 1928; S.I.I. Vol. IX, Part I No. 399. 

24 The 12" high icon of Mahishamardini enshrined in one of the sub-cells in Polali 
is indeed indicative of early features. Mahisha is pierced with the Irisula and the 
tail is lifted up. The Lirila is a tiered one [Plate 1 18(c)]. 

25 Anandagiri - Sankara-vijaya, Chapter VI. 

26 S’.J.I . Vol. VII, No. 223. The temple is in ruins and it is apsidal on plan, con- 

structed out of laterite bricks. The image of Devi (who is Mahishamardini) bears 
all features of about the 10th century A.D. [Plate 124 (c)]. , 

27 S.LI. Vol. VII, No. 318. 

28 A.R. No. 282 for 1931~’32. ' 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

( Ambika ) either as the chief divinity or as a subsidiary one. Along with 
Saivism, the cult of Sakti worship flourished in great popularity and both 
of them combined seem to have given a strong stimulous for the multipli- 
cation of devils (b hut as) worshipped by a vast majority of the people of 

Types in Durga forms 

Devi or Durga is worshipped, as explained above in a variety of 
forms, according to the nature of Her actions. It is known to scholars 
that each form of Durga is worshipped in fulfilment of an objective 
cherished by the devotees for which invocation is offered. 

The most important form of Durga, universally, worshipped all over 
Tulu-nadu, particularly in the temples of public worship is Mahisha- 
mardini — Mahishasuramardini. Very early sculptures of this form are 
discernible, indicative of the great antiquity to which this cult of worship 
may be assigned. Four characteristic types may be noticed in this form 
of Durga. 

Types m Mahisha-Mahishasuramardini 
Type- A 

Durga is depicted, according to this type, as vaniquishing Mahishasura 
(the demon) in the form of Maldsha only (that is the demon is represented 
in the form of a buffalo). Generally speaking, this form of Durga, known 
as Mahishamardini may be accepted as an early phase of the sculpturing 
of tliis deity and this kind of representation may be assigned to a period 
between the 5th century A.D. and the 10th C. A. D. [Plates 113, 114, 
115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 123(a), 123(c), 124(a), 124(c), 126(6), 127(a), 
127(6), 128(a), 134(a), 134(6), 134(c), 135(a). 135(6), 136(a), 136(6), 
165(6), 175(a)]. The illustrations cited above prove that a great 
deal of ingenuity is employed in the sculpturing of this form of Durga. 
Sometimes the demeanour is calm, sometimes the vigour depicted in 
vanquishing the demon is severe and sometimes the action ingrained in 
Die. sculpture is shown as terrible. Even in this type of representation 
various chronological denominations may be noticed based on the nature 
of the position of the attributes, the drapery worn, the size and form of 
hiritd, the features shown in the prabhdvah, the characteristic features depicted 
m Mahisha and m Iris being handled by Devi, and the alahkaras carved 


* Religion 

in. the sculpture. One or two examples will further clarify the point. 
Qie figure of Mahishamardini in the Durgadevi temple, Kunjuru 
Plate 115(a)] is devoid of all alankara and is a very primitive form of scul- 
Htire. Likewise the figures from the Ambaru Devi temple (Plate 115(e)] 
md S5manathesvara temple, Ullala [Plate 114(c)]. The Maliisliamardini 
con from the P a rich alinges v a r a temple, Barakuru is just a relief figure 
iscribable to a fairly early date [Plate 114(a)]. 

In all these examples, whether Devi is represented with two arms 
)r four, the common characteristic noticeable is cither the lifting of Mahisha 
yy the tail or the seizing of the snout of Mahisha by Devi, while Mahisha 
s being pierced with the trident, whose frongs are invariably, held upwards, 
rhese early figures do not have the prabhavali , ; in rare instances there is 
found an apology of the prabhavali which is more in the nature of a support 
for tire attributes held upwards. As an example of the severity in van- 
quishing the demon, may be cited the figure from the Mahabalesvara 
temple, Gdkarna [Plate 114(6)], wherein Mahisha is depicted as being 
seized by his leg by Devi. The whole body of Mahisha being held topsy- 
turvy and the neck being sandwiched between the piercing trident and the 
pedestal. The Mahishamardinim from the Durgadevi temple Kannaru 
may be said to form a type in itself in that it is exceedingly elegant 
and is totally free from head-gear, while the hair is shown in the form of a 
knot to the right of the neck. It looks as though the figure is carved anew. 
The prominent siraschakra showm in the figures from the Mahabalesvara 
temple, Gdkarna, M. G, M. College Museum Udupi, the Baggavadi 
Mahishamardini temple and the Durgadevi temple, Puncha, may prompt 
us to infer that these figures could be classified again as a type within 
the type, ascribable to an early date. [Plates 115 (6), 117 and 120 (6)] 

Type - B 

In this type Mahishasura is represented in the anthropomorphic 
form. Tins may be either in the form of human body with the head 
of Mahisha or the body of Mahisha with the human head. The former 
is more common. Mahishasura is depicted as attacking Devi, While 
tile demon is shown as being seized by Devi by his snout or the' arm and ' 
pierced by the trident. The vanquishment of the demon is further shown 
by Devi’s foot or knee being placed on the back of the demon [Plates 121 (6), 
122,* 123(6), 124(6), 125(c), 129, 132(a), and 133(6)]. While we may be 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

cautioned against too sweeping a generalization, it may be inferred that tins 
type of representation comes chronologically a little later than type A. 


When Mahishasura is depicted as jutting out of the slit neck of Mahisha 
and attacking Devi with all the power under his command, the sculpture 
lends itself to be classed as a separate type. Normally this type is assigned 
to the 11th, 12th and 13th centuries A.D. In this type Devi has a dual 
role to play - the emerging, Mahishasura to be vanquished and the 
Mahisha to be slaid. Normally the latter task is accomplished by the 
mhana of Dew [Plates 126(c), 127(c), 128(A), 130, 131, 132(A), 133(a), 
133(c), 135(c), 146(A), 168(A), 169(d), 170(a)], In all fairness it may 
be inferred that the Mahishasuramardini image from the Senesvara 
temple Bainduru carved out of jet black stone and rising to a height of 
3 feet may be regarded as one of the best of its kind in Karnataka. This 
belongs to the 13th G.A.D. and reflects the characteristic features of 
the Kalyani Chalukyan type. 


In this type Devi is represented as standing on the severed head of 
Mahisha. This form of representation normally belongs to the 9th and 
the 10th G.A.D. Devi is shown as holding the trident vertically placing 
the same on the head of Mahisha. This stage of Devi’s representation 
represents the face of her final fulfilment. So far as the Tulu country 
is concerned only two sculptures belonging to this type have been dis- 
covered. [Plates 171(a) and 161(d)], The bronze image from the Durga 
temple Karanje may also be said to belong to this type in its slightly altered 
form [Plate 159(a)], 

Particular mention may be made of Mahishamardini images with 
the representation of the vahana (the lion) taking active part in the action 
and of the vahana, remaining silent without participating in the action. The 
former category may be said to belong to a bit later period than the latter 
[Plates 122, 123(A), 126(a), 127(c), 129, 128(A), 130, 132(A), 135(c), 168(A), 
169(d), 170(a)], The typical example of the vahana being silent and in 
observation only may be had in the mutilated Mahishasuramardini image 
from Udhyavara (Plate 122). Sometimes even in very late figures the 
vahana may be shown in an attitude of inaction [Plate 135(c)], 

'Jvs Mligion / 

■: : Amongst the good and vigorous Mahisharairamardini bronzes assign-/ 

able to the medieval period, may. be mentioned those from ^;G 
'Plate .1 28 (a)], the Balakuduru Maiha [Plate' ; 128(&)]> the Ivotinatha 
:emplc, Kotesvara [Plate /165(b)]. the Gauapati temple Pandesvara 
[Pi ate/l 1 65 (i/)] , the Somanatlia temple, Puttige [Plate 170(a)] and the 
biirga temple, Karanje [Plate 159 (a)]. ... • ;V, '?///■;./[ f/ 

Types in the Safita-matrika Icons ■/ ■■/ , , ,/V. ; ,y . ' / 

/ff. Stucco images with. two arms and the Idhcharia: As, already .mentioned 
elsewhere these figures have their colossal representation in the Virabhadra . 
temple, Udyavara. Here amongst the Sapta-matrikas Brahml, Mahesvari 
Vaishnavi and Ghamunda have been shown in life-size, figures with their 
respective vahanas, . namely, hamsa vrishabha , garitda and srnha. These, 
afe unique two-armed figures. The first three. being wrongly worshipped 
as [Gayatri, Savitri and Sarasvati. The practice of periodical painting 
lias covered up the monographic details of these figures. Perhaps, the 
stucco images from the Mahalakshmi temple, Barakurn [Plate 145 (/>)]• 
also belong to this class. Goddess Rajarajesvan of Po|ali, as already 
mentioned, is none other than Kaumari, one of the Sapta-matrikas. , Tins 
two-armed image is made of stucco and is nearly 12 feet in height (Plate 138), 
the features of the image (two arms, simha-pitha, attendants and the 
anatomy) suggest its ascription to circa 8th C.A.J),. And. perhaps,,; 
this happens to be the highest of its kind in Karnataka. (Plate 138). The 
image of Bhadrakall to the left of Kaumari may be .Ghamunda with fox ; 
as the vahana (Plate 139). 



- armed stone figures with ; or 

without ; Imchahd: The f; Kotesvara' 

Sapta - matrika figures (Plate 141) may be considered as of all - Karnataka ; ; 

i fnA j ih X: Rdt/o A-lm f*AnV he Ati to ft An . , of- - tild-Cir - 

importance and they do not have, the representation c 


Studies in Tulima. History and Culture 

Type - C 

This type comprises the Sapta - matrika panel. The panel from the 
Senesvara temple, Bainduru characteristically depicts the Kalyani 
Chalukyan style. The Sapta - matrika figure from the Chitrapura Matha, 
Sirali is of particular significance. It consists of six Matrikas only and 
includes Ganesa only instead of Gancsa and Virabhadra. This is a rare 
phenomenon. The recent discover)' of an isolated Varahi bionze 
[Plate 111(a)] should draw the attention of any iconographist. This 
is a six-inch high bronze, seated in the padmasana pose and has the lion 
as the lanchana instead of the usual elephant. It is also unique in having 
eight arms. The figure may be assigned to circa 11th G.A.D. Two 
isolated Chamunda figures could also draw our particular attention. 
The one from the Senesvara temple, Bainduru [Plate 146(a)] is a master- 
piece of the 13th C.A.D. and the other one, a bronze [Plate 175(d)] is 
from the Virabhadra temple, Udhyavara. Both these sculptures depict 
all the characteristics of the terrible form of Durga. 

Any account of the worship of the Sapta-matrikas will be incomplete 
without reference to the peculiar and at the same time ancient practice 
of worshipping the Seven Mothers in association with Naga i.e. with 
Subrahmanya. The Sapta-matrika gioup in the Somanathesvara temple, 
Ullala includes the effigy of Naga as well. In Tulu-nadu, as explained 
elsewhere, the worship of Naga is identical with the worship Subrahmanya 
and it has to be particularly noted that almost all centres of Skanda worship 
are renowned for Naga worship. In other words, the mulasthana of Subrah- 
manya is valmika. And tlieiefore, the ancient cult of worshipping Subrah- 
manya with the Sapta-matrikas which is a rare phenomenon elsewhere 
in South India is still a living culture in Tulu-nadu. That is why Skanda 
is worshipped along with Kaumari (RajarajeSvarl) at Polali. Moreover, 
in many of the famous Sakti centres, the association of Skanda is a very 
significant aspect. Skanda is the bali-dcvala in the Durga-Bhagavati 
temple, Nilas ara. [Plate 293A-(c)] Like-wise, valmika is vervi mportant 
in Kannaru and Mandaiti Mahishamardiru temples. 

Types in other forms of Durga 

Four images of Durga with chakra, sahka, gada and padma in the upper 
right and left and lower left and eight hands respectively as attributes 
have been noticed and tills type seems to represent the Vaislinavl form 



of Durga, as come across in the Devi-Mahalmya of the Mdrkandeya-Puram 
[Plate 148 (6), 164 (< 2 ), 146(6), and 1 72(c)]. Stylistically the figures illustrated 
in Plates 164(a) and 164-(6) could conveniently be abscribed at least to 
the lOtli G, A.D . A variation of this type may be noticed in Plate 148(c) 
where Devi is depicted as being seated in the padmdsana pose, a nd gada 
is missing, while suggestive of symbolic representation. 

Two illustrations of the form of Jaya-Durga may be had from the 
Kannarapadi and Ambalapadi temples [Plates 166(a) and 174(a)]. The 

former is carved out of stone and the latter of wood. While the latter 


has the skull ornamentation, the former is a flowing neat figure with 
very modest carving and with the rampant lion on the prabhdvali. Five 
Kali figures [illustrated in Plates 139, 140, 151 (a), 151(6), 159(6), 161(a) 
and 171(6)] are worthy of particular note. The Kali figure from the 
RajarajeSvari temple, Polali is made of stucco, two-armed and is of life 
size. This, perhaps, is a unique figure of tills type and has the fox as the 
vdhana. One foot of Kali is placed on the vahana. Perhaps, this is 
Chamunda. The Kali figure from Barakuru [Plate 151(a)] again is unique, 
in that it has camel as the vahana carved on the pedestal. Tins figure 
is an exquisite specimen of the Vijayanagara style. To the same style 
belong the figures from the Kalikamba temple, Karkala and the 
Kalikamba temple, Mangalore. While the former has the three 
human-head reliefs on the pedestal, the latter represents the bull as the 
lahchana. The Kali image, popularly, known as Manga ladevi from the 
temple at Sujeru has its own characteristics in being represented in 
the samabhanga pose holding serpent , damaruka, pdnapatra and khadga in 
her hands and wearing a garland of skulls. The lower portion of the image, 
having been mutilated, is rendered stable by a metallic plate, with the 
result the original features seem to have been lost. But the icon is really 
ancient at least ascribablc to the 9th century A. D. 

Special mention may be made of the form of RipUmdri Durgd from the 
temple of Durgadevi , ICemmannu. This is a two-armed figure bearing 
fairly early features with the trident in the right hand and the left raised 
on the waist ( katyavalambita ). This can be ascribed to the 9th and 10th 
centuries A.D. [Plate 165(a)]. We have an exquisite bronze of Parvati 
in the typical Kalyani chalukyan style in the small shrine of Lakshmi- 
Narayana of Barakuru [Plate 167(6)]. Although worn out, it has a 
distinct place in the bronzes of the Tulu country. Another early piece, 


Studies in Tuhma History and Culture 


This type comprises the Sapta - matnka panel. The panel from the 
Senesvara temple, Bainduru characteristically depicts the Kalyani 
Chalukyan style. The Sapta - matrika figure from the Chitrapura Matha, 
Sirali is of particular significance. It consists of six Matrihas only and 
includes Ganesa only instead of Ganesa and Virabhadra This is a rare 
phenomenon The recent discovery of an isolated Varahi bronze 
[Plate 111(a)] should draw the attention of any iconographist. This 
is a six-inch high bronze, seated in the padmdsana pose and has the lion 
as the lanchana instead of the usual elephant It is also unique in haring 
eight arms. The figure may be assigned to circa 11th G.A.D. Two 
isolated Chamunda figures could also draw our particular attention. 
The one from the Senesvara temple, Bainduru [Plate 146(a)] is a master- 
piece of the 13tli C.A.D. and the other one, a bronze [Plate 175(</)] is 
from the Virabhadra temple, Udhyavara Both these sculptures depict 
all the characteristics of the terrible form of Durga. 

Any account of the worship of the Sapta-matrikas will be incomplete 
without reference to the peculiar and at the same time ancient practice 
of W'ordiipping the Seven Mothers in association wdth JPaga i.e. with 
Subralimanya. The Sapta-matriha group in the Somanathesvara temple, 
Ullala includes the effigy of J\ r aga as w>ell. In Tulu-nadu, as explained 
elsewhere, the worship of Naga is identical with the worship Subrahmanya 
and it has to be pai ticularly noted that almost all centres of Skanda worship 
ai e renotv ned for Pfdga worship In other words, the miilasthana of Subrah- 
manya is vahnika. And therefore, the ancient cult of worshipping Subrah- 
manya with the Sapta-matrikas which is a rare phenomenon elsewhere 
in South India is still a living culture m Tulu-nadu. That is why Skanda 
is worshipped along with Kaumari (Rajarajesvari) at Polali Moreover, 
in man) of the famous Sakti centres, the association of Skanda is a very 
significant aspect. Skanda b the bali-devata in the Durga-Bhagavatl 
temple, Nilatara. [Plate 293A-(c)j Like-wise, valmika is veryi mportant 
in Kannaru and Mandarti Maliishamardini temples. 

Types in other forms of Durga 

Four images of Durga wdth chakra , sahka , gada and padma in the upper 
right and left and lower left and eight hands respectively as attributes 
have been noticed and this type seems to represent the Vaishnari form 

Kcligion 311 

of Durga, as come across in the Devi-Mahaimya of the Markandeya-Purana 
[Plate 148(6), 164(h), 146(6), and 112(c)']. Stylistically the figures illustrated 
in Plates 164(c) and 164(6) could conveniently be abscribed at least to 
the 10th C . A . D . A variation of this type may be noticed in Plate 148 ty) 
where Devi is depicted as being seated in the padmasana pose, and gada 
is missing, while suggestive of symbolic representation. 

Two illustrations of the form of Jaya-Durga may be had from the 
Kannarapadi and Ambalapadi temples [Plates 166(c) and 174(c)]. The 
former is carved out of stone and the latter of wood. While the latter 
has the skull ornamentation, the former is a flowing neat figure with 
very modest carving and with the rampant lion on the prabhavali. Five 
Kali figures [illustrated in Plates 139, 140, 151(c), 151(6), 159(6), 161(c) 
and 171(6)] are worthy of particular note. The Kali figure from the 
Rajarajesvarf temple, Polali is made of stucco, two-armed and is of life 
size. This, perhaps, is a unique figure of this type and has the fox as the 
vdhana. One foot of Kali is placed on the vdhana. Perhaps, this is 
Chamunda. The Kali figure from Barakuru [Plate 151(c)] again is unique, 
in that it has camel as the vdhana carved on the pedestal. This figure 
is an exquisite specimen of the Vijayanagara style. To the same style 
belong the figures from the Kalikamba temple, Karka]a and the 
Kalikamba temple, Mangalore. While the former has the three 
human-head reliefs on the pedestal, the latter represents the bull as the 
lanchana. The Kali image, popularly, Imown as Mangaladevi from the 
temple at Sujeru has its own characteristics in being represented in 
the samabhahga pose holding serpent , damaruka, pdnapatra and khadga in 
her hands and -wearing a garland of skulls. The lower portion of the image, 
having been mutilated, is rendered stable by a metallic plate, with the 
result the original features seem to have been lost. But the icon is really 
ancient at least ascribable to the 9th century A.D . 

. Special mention may be made of die form of Ripumari Durga from the 
temple of Durgadevi, Kemmannu. This is a two-armed figure bearing 
fairly early features with the trident in the right hand and the left raised 
on the waist (katyavalambita). This can be ascribed to the 9th and 10th 
centuries A.D. [Plate 165(c)]. We have an exquisite bronze of Parvati 
in the typical Kalyani chalukyan style in the small shrine of Lakshim- 
Narayana of Barakuru [Plate 167(6)]. Although worn out, it has > a 
distinct place in the bronzes of the Tulu country. Another early piece, 

312 Studies in Tuluva History and Culture . 

representing Parvati is preserved in the Durga temple, Mandarti 
[Plate 161(c)]. Our attention cannot but be drawn towards the sculpture 
of Durga which is ascribable to circa 10th G. A. D. if not to an early date, 
having akshamala in the lower right hand [Plate 163(t/)]. A five inch 
high icon, carved out of grey soap-stone, recently recovered from the 
river at KatU has the merit of being assigned to an early date ' and this 
two-armed Durga is depicted as being seated in lalitasana on the lion. 

There are a number of Mukambika figures in the area under survey 
This form of Durga is represented with four arms and in lalitasana. In 
the upper hands chakra and sankha are shown and the lower ones are held 
in the abhaja and varada pose. Siriiha is invariably the lancliana. The 
celebrated icon of this type is the bronze from the Mukambika temple, 
Kolluru, which is three feet in height and depicts all the excellent charac- 
teristics of the Vijayanagara style. This bronze has a distinct place 
in the history of the bronzes of South India. 

The Annapurna type of Durga finds its representation in a [number 
of bronzes in individual homes and a typical example of a medieval bronze 
of this type is illustrated in Plate 339(c). Although a late figure the 
bronze illustrated in Plate 154(A), may be accepted as a good example 
of this type. A beautiful stone image of Annapurna, ascribable to the 16th 
G.A.D., is worshipped in the temple of Visvanatha, Yelluru [Plate 154(c)]. 

We do not have in the Tulu country many icons depicting the Lakshml 
form of Durga. The Gajalakshmi sculpture, however, from the Tirumala 
temple, Basaruru, is a good example of the Vijayanagara style [Platel 73(c)] . 
The one recovered from the KantcSvara temple, Kantavara is a pre- 
Iloysala bronze of considerable merit [Plate 167(a)]. To this category 
may be assigned the bronze in the collection of Sn Airodi Radhakrishna 
Pai, Udupi [Plate 169(a)], Strangely enough, the wooden image of 
Lakshml is worshipped as a devil in the temple at Hebri [[Plate 175(c)]. 
The bronze of Lakshml [Plate 149(A)] from Indraji is in the tribhanga 
pose (18 cm. high). 

There are a few excellent sculptures, representing the Sarasvatl 
form of Durga [Plates 155(a), 155(A), 156, 157(a), 157(A), 158(a), 158(A) 
and 158(c)], The figure from the Somanatha temple is two feet in height 
and depicts all the characteristic features of the Kalyani Chalukyan style 
[Plate 155(a)], The Sarada image from the Balakudura Matha is made 
of wood and bears all the features of the same style [Plate 155(A)]. This 



is three feet in height. The figure of Sarasvati illustrated in Plate 157 (< 2 ) 
is unfortunately covered with silver plate and therefore its real stylistic 
' features cannot be appreciated but the bronze of Sarasvati from the same 
temple [Plate 157(2)], is singular in its standing pose. Another figure 
of the same style, but a bit later in features comes from Gokarna 
[Plate 158(6)]. The Sarasvati image from the Scnesvara temple, Bainduru, 
four feet in height, may have the real merit of being accepted as one of 
the best of its finds in Karnataka. It is a typical example of the Kalyani 
Chalukyan style of sculpturing. A word has to be said of the bronze 
from the Durgadevi temple, Alevuru [Plate 158(c)]. This is a medieval 
figure and represents the three forms of Durga - Kali, Lakshmi and 
Sarasvati, Such figures are few in number. Bronzes of Sarasvati bearing 
the Chalukyan features are very few in Karnataka. It is gratifying that 
there is an excellent bronze of this period in the Tantri family at Kudupu, 
Mangalore. It is 15 cm. high and is exceedingly elegant [Plate 168(c?)]. 

Durga figures with Saivite attributes are fascinating. One such 
figure is illustrated in Plate 137(c) wherein Durga is depicted in the padma- 
sana pose and kutliara and mriga are shown in the upper right and left 
hands, while the lower left and right hands hold the pana-patra and khadga. 
This is three feet in height and bears jata-mukuta and partakes of early 
chola features. The bali-devata bronze from the Mangaladevi temple, 
Mangalore happens to be an excellent medieval icon with kuthara and 
Irisula as attributes [Plate 171(a)]. An outstanding bronze icon comes 
from the Durgadevi temple, Herga [Plate 338(6)]. It is about 20 cm. 
high and Devi is shown as riding the lion in action, one foot of Devi being 
placed on the back of the lion and the other on the head. The bow is 
held in the left lower and it is also supported on the head of the lion. 
In all probability, this icon could go to circa 9th C.A.D. Three 
Gauri images are illustrated in Plates 147 (6), 339(b) and 152(c). 
As specimens, these are rare images meant for cult worship. 

A very significant aspect of Durga worship in Tulu-nadu is ' the 
identification of Durga in the linga. Almost all the ancient Sakti centres 
of worship have lingas as the mulasthana deity [Plates 162, 163(c) and 
163(A), 168(6), 168(c), 169(c), 172(6), 112, 339(c), and 338(c)].' These 
lingas' take varied forms -round lingas, lingas in conical form, oval form, 
and irregular form. It is difficult to explain why Durga is being worship- 
ped in the form of linga ; yet it may be surmised to suggest the ultra-Saivite 

314 Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

tendency in Tuju-nadu. The form of Durga worshipped in these shrines 
is judged from the form of the bali-devata icons - such as Mukambika, 
Lakshmi, Mahishamardini, Vaishnavl, Bhu or Sri, Ripumari Durga etc. 
For instance, the Durga form at Indrali is Lakshmi [Plates 147(a) and 
149(f>)], similarly, it is Mahishamardini in Putturu, Udupi. The 
Sapta-matrika stone to the south of every dgama temple is a typical example 
of Durga representation in the lihga form. This may be the MaheSvari 
form of Durga. A striking example of Durga worship in this form is had 
in the sub-shrine of the SSmanathesvara temple, Ullala, where Pancha 
Durga is adored in five Hugos installed on the same pedestal. 

(Worship of Vishnu and His various forms ) 

The adoration of Vasudeva in South India' may be said to be at least 
as ancient as the 2nd century A.D. as evidenced by an inscription. The 
name Pallava Vishnugopa in the 4th C.A.D. is indicative of the Vaishnava 
influence. A temple seems to have been in existence in the second half 
of the 4th C.A.D. in dedication to Narayana, as proved by an epigraph 
of the Guntur district. The records of the Gupta age occasionally mention 
temples or dhvajastambhas of god Vishnu-Narayana-Vasudeva in the 
different parts of our country, from Nepal in the north to the trans — 
Krishna regions in the south and from sea to sea. History has proved 
that the early Pallava and Gaiiga rulers were devout Bhagavalas. The 
early Kadambas patronized the Vaishnava cult, although the popular 
religion appears to have been Jainism in the Kadamba territory. Katya- 
yana, tire renowned grammarian, opines that the word Pandya originates 
from ‘one sprung from an individual of the dan of the Pandus or the king 
of this country’. Here is an association of the Pandya country with the 
Pandus, who arc linked with Vasudeva in epic traditions. Again, Greek 
tradition makes us believe that the name of the Pandya country is derived 
from its queen, named Pandaia who is supposed to have been the daughter 
of Heracles (Vasudeva-Krishna). The name Madura brings to our mind 
, the famous Mathura of the north and it is possible to believe that a section 
of the Vrishni people may have colonised Madura long time past, making 
Madura, the Mathura of the South. This may be one of the reasons 
why and how the Tamil country became one of the greatest strong-holds 

1 Th' Cultural Heritage of India , Vol. IV, pp, 141-144. 



of Vaishnavism under the Alvars, who gave birth to wonderful composi- 
tions in Tamil on bhakii and Krishna cult. The popularity of the worship 
of Krishna and Baladeva is also proved by the ancient Tamil works. 
The Silappadikaram of about the 6th C . A . D . refers to Krishna and Bala- 
deva at Madura, Kaveripattinam and other cities. 

The most popular Vaishnava divinities of Tulu-nadu arc Krishna 
(Gopinatha), Janardana, Anantapadmanabha, Vishnumurti and 
Narasimha. References to Lakshmhiarayana are also found in adequate 
numbers. On epigraphical basis, it is very difficult to assign the practice 
of Vishnu worship in Tulu-nadu to a date anterior to the 11th G.A.D. 
But based on the study of architecture and sculpture of Tulu-nadu, we 
may, on fair grounds, infer that at least from the 7th or the 8th century 
A.D. the Vaishnava cult must have been popular. The image of Janardana 
from the Vishnumurti temple, Kakkunje, Sivalli may be regarded as 
one of the earliest of its kind in Karnataka. The presence of this icon 
in Sivalli could suggest the first settlement of Brahmins in this area. 

According to the Sahkara-vijaya 2 , Hastamalaka, the disciple of 
Sri Sahkaracharya, was responsible for the establishment of V aishnavism 
on the' West Coast ( Vaishnava maia-slhapanam). Arguing with his guru 
on the supremacy of* Vishnu (Narayana), Hastamalaka, received the 
spiritual injuction from Sri Sahkaracharya to spread Vaishnavism on the 
West Coast. He seems to have first visited Rajatapltha, which, perhaps, 
later came to be known as Udupi, and installed the image of Krishna 
[Plate 220] and spread the Vaishnava cult, probably, in conformity with 
the principles of Pane hay alanaK This icon of Venugopalakrislma is a relief 
figure and should be accepted as the earliest of its kind in South India. 
But Rajatapltha or Udupi became the greatest centre of Vaishnavism 
only after the perpetuation of Vaishnava-siddhania (popularly known as 
the Dvaita school of philosophy) by Sri Madhvachary a, who by about the 
3rd quarter of the 1 3th C . A . D . installed the unique image of Krishna 
in the mat ha at Udupi. The Vaishnava predominance of Ranchayatana 
can further be attested to with reference to the image of Guru-Narasimlia,_ 


2 Anandagiri - Sahkara-vijaya (1868) Chapter 68. Hastamalakaslu bhumadhyat paschhna- 
khanda digvijetyam kriivd ; panchamudi aiika virajitdn Bhagavadashiakshai a mcinpajapasakian 
kdmschit Brahmanadin kriiva JRajatapithadisthalesu Krishnddi-deva pratimam kriivd rtuUam 
vijnapayitum pcmcha paramctgtit um prapa. , „ <• 

l3 There may not be any doubt that this image of Venugopalakrislma has got the 
merit of being one of the earliest Krishna images in Karnataka. 

316 Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

installed in the Guru-Narasimha temple at Saligrama. This divinity 
happens to be the family deity of all the Kota Brahmins of Tulu-nadu 4 
who are smartas. The iconographic features of this image of Guru- 
Narasimha are really interesting and they speak of its ancientness at least 
assignable to the 8th C.A.D. There arc a few images of Narasimha 
which happen to be very uncommon and which could belong to a very 
early date [Plates 210(a), 211 and 312(a)]. The Vaishnava predominance 
is further evidenced by the twenty-four Vaisltnava temples in the Kota 
area ( Kula-mahajagattu ). 

The Ananthapadmanabha or Paravasudeva temple, Anantapura, 
Kumbale, Kasaragod taluk (now in Kerala) instructs of its importance 
as a big centre of Vaishnava cult as far back as the 10th C.A.D. 
(Plate 369). This is amply proved by the characteristic features borne 
by the temple structure and the sculptures in the shrine. The image 
of Krishna (Parthasarathi ?) in a sub-shrine of the temple is a unique 
one and perhaps, it may be one of the earliest of the Krishna images in this 
part of the Tulu country'. The cult of Para-Vasudeva seems to have 
been centred round Udupi as far back as the 9th-10th C.A.D. as 
evidenced by early icons of this divinity and this may be one of the chief 
reasons for the growth of the Krishna cult in Udupi. The temple of 
Gopalakrishna, Kumbale (popularly known as Kanvapura) enshrines 
the image of Navaruta-Krislina, which also seems unique. Krishna is 
represented in the half samabhahga pose and he holds a ball of butter in 
both the hands. All the iconographic features of this image prompt to 
assign this image to the 9th-10th centuries A.D. although, at present, 
the exterior of the temple structure has undergone changes owing to 
renovation. It has already been mentioned that this divinity was the 
state deity of the Kumbale rulers. 

A temple at Maravante, [Plate 194(b) and 343(c)] Go ondapur taluk, 
South Kanara, is dedicated to Varahasvami (Vishnu). In no other 
temple of Tulu-nadu do we have the representation of Vishnu in the animal 
form (actual pig form) and its worship in the agamic temple. This temple 
contains three garbha-grihas in a row (unpretentious and renovated excepting 
the garbha-grihas) enshrining Varahasvami in the south cell, Janardana 
in the central cell and Ugra-Narasimha in the north cell, the principal 

4 The Kota Brahmins do not accept the headship of the Sringeri Malha as generally 
believed by most. 



divinity being Vafahd^ .we • lack, inscriptional evidence, 

tor the date of the construction of the. ternj)le. it may be possible for us to 

suppose that the temple may be ascribed to the Uth-l 2th centuries A . D . 
if. not earlier/ " (This assumption is based on the examination of the sculpt- 
ures and in' consideration of the early practice of worshipping the avatar 

of Vishnu in the/animal form itself).vv- A very badly damaged inscription 5 
seems to record a gift of paddy to the temple. .> But neither the name of 
the king nor the date nor any other detail is found. in the epigraph. 

’/: • An inscription of Talkad of the' Honnavara taluk, North Kanara, in 
the characters of tlie llth-1 2th century A.D. i records that during the 
regime of Bahkiyannarasa, who may be a scion of the Alupa family, a 
certain Singa-Boya of Holeyabe-bali made a provision for one agra (first 
offering naivedya), offered apparently to - god' Vishnu by setting apart 
20 gadyanas 6 0. Perhaps, this temple may be accounted as one of the earliest 
on hecord, dedicated to Vishnu in Tuluva. • ’ : : 

; Arthapura (Attavara) of Mahgaluru, South Kanara, appeared to 
be a fairly big centre of Vishnu worship, where : a temple of Ghakrapani 
was erected in honour of Krishna (Gropinatha) 7 The epigraph that men- 
tions Ghakrapani-f/aw/j^ is dated A.D .13678. It speaks of the grant 
made to Ahjaneya of. the temple - of Ghakrapani and refers to the grant 
made to the same temple in earlier times during the reign of Kulasekhara, 
the Alupa : ruler, (miinna adikaladalu Kulasekharadeva. . .redu kotta b/i umi) . 
We have strong grounds to infer, that it must be Kulasekhara I (A . D . 1170— 
A .D i 1215), who endowed the temple with grants and charity gifts, because 
the image of Gopinatha of this temple is typically early Hoysala in sculptu- 
-t-cil l m A fi« iltt 4 .': T;P1 999 

or even earlier, the temple of Ghakrapani must have been constructed. 
The Vaishndva prominence of this centre is further corroborated by another 
"epigraph'; ;;d^'dhd2plac0 ^dntedA.; A A44P;A;?This^ dnsmj^ 

grant for the. ^maintenance of a free; dhoultr} r (dltarma-satra)m propitiation 
of Lord Hari, made by the of Mangaluru for the purpose of attain- 


Studies in Tuluva History and Culture 

mg dharma, artha. Lama, and mokshtfi. Judged from the sculptural stand- 
point, it may reasonably be inferred that the temple of Vira-Narayana, 
Kulasckhara (which seems to be dedicated to Janardana as could be 
undci stood by the image) is contemporaneous with the Chakrapani 
temple, Attavara [Plate 1 80(A)] . 

The first occurrence of the name Gopinatha in the Tuluva epigraphs 
is had in the inscription of Brahmara (Brahmavara), Udupi taluk. South 
Kanara 10 . 

The most important change that was ushered into the religion and 
praedee of worship by and after Sri Madhvacharya is to be found in the 
reconstitution of the divinities of